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What is the difference between a philosophy and an ideology? Would simply observing some aspect of human experience count as ideology? No. But suppose we try to explain and interpret what we have seen. Now, we enter the neighborhood of what gets called ideology. What else does it take to sort out what should be called ideological? And why would a worldview sometimes turn into an echo chamber, a cocoon of confirmation bias that fosters false consciousness? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fact that Martin Luther King, Jr. held a moral philosophy of non‐violence is well known. What is less familiar is that he made various exceptions to his prohibitions on violence. Given the absolute language he often used in condemning violent acts, he can give the impression of inconsistency in his ethics. The reality, however, is that his moral framework possesses both consistency and functionality. That is, it holds together logically and has practical usefulness. The key to understanding King is to view his moral philosophy through the lens of Virtue Ethics, not rule‐based ethics. This approach to a philosophy of non‐violence provides value and utility to adherents of both pacifism and Just War Theory, a difficult feat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yeni keşfedilen Amerika kıtasında ticari çıkarlar ve emperyal rekabetlerle başlayan köleliğin tarihi, 20. yüzyılda Amerikan toplumu içinde ayrımcılık sistemi halini almış, post kolonyal dünya düzeninde ırkçı politikalarla varlığını hissettirmeye devam etmiştir. Oryantalizmin yaydığı Doğu imajı çerçevesinde oluşturulan düşüncelerde olduğu gibi Batılı beyaz araştırmacılar 1950’li yıllara kadar köleleştirilmiş siyahilerin tarihini siyasi ve anayasal sınırlar çerçevesinde kendi perspektiflerinden yazmışlardır. Buna rağmen, yaşamsal mücadele ve toplumsal travmalarla geçen Afroamerikan tarihi, Afrikalıların 16. ve 17. yüzyıllarda Kuzey Amerika'ya gelişiyle başlamış, 1955 ve 1968 yılları arasında yoğunlaşan sivil haklar hareketi ile birlikte siyahiler tarafından yeniden yazılmaya başlamıştır. Köleliğin Başkan Abraham Lincoln tarafından kaldırıldığı 1862 yılından itibaren devam eden dönemde, Jim Crow yasaları ve de jure ayrımcılığa karşı tepkiler verilse de 1950’li yılların ortalarında liderlerin öncülüğünde bilinçlenme hareketi kapsayıcı bir şekilde siyahi kitleleri harekete geçirmiştir. Büyük ölçüde ırkçı Güney eyaletlerinde derinleşen, ayrımcılık yasalarını bozmak ve Afroamerikalılar için oy ve temel kamusal haklarını geri getirmek hedefinde ülke genelinde şiddet içermeyen protestolar her geçen gün daha da büyük bir ivme kazanmıştır. Bu çalışmanın temel amacı, ABD tarihinde ırkçılığın tarihsel sürecinde en önemli konu olmayı sürdüren siyahi ayrımcılığını ve direniş hareketini ana hatlarıyla değerlendirmektir. Özellikle 1955 yılında başlayan Sivil Haklar Hareketi’nin 13 yılına odaklanarak temel özellikleri, liderleri, kitleleri harekete geçirmede kullanılan temel araçları, önemli dönüm noktaları ve bunların ulusal ve küresel boyuttaki yansıma ile etkileri analiz edilecektir.

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Humility is enjoying an upsurge of interest among contemporary virtue theorists. Unfortunately, many of these discussions have cast humility as inconsistent with social activism. Humility is assumed to consist of quiet and unobtrusive traits which seem inconsistent with the assertiveness and outspokenness required for social activism. Paul Bloomfield argues that this aspect of humility – being inconsistent with social activism – prevents it from counting as a virtue at all as a virtue must be the kind of thing that is always appropriate to possess and display. Here I attempt to present an account of humility that is not inconsistent with social activism and that can, and should, be considered a virtue where virtue is loosely understood to mean a generally desirable trait of character.

Copyright of Temas de Comunicacion is the property of Biblioteca Central de la Universidad Catolica Andres Bello (UCAB) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In a 1961 radio discussion about Black art and its relationship to Black nationalism, Lorraine Hansberry asked: "Is it necessary to integrate oneself into a burning house?" James Baldwin quoted Hansberry in The Fire Next Time without citing her—words that circulated widely in the Black liberation movement. Variously attributed to Malcolm X, Baldwin, and King, Hansberry's role in this literary political genealogy has been unacknowledged. She was riffing on Malcolm X's idea of Islam as a "flaming fire." But he also developed his parable of the master's house on fire after Baldwin quoted Hansberry's words, using the burning house as a symbol of revolution, class struggle, and the relationship between property and citizenship rights in a racial capitalist system. That Malcolm X influenced the Black Arts Movement is widely acknowledged, but he also read, listened to, and conversed with leftist artists, writers, and intellectuals that influenced the development of his own thought and rhetoric. This article explores the call and response between these intellectuals, their critique of integration, and call for a radical Black art—looking at Hansberry's seminal contribution to these debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Autor artykułu stara się pokazać, dlaczego nasze wyobrażenia na temat ruchów społecznych i nasze oceny skuteczności ich protestów mogą być błędne. W tym celu proponuje odróżnić ruchy protestujące przeciw autorytarnej władzy od ruchów protestujących przeciw dyskryminacji.

A growing body of research suggests that political polarization in the United States is at a forty-year high, and that it is rooted less in disagreements over policy than in hostile attitudes toward political opponents. Such attitudes explain the manifest increase of intolerant behavior in American culture and politics in recent years. But what explains the attitudes themselves? One significant contributor may have been the rise of scientism in the early twentieth century, which undermined the metaphysical, epistemic, and institutional foundations of the type of morality required to transcend our instinctual tribalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the weeks preceding the 1963 March on Washington, Senator Strom Thurmond outed one of the march's lead organizers, Bayard Rustin. Thurmond's outing of Rustin threatened the movement's moral authority, culminating in a variety of understudied discourse that defended Rustin, the march, and the civil rights struggle. In the wake of Rustin's outing, civil rights leaders minimized Rustin's sexuality to re-affirm the Christian ethos of King and the march. I center Bayard Rustin's sexuality to explore how heteronormativity constrained leaders' strategies, tactics, and rhetoric. This essay provides insight into the range of 1960s civil rights rhetoric as it attunes to questions about how sexuality and heteronormativity shaped civil rights advocacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the connectedness between Martin Luther King's, Ernesto Guevara's and Rabindranath Tagore's ideas and anti-colonial resistance in Vietnam. By showing how three different local struggles were linked to the socio-political realities in Vietnam, the three can be seen as representatives of a way of thinking global and local in political struggles under the principle of anti-colonial resistance and universal self-determination. In this way, it is argued that looking through the lens of dissident intellectuals and political activists provides a methodological groundwork through which we can experience global intellectual connectedness that counterbalances existing Westerncentric perspectives on Vietnamese history. However, global intellectual connectedness has to be taken with a pinch of salt, because thoughts and ideas have always been defined by and modified under different socio-political circumstances, in this case: for the purpose of strengthening the national cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Beytulhikme: An International Journal of Philosophy is the property of Beytulhikme: An International Journal of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On the supposition that one’s ethics and politics are fundamentally dignitarian in a broadly Kantian sense—as specifically opposed to identitarian and capitalist versions of Statism, e.g., neoliberal nation-States, whether democratic or non-democratic—hence fundamentally non-coercive and non-violent, then is self-defense or the defense of innocent others, using force, ever rationally justifiable and morally permissible or obligatory? We think that the answer to this hard question is yes; correspondingly, in this essay we develop and defend a theory about the permissible use of force in a broadly Kantian dignitarian moral and political setting, including its extension to non-violent civil disobedience in the tradition of Martin Luther King, Jr; and perhaps surprisingly, we also import several key insights from Samurai and Martial Arts ethics into our theory.

In 1957, the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), a pacifist Christian group, published a comic book entitled Martin Luther King and The Montgomery Story. This document has received some attention in recent years in light of Congressman John Lewis' recent comic series March, which was inspired by this 1957 work. While there has been some discussion of its creation, there has been less discussion about the comic book as a format for promotion of particular views of Christian activism and movement gender roles. FOR was founded in the WWI era, and advocated for Christian pacifist views in both of the World Wars. In the United States, it worked to help conscientious objectors and to build labor and social movements. Members of FOR, such as James Farmer, were significant in the formation of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). In the postwar era, FOR became active in civil rights. Members associated with the organization often worked on civil rights campaigns including the Montgomery bus boycott. It was as a result of this involvement that FOR published the comic book on King's life. The comic book serves to solidify the movement's adherence to Christian principles and to nonviolence. The work also emphasizes the importance of the church as an institution, particular versions of ministry, loving one's neighbor, an image of God as the ultimate defender and protector as well as provides the readers with gendered examples of respectable activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pain, pain talk and pain ascriptions seem to be universal features of human experience and to have little to do with politics. It is often assumed that pain is always bad, a sign of a malfunctioning machine, that pain talk describes this malfunction and that the humane thing to do is to seek to ameliorate or excise pain. I argue that this viewpoint is one-sided at best and imperialistic at worst. In section I, I outline what I term the 'prima facie model of pain' and adumbrate later Wittgenstein's criticism of it. In section II, I marshal ethnographic evidence that deepens Wittgenstein's reimagining of pain and acknowledgment. In section III, I link this to 'progressive' politics and its normative understanding of the self. Finally, in section IV, I turn to Martin Luther King's writing and discuss a use of pain that undermines this normative conception of the self and aligns with Wittgenstein's account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Composed over a nearly twenty-year period following Brown v. Board of Education, Book I of Three Days Before the Shooting… renders an intricate narrative of the identification with blackness, and subsequent ideological transformation, required of white liberals for the meaningful desegregation of American society. This article positions Book I’s narrator, Welborn McIntyre, as a crucial iteration of the racially indeterminate Rhinehart spirit that is the animating concern of Ellison’s second novel. Drawing on a subtle allusion to the fiction of André Malraux in Book I’s opening, this article frames McIntyre’s Rhinehartian transformation as a shamanic ordeal that personally illuminates the Negro core of American cultural identity. The ordeal demands of McIntyre a grueling recalibration of his relationships to the interrelated imaginative landscapes of the American South, Western Europe, and Negro America, which are personified by the characters McGowan, M. Vannec, and Hickman, respectively. While McIntyre’s enlightenment and transformation appear incomplete, they actually require the reader’s critical collaboration to be realized. As a representative of the average white reader that Ellison envisioned during his novel’s composition, McIntyre and his narrative therefore perform a crucial rite of initiation into Book II’s fictive space and the desegregated American truth Ellison seeks to communicate.

This article examines the history of the design of the Martin Luther King, Jr. National Memorial, dedicated in October 2011. Based on documentary records and original interviews, it uncovers new evidence about the design competition, the design's oversight by federal commissions and the selection of the inscriptions. The article highlights the consequences of the sponsors' preference for "universal" and "timeless" themes over King's radical critique of American society. These choices bring this memorial to a civil rights leader into line with political conservatives' advocacy of "color-blind" government action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Nashville in 1958 Reverend James Lawson and Reverend Kelly Miller Smith (NCLC) started organising „nonviolent workshop”. Lawson began teaching and train local residents in the techniques of the Gandhi philosophy of direct nonviolent protest. On February 14 and 28, 1960, African American students launched their first full-scale sit-ins. Throughout the spring, students conducted numerous sit-ins and boycott. They suffered physical abuse, arrests, but held to the concept of Christian nonviolence. On April 19, after bombing damaged the home of Z. Alexander Looby (defense counsel for the students), thousand of black and some white Americans marched to Nashville’s City Hall. On May 10, 1960, Nashville became the first major city to begin desegregating its public facilities. The Nashville movement had been planned over several months, and served as a model for future demonstrations against segregation.

This paper investigates the graphic memoir trilogy March that U.S. Congressman and civil rights leader John Lewis co-authored with Andrew Aydin and artist Nate Powell. The aim of the article is to describe how justice and injustice are framed in Lewis’ remembrance with regard to Lewis’ slogan of “good trouble.” In particular, it formulates an approach to investigate framing strategies that the work employs within the mediality of comics. Thus, the visual and material frames of the text are examined as techniques to facilitate political framing. Finally, the framing strategies of March will be correlated to the mobilization strategies of the civil rights movement.