Search

This paper presents the technical characterisation by metallography and slag inclusion analysis of 43 iron artefacts from Qin civilian burials in the Guanzhong Plain, dated to the late Warring States period (around 3rd c. BC). Analysing these results with previously published data, we identify correlations among artefact functions, materials and manufacturing techniques, which indicate the existence of a complex and cost-efficient technological system. It is argued that a cast iron-based iron production industry was established in the Qin state to supply the civilian needs no later than the late Warring States period. Both casting and forging were used to shape iron objects, each requiring specific types of iron as raw material. Annealing and fining (Chaogang) techniques were applied to reduce the hardness of cast iron, as well as to convert cast iron into soft iron and steel. Along with other technical innovations such as the controlled cooling of mould-casting and various heat-treatment methods, the Qin state established a much more complex, diversified and cost-effective technological system of iron making, which facilitated the state to provide low-cost iron products for civilian use, as well as high-quality iron tools for state-owned workshops.

Ash cupels were widely used in early modern Europe for small-scale refining of noble metals in artisanal workshops, mints and assay offices. The manufacture and use of cupels display considerable variability from context to context, which poses both challenges and opportunities for modern investigation. Here, we present the analytical study of an unusually large cupel recovered from castle of Middleburg-in-Flanders (Belgium), probably dated to the sixteenth or early seventeenth century, which we discuss in connection to historical sources and other archaeological finds. We demonstrate that the cupel was made of bone ash mixed with a small fraction of another calcareous material, and most likely used for the refining of silver heavily debased with copper. We illustrate simple methods to investigate the manufacture of cupels and the nature and amount of metals being refined, as well as approaches to assess and discuss cupellation performance in archaeological contexts.

The frontal sinuses are cavities inside the frontal bone located at the junction between the face and the cranial vault and close to the brain. Despite a long history of study, understanding of their origin and variation through evolution is limited. This work compares most hominin species? holotypes and other key individuals with extant hominids. It provides a unique and valuable perspective of the variation in sinuses position, shape, and dimensions based on a simple and reproducible methodology. We also observed a covariation between the size and shape of the sinuses and the underlying frontal lobes in hominin species from at least the appearance of Homo erectus. Our results additionally undermine hypotheses stating that hominin frontal sinuses were directly affected by biomechanical constraints resulting from either chewing or adaptation to climate. Last, we demonstrate their substantial potential for discussions of the evolutionary relationships between hominin species. Variation in frontal sinus shape and dimensions has high potential for phylogenetic discussion when studying human evolution.

For more than a century, evidence for the production of crucible steel in Central and Southern Asia, prior to the European Industrial Revolution, has fascinated and challenged material scientists, historians and archaeologists. At the same time, chromium-alloyed stainless steel was developed in the early 20th century, building upon 19th century experiments with low chromium steel. Here we demonstrate new evidence of the intentional addition of chromium to steel nearly a millennium earlier, as part of the Persian crucible steel (pulad) tradition including the production of low-chromium crucible steel in early 2nd millennium CE Persia. We analysed archaeological finds from the 11th c. CE site of Chahak in Iran showing the intentional and regular addition of chromium mineral to the crucible charge, resulting in steel containing around 1 wt% chromium. A contemporaneous crucible steel flint striker held in the Tanavoli Collection is reported to also contain chromium, suggesting its origin from Chahak. We argue that the mysterious compound ‘rusakhtaj’ from Biruni's (10th – 11th c. CE) recipe for crucible steel making refers to the mineral chromite. Additional historical sources up to the mid-2nd millennium CE refer to crucible steel from Chahak as being particularly brittle, consistent with its increased phosphorus content.

The life-histories of gold artefacts can provide rich insight into technology and culture, but so far the potential of this research approach has not been exploited in the south central Andes. Here we present the analysis of 34 gold and silver objects from the Middle Period cemetery of Casa Parroquial (San Pedro de Atacama, northern Chile), using pXRF, SEM-EDS, PIXE and digital microscopy. Chemical analyses detected variable compositions (2.4–73.1 per cent Ag and 0.2–3.4 per cent Cu) suggesting that artisans used both native gold and artificial gold-silver-copper alloys. Based on their manufacturing techniques, quality and designs, we identify two working styles, one technically more ‘careful’ than the other. Given their elemental and technological variety, together with the lack of local production evidence, we propose that these artefacts were imported as finished objects from Tiwanaku or Cochabamba and northwest Argentina. However, we identify a series of objects that were modified or reshaped as they entered a new cultural context, revealing complex life-histories. Modifications used relatively simple mechanical means: punching, cutting and folding, most likely made in multi-craft contexts by non-metallurgists from San Pedro.

/

© 2019 Elsevier Ltd Silver was an important metal in the economy of imperial China. However, until now, research on silver production technology in its social-economic and environmental contexts has been limited. Here we present a unique silver-lead production site in Hebei province, north China, dated between the 12th and 13th century AD, yielding vast numbers of slag-filled tubular crucibles and coal-ash slag chunks. Microstructural and chemical analysis reveals the crucibles were manufactured from refractory clays and that the slag inside contains lead-silver particles, un-reacted ore and numerous fragments of metallic iron. These finds indicate that the crucibles were used for smelting argentiferous sulphidic lead ores, which were reduced to metal by desulphurization using metallic iron. Mineral coal was employed to fuel this process from outside the crucibles. The use of mineral coal and externally-fired crucibles for smelting was an important technological innovation, but not one that could be adopted by all industries. We argue that it was most likely associated with rampant deforestation and the fuel crisis historically documented for the early second millennium in northern China. Contrary to received wisdom, this study demonstrates that the early adoption of coal was not as widespread as typically assumed, as it required a range of technological innovations. Crucible smelting, as one of the solutions, was embraced by lead-silver smelters, while most iron smelters in this period still persisted with the charcoal-fired furnace smelting tradition.

The upper Ili Valley in northwest Xinjiang is a crucial place for the study of early interactions between the Eurasian Steppe and northern China. This paper presents scientific analytical results and examines the use and production of copper alloys in the region with regard to the transregional exchange of materials and technology. The substantial proportion of unalloyed copper and clear drop in tin concentrations in the bronze samples from the Iron Age indicates the decrease of tin usage compared with the Bronze Age. The shift between the Bronze and Iron Ages can also be seen from the lead isotope results. The changes of the material (alloys) and metal source(s) between the Bronze and Iron Ages in the upper Ili Valley imply movements of objects, raw materials and related technical practises., This work received financial support from the National Natural Science Foundation of China (51304020, 51474029), the National Administration for Cultural Heritage (2014220), the National Foundation of Social Sciences (12&ZD151) and the Newton International Fellowship (NF160456).

Fire assay by cupellation is an early form of quantitative chemical analysis that required the use of specialized vessels typically made with ashes. Its use became particularly prominent in Europe since the Middle Ages, as reflected in technical treatises and archaeological remains that record a variety of recipes for their manufacture and use. Here we present chemical and microstructural analyses of cupels from the Porto Mint in Portugal, recovered from two distinct contexts spanning from the 14th to the 16th century CE. Based on the data, we argue that one set of cupels was likely used for the analysis of bulk metals as they entered the mint, while the other was used for the assay of bullion coins for quality control. We also show that most cupels were made of a mixture of bone ash and wood ash. In addition, our work illustrates strategies to identify and study severely corroded cupels. We recommend further studies of cupellation contexts, which will allow us to map knowledge transfer and technological traditions in this crucial strand of early science.

© 2018 Elsevier Ltd For decades, the origin of the bronzes with distinct highly radiogenic lead isotopic ratios in Shang period China has been a puzzle. This paper presents new lead isotope data for bronze objects from the Hanzhong region, one of the key regional bronze cultures during Shang period China. On the basis of a synthetical investigation of the typological, chemical and lead isotopic features of Hanzhong bronzes and their relations to other regional bronze cultures, we propose the Qinling area as a potential region of origin for the metals containing highly radiogenic lead used by several contemporaneous but culturally/politically distinct entities across a vast territory. Taking into account both archaeological and geological evidence, this working hypothesis draws attention not merely to the geological provenance of metal resources, but also to the mechanisms of metal production and circulation as well as broader social-economic dynamics.

International audience

International audience

The paper presents new research on an assemblage of metallurgical crucibles used in the assay of minerals at colonial Jamestown. The aim of the study is to explore the range of chemical operations carried out at the site of the first permanent British settlement in America, for which little is known in the documents. The results show that the colonists used high-quality Hessian crucibles to perform tests on different types of complex polymetallic sulphides. This was done to (1) prospect for potential silver and copper ores and (2) to find suitable sources of zinc and tin to be alloyed into brass and bronze through cementation with imported copper offcuts. This study makes a relevant contribution to the growing field of the archaeology of early chemistry and mineral prospection as well as the archaeology of early European colonies in the New World. In particular, material culture can shed fresh light on how European settlers reacted to the many challenges of a new and unfamiliar natural environment and how they tried to make sense and exploit it for financial profit.

International audience

International audience

10.1016/j.jhevol.2014.08.007 In this study, a new Early Pleistocene proximal hand phalanx (ATE9-2) from the Sima del Elefante cave site (TE ¿ Sierra de Atapuerca, Spain), ascribed to Homo sp., is presented and comparatively described in the context of the evolution of the genus Homo. The ATE9-2 specimen is especially important because of the paucity of hand bones in the human fossil record during the Early Pleistocene. The morphological and metrical analyses of the phalanx ATE9-2 indicate that there are no essential differences between it and comparator fossil specimens for the genus Homo after 1.3 Ma (millions of years ago). Similar to Sima de los Huesos and Neandertal specimens, ATE9-2 is a robust proximal hand phalanx, probably reflecting greater overall body robusticity in these populations or a higher gracility in modern humans. The age of level TE9 from Sima del Elefante and morphological and metrical studies of ATE9-2 suggest that the morphology of the proximal hand phalanges and, thus, the morphology of the hand could have remained stable over the last 1.2¿1.3 Ma. Taking into account the evidence recently provided by a metacarpal from Kaitio (Kenya) from around 1.42 Ma, we argue that modern hand morphology is present in the genus Homo subsequent to Homo habilis.

The Aurora Stratum of the TD6 level of the Pleistocene site of Gran Dolina (Trinchera del Ferrocarril, Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos, Spain) have yielded more than one hundred human fossil remains, of the species Homo antecessor and belonging to a minimum (MNI) of nine individuals. In this paper we made the MNI determination and the age at death of the individuals, using data observed in the mandibular, maxillary, and dental remains. The previous taphonomic analysis concluded that the origin of the hominin accumulation was due to a punctual or recurrent episode of «gastronomic» cannibalism. Our analysis revealed that most individuals (N = 7) are immature between three and thirteen, whereas two are young adults between fifteen and eighteen. Considering this peculiar mortality distribution, alternative hypotheses on the possible scenarios in which hominins were apprehended, as well as the implications for the human behaviour in the Pleistocene are discussed.En el Estrato Aurora del nivel TD6 del yacimiento pleistoceno de Gran Dolina (Trinchera del Ferrocarril, Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos) se han obtenido más de cien restos fósiles de homininos de la especie Homo antecessor, que pertenecen a un mínimo (NMI) de nueve individuos. En este trabajo realizamos la determinación del NMI y de la edad de muerte de los individuos, empleando datos observados en los restos de mandíbula, maxilar y dientes. El análisis tafonómico previo concluyó que el origen de la acumulación de los restos de homininos fue un acto puntual o recurrente de canibalismo de tipo «gastronómico ». Nuestro análisis revela que la mayor parte de los individuos (n = 7) son inmaduros, de entre tres y trece años, mientras que dos son adultos jóvenes, de entre quince y dieciocho años. En función de esta peculiar distribución de mortalidad se discuten hipótesis alternativas sobre los escenarios en los que los homininos fueron aprehendidos y las implicaciones que ello conlleva para el comportamiento de las poblaciones del Pleistoceno inferior.

The Aurora Stratum of the TD6 level of the Pleistocene site of Gran Dolina (Trinchera del Ferrocarril, Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos, Spain) have yielded more than one hundred human fossil remains, of the species Homo antecessor and belonging to a minimum (MNI) of nine individuals. In this paper we made the MNI determination and the age at death of the individuals, using data observed in the mandibular, maxillary, and dental remains. The previous taphonomic analysis concluded that the origin of the hominin accumulation was due to a punctual or recurrent episode of «gastronomic» cannibalism. Our analysis revealed that most individuals (N = 7) are immature between three and thirteen, whereas two are young adults between fifteen and eighteen. Considering this peculiar mortality distribution, alternative hypotheses on the possible scenarios in which hominins were apprehended, as well as the implications for the human behaviour in the Pleistocene are discussed. En el Estrato Aurora del nivel TD6 del yacimiento pleistoceno de Gran Dolina (Trinchera del Ferrocarril, Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos) se han obtenido más de cien restos fósiles de homininos de la especie Homo antecessor, que pertenecen a un mínimo (NMI) de nueve individuos. En este trabajo realizamos la determinación del NMI y de la edad de muerte de los individuos, empleando datos observados en los restos de mandíbula, maxilar y dientes. El análisis tafonómico previo concluyó que el origen de la acumulación de los restos de homininos fue un acto puntual o recurrente de canibalismo de tipo «gastronómico ». Nuestro análisis revela que la mayor parte de los individuos (n = 7) son inmaduros, de entre tres y trece años, mientras que dos son adultos jóvenes, de entre quince y dieciocho años. En función de esta peculiar distribución de mortalidad se discuten hipótesis alternativas sobre los escenarios en los que los homininos fueron aprehendidos y las implicaciones que ello conlleva para el comportamiento de las poblaciones del Pleistoceno inferior.

The description of a new skull (D4500) from the Dmanisi site (Republic of Georgia) has reopened the debate about the morphological variability within the genus Homo. The new skull fits with a mandible (D2600) often referred as ‘big’ or ‘enigmatic’ because of its differences with the other Dmanisi mandibles (D211 and D2735). In this report we present a comparative study of the variability of the Dmanisi mandibles under a different perspective, as we focus in morphological aspects related to growth and development. We have followed the notion of modularity and phenotypic integration in order to understand the architectural differences observed within the sample. Our study reveals remarkable shape differences between D2600 and the other two mandibles, that are established early in the ontogeny (during childhood or even before) and that do not depend on size or sexual dimorphism. In addition, D2600 exhibits a mosaic of primitive and derived features regarding the Homo clade, which is absent in D211 and D2735. This mosaic expression is related to the location of the features and can be explained under the concept of modularity. Our study would support the possibility of two different paleodemes represented at the Dmanisi site. This hypothesis has been previously rejected on the basis that all the individuals were constrained in the same stratigraphic and taphonomic settings. However, our revision of the complex Dmanisi stratigraphy suggests that the accumulation could cover an undetermined period of time. Even if ‘‘short’’ in geological terms, the hominin accumulation was not necessarily synchronic. In the same line we discard that the differences between D2600 and the small mandibles are consequence of wear-related dentoalveolar remodeling. In addition, dental wear pattern of D2600 could suggest an adaptation to a different ecological niche than the other Dmanisi individuals.

10.1016/j.jhevol.2013.01.012

10.1002/ajpa.22020

This study presents an analysis of linear enamel hypoplasias (LEH) and plane-form defects (PFD) in the hominine dental sample from the Sima de los Huesos (SH) Middle Pleistocene site in Atapuerca (Spain). The SH sample comprises 475 teeth, 467 permanent and 8 deciduous, belonging to a minimum of 28 individuals. The method for recording PFD and LEH is discussed, as well as the definition of LEH. The prevalence of LEH and PFD in SH permanent dentition (unilateral total count) is 4.6% (13/280). Only one deciduous tooth (lower dc) showed an enamel disruption. Prevalence by individual ranges from 18.7-30%. The most likely explanation for the relatively low LEH and PFD prevalence in the SH sample suggests that the SH population exhibited a low level of developmental stress. The age at occurrence of LEH and PFD was determined by counting the number of perikymata between each lesion and the cervix of the tooth. Assuming a periodicity of nine days for the incremental lines, the majority of LEH in the SH sample occurred during the third year of life and may be related to the metabolic stress associated with weaning. Am J Phys Anthropol 123:000-000, 2004. © 2004 Wiley-Liss, Inc.