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Teaching at higher education institutions relies traditionally on ex-cathedra methods—those based on the authority of the professor’s position. The COVID-19 pandemic blasted online education years into the future and exposed its many challenges. Technology has provided smart and innovative solutions for distance education, which have opened new teaching methods and techniques and boosted theinternationalization of higher education. While critics of these innovations denounce alleged flaws, the benefits are likely to be greater than the costs, a turning point in teaching that is difficult to reverse.

Los países ubicados en el hemisferio occidental tienen algo en común —y no es solo la posición geográfica—. América Latina cuenta con una impresionante cadena de golpes de Estado en comparación con la democracia estable de su vecino estadounidense. Los acontecimientos recientes en Brasil después de que Lula jurase su cargo para un tercer mandato como presidente contra el titular Bolsonaro nos recordaron el asalto al Capitolio de EE.UU. el 6 de enero de 2021, que interrumpió una sesión conjunta del Congreso en el proceso de afirmar los resultados de las elecciones presidenciales que expulsaron a Donald Trump de la Casa Blanca. Las protestas electorales en Brasil comenzaron poco después de la conclusión de la segunda vuelta de las elecciones generales el 30 de octubre de 2022, en la que Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva fue elegido presidente y escogió el 8 de enero de 2023, cuando miles de partidarios de la derecha del expresidente Jair Bolsonaro irrumpieron en las tres ramas del gobierno de Brasil en la capital pidiendo la intervención militar. Hay similitudes y diferencias entre el ataque de Brasil en comparación con el ataque del 6 de enero en los Estados Unidos. Tanto Bolsonaro como Trump han impugnado sus derrotas electorales, amplificando teorías de conspiración de fraude electoral sin apoyo. Además, la crisis presidencial venezolana que duró desde 2019 hasta 2023 fue pavimentada por elecciones fraudulentas., Original title in English 'Latin America: The Pitfalls of Presidential System in Banana Republics', Newsletter of the Academy of Yuste, 28 (June), 1-33, https://www.fundacionyuste.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/03_Alumni_MM_B28-eng.pdf. The author gratefully acknowledges the Ministry of University and Research (MUR) for supporting his work through the Young Researchers-Seal of Excellence (SOE) grant funded by Next Generation EU (NGEU) under the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP).

This work addresses gender dimension and other diversity aspects in warfare, including gender bias in data collection, to go beyond mainstream approaches in policymaking and to infuse gender awareness into conceptual models in international security affairs, according to the elements of a gender-responsive approach to arms control identified by the UN Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR). Gender perspective, based on the resource pack developed by the International Gender Champions (ICG) Disarmament Impact Group helps to shed light on the direct and reverberating impacts of warfare on women, men, girls and boys, such as the likelihood of being targeted by and the long-lasting biological and physiological impacts. focusing on analyzing sex and gender specific effects of emerging and disruptive technologies (EDTs). The 2020 European Commission experts’ report Gendered innovations 2. How inclusive analysis contributes to research and innovation: policy review warns that human bias is amplified by technology, inter alia in the applications of machine learning, artificial intelligence, robotics, facial recognition. Data sources on which this review relies include: UNIDIR, International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), Control Arms, Small Arms Survey, MOSAIC Module, Reaching Critical Will, European Institute for Gender Equality. The study aims to enhance the ability of the international community to redress gender inequality in warfare and to mitigate gender impact in armed conflict., Paper presented at the 5th Erasmus Gender Seminar 2023 (Erasmus GS23), held at the Military Academy, Amadora (Portugal), on 19-20 June 2023. https://www.mgs-erasmus.eu

Hybrid warfare is among the most trending topics. Hybrid threats arise in digital, cybernetic, and virtual environments and materialize in the real world. Although vague, hybrid activities include cyberwarfare, information warfare, and the emerging and evolving concept of cognitive warfare which appears from their intersection. These wordings gained popular attention in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict and now are among the hot topics. While there is a lot of attention, there is also a lot of confusion about what exactly these locutions mean and what the implications are in branding them as “warfare”. Indeed, all such concepts are fluid, nebulous, and lack an undisputed legal definition. This work aims to clarify the legal meaning and to shed light on the characteristics – differences, similarities and overlaps – of these terms in the context of hybrid warfare and show the faulty reasoning upon which misunderstandings are based. The paper ends-up with a glimpse into the future, closing with a reflection on multi-domain operations facilitated by advancing virtual and augmented reality and a fully integrated human-computer interaction in the metaverse., Paper presented at the International Scientific Conference "'Communication. Disinformation. Propaganda. Information Warfare Ecosystem" (KDP 2023) organised by the Faculty of Administration and National Security of the Jakub of Paradies University in Gorzow Wielkopolski (Poland), the Baltic Defense College in Tartu (Estonia), the University of Tartu (Estonian Republic), the Estonian Military Academy in Tartu (Estonia), Tallinn University of Technology (TalTech) (Estonia) and the Institute of Public Administration and Social Policy at the Faculty of Public Policy of the Silesian University in Opava (Czechia) and Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies of Borys Grinchenko Kyiv University (Ukraine), held on 25-26 May 2023 (Panel VII, 26 May). Full paper to be published in Applied Cybersecurity & Internet Governance (ACIG), vol. 2, no. 1, June 2023, https://acigjournal.com/resources/html/articlesList?issueId=14943

About 45 years after the 1979 revolution which overthrew the last Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Islamic Republic of Iran became a regional power, thanks to four decades of social, economic, diplomatic, and military advancements. But not all of these successes are clear-cut. Many of Iran’s achievements created new challenges or even led to political and diplomatic failures. Some episodes isolated Iran and made dialogue with the West difficult: the takeover of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran in 1979, the military and financial support to Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon (Hezbollah), the adversarial relationship with Saudi Arabia, the anti-American, anti-Israeli, and anti-Semitic posture, and the controversial nuclear program, have alienated the sympathy of Western powers. The Islamic Republic has survived, despite sustained acute enmity from the US and Israel, a decade-long war against Iraq (1980-1988), and four decades of various forms of economic sanctions but, so far, was not able to come up with a governing model that reconciles the vision of a religious state with democracy. One of the last contemporary theocracies, along with Saudi Arabia and the Vatican, Iran should strive to introduce reforms, which are strongly demanded by the people: ease censorship, progress with human rights and respect for gender equality, restrict state intervention in the economy and pass electoral reforms. The harsh crack-down by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps on anti-government protests which have broken out since 2017 demanding reforms or the end to the Islamic Republic have raised public outrage. After the U.S. withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in 2018, and the civil unrest against the government associated with the death of Mahsa Amini while in the custody of the Guidance Patrol, Iran's image has further deteriorated. After 20 years, Iran is still perceived as President George W. Bush characterized it, jointly with North Korea and Iraq, in his State of the Union address of January 29, 2002: ‘an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the world’. Economic sanctions, such as the embargo against crude oil, have injured the Iranian economy which suffers from double-digit unemployment and high inflation. Iran country would enormously benefit from their removal and the openness to the global market, in compliance with Art. 12 of the Constitution which sets the regime's goals: ‘A fair economy based on Islamic criteria to create welfare and eliminate poverty and deprivation in the areas of nutrition, housing, employment, health and insurance’. Is the Tehran leadership able to get the country out of this long-term situation and bring it into a new era of prosperity? This work aims to analyze the current situation in Iran and the opportunities for the country to find the right place within the international society., presented at the I. International Congress of Iranian Studies (Iranian Congress), June 15-18, 2023 https://iraniancongress.org/index.php/kongre/article/view/8. Abstract published in the Abstract Book https://iraniancongress.org/index.php/kongre/libraryFiles/downloadPublic/6

Over the last two decades, the concepts of defence and security have overlapped to the point where the former is merged with the latter. Since jihadist terrorism broke out at the dawn of the millennium, governments have been forced to review the classic paradigm according to which the military is employed in overseas operations—or the defence of the homeland from external enemies—and police and law enforcement agencies are tasked with internal security. In such a context, the military has taken on an increasing role in national security matters, although security itself is an umbrella concept under development that currently includes such cross-cutting topics as terrorism, cyber threats, health, food, energy, the economy, poverty, climate change, information technology, social security, job security, just to mention a few. The inclination to replace the idea of defence with security has contributed to the expansion of the idea of security itself. This way, defence activities abroad, such as military assistance to Ukraine in the context of the ongoing conflict with Russia, are presented to the public as "security" operations. Well-established and reputable dictionaries such as Merriam-Webster, Britannica, Collins, Oxford, Cambridge, Longman, and Macmillan provide similar definitions of the term "security": safety; safety from attack, harm, or damage; freedom from danger or threat; freedom from fear or anxiety; being safe and free from worry; being protected or safe from harm. Security is the protection from, or resilience against, the potential harm caused by others by restricting one's freedom to act. In addition to these definitions, some of which are more focused on the person and his concerns and fears, there is a more comprehensive idea that incorporates the term “defence”. The definitions given by several dictionaries in this respect are pertinent. Therefore, according to the Cambridge Dictionary, security is the "protection of a person, building, organization, or country against threats such as crime or attacks by foreign countries". A similar definition is provided by the Oxford Dictionary: "the safety of a state or organization against criminal activity such as terrorism, theft, or espionage". On the same line, Longman says: "things that are done to keep a person, building, or country safe from danger or crime". These definitions show how the nature of the concept of security is changing, incorporating that of defence into much broader domains than the military realm. The term "defence", is given as a synonym of "security" by the majority of these dictionaries (Merriam-Webster, Cambridge, Oxford, Collins), even though Britannica and Macmillan continue to be anchored to the dichotomy of defence/external and security/internal, respectively, by providing the words "national security" and "internal security", is evidence of this trend. The evolving concept of security must be scrutinised, with special attention paid to the notion of human security, boosted by UN General Assembly resolution 66/290 and the NATO Strategic Concept 2022, and currently under investigation by the Exploratory Team of the NATO Science and Technology Organization., Poster presented at the XII Portuguese Congress of Sociology, organised by the Portuguese Sociological Association (APS), the Faculty of Economics of the University of Coimbra (FEUC), and the Centre for Social Studies of the University of Coimbra (CES-UC), held at FEUC, Portugal, 4-6 April 2023. More info in https://xii-congresso-aps.eventqualia.net/en/2023/home/ and https://eu-central-1.linodeobjects.com/evt4-media/documents/programa_de_comunicações_APS_21Mar.pdf. Abstract published at p. 277 in the Book of Abstracts available at https://eu-central-1.linodeobjects.com/evt4-media/documents/book-of-abstracts_5_2.pdf

The NASDS project aims to investigate the issues related to the security and defense of maritime space and sea routes from the Arctic Ocean to the North Atlantic, including the control of search and rescue (SAR) areas through unmanned autonomous systems., The project received funding through EEA Grants from Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway in the context of the bilateral initiative FBR_OC1_94 (NASDS).

There is something in common between the countries located in the Western Hemisphere—and is not just the geographic position. Latin America boasts an impressive string of coups, compared to the stable democracy of its American neighbor. Recent events in Brazil after Lula was sworn in for a third term as president against incumbent Bolsonaro, reminded us of the assault on the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, that disrupted a joint session of the Congress in the process of affirming the presidential election results which kicked Donald Trump out of the White House. The election protests in Brazil began shortly after the conclusion of the general election’s second round on October 30, 2022, in which Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva was elected president, and picked on January 8, 2023, when thousands of far-right supporters of former President Jair Bolsonaro stormed all three branches of Brazil’s government in the capital calling for military intervention. There are similarities and differences between the Brazil attack compared to January 6 attack in the United States. Both Bolsonaro and Trump have contested their electoral defeats, amplifying unsupported conspiracy theories of voter fraud. Also, the Venezuelan presidential crisis which lasted from 2019 to 2023 was paved by fraudulent elections., Published also in Spanish 'América Latina: los escollos del sistema presidencial estadounidense reflejado en las Repúblicas Bananeras' Trans. by Verónica Guillén Melo), in Boletín de la Academia de Yuste, 28 (June), 1-31. The author gratefully acknowledges the Ministry of University and Research (MUR) for supporting his work through the Young Researchers-Seal of Excellence (SOE) grant funded by Next Generation EU (NGEU) under the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP).

The Russo-Ukrainian conflict shows the limits and weaknesses of the European Union. More than this, the conflict reveals the inconsistencies between the EU principles and the policies implemented by the Union. Is not only the self-proclaimed role of the “global actor” that the EU imposed itself, that is questioned, but also the role of advocate of fundamental human rights that the Union claims to defend. Finally, the conflict warns of the risks of a hasty EU accession of Ukraine., Available at https://www.fundacionyuste.org/anuario-boletin-academia-yuste-2022/. Originally published in Newsletter of the Academy of Yuste, 16 (May), 1-31, https://www.fundacionyuste.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/05_ACTUALIDAD_MARSILI_B16-ENG.pdf

Lecture on the current situation on and around media, information, disinformation, and propaganda in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict and in perspective given as keynote speaker in the plenary session of the 13th edition of the international scientific media conference “War Media Challenges: Media, Information, Disinformation, Propaganda”, held at the University of Bielsko-Biała, Poland, on 18 November 2022., Lecture given as keynote speaker in the main session of the 13rd edition of the international scientific media conference "War Media Challenges: Media, Information, Disinformation, Propaganda", University of Bielsko-Biała, Poland, 18 November 2022

Alongside non-international and international conflicts, a third category of armed conflict is emerging: hybrid, asymmetric, and transnational conflicts which involve state and non-state actors such as insurgents or terrorist organisations. Unconventional conflicts are among the trend topics of defence and security, and they pose a threat to the stability of international order. States and international organisations, such as the UN and NATO, face difficulty using the tools currently available. International law, in particular International Humanitarian Law and the law of war (Geneva and Hague conventions), is good as long as it deals with conventional conflict, or with civil war within a single country, but it shows its limits when faced with hybrid conflict, e.g.: the Russo-Ukrainian conflict (not officially termed as an armed conflict, but as a “special military operation”); the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; electromagnetic and cyber conflicts; cognitive and information warfare; terrorism, etc. This paper aims to investigate whether new rules are required to deal with situations of unconventional and hybrid conflict, or if current rules are still valid and can be used/adapted., Oral communication at the international conference Challenges to European Security, held at Charles University, Prague, Czechia, 24-25 October 2022

Iconic films such as Star Wars (1977) and Starship Troopers (1997) picture conflicts fought in outer space. UFO (1970) tells the story of a high-tech military organization established to defend Earth from space attack. Space: 1999 (1975) and Star Trek (1966) are about travelling in deep spacewhere no man has "bodly" gone before and imagine a technology that does not exist. Sometimes science fiction, inspired by science possibilities that one day can come true, simply imagines the future. Military applications of space technology, and considerations on space as a future theater of war when they would become technologically possible, were outlined in the Introduction to Outer Space, a pamphlet edited by the White House in 1958. To avoid the militarization of space and celestial bodies, and to guarantee their exploration and use for peaceful purposes to all countries, in 1967 the US, the U.K. and the Soviet Union opened for signature the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, which has become customary international law (White, 2000). The Outer Space Treatyforbids from placing in Earth orbit weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons, or otherwise stationing them in outer space, but does not prohibit the placement of conventional weapons, and thus some highly destructive attack strategies such as kinetic bombardment are still potentially allowable (Bourbonniere & Lee, 2007). Since 1984, the Conference on Disarmament (CD), a body established by the UN General, has considered proposals, including draft treaties, aimed at preventing the placement of weapons in outer space. In 1998 Russia and China proposed a Treaty on Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Outer Space and of the Threat or Use of Force Against Outer Space Objects (PPWT). An amended text drafted in 2014 was rejected by the US because it failed to address a series of relevant issues: it did not provide a definition of "outer space" neither of what constitutes a "weapon in outer space", and it did not ban terrestrially-based ASAT systems launched from the ground (CD, 2014; UNGA GA/DIS/3591; Plath, 2018). The US refused to negotiate a Proposed Prevention of an Arms Race in Space (PAROS) treaty as an international legally binding instrument in the CD, as Washington gathers that it simply mirrored the PPWT, including its failures. Therefore, the US voted against the Russian's No First Placement of Weapons in Outer Space (NFP) resolution (UNGA, A/C.1/72/L.53). So far, the international community failed to reach a solution to prevent an arms race in outer space. Space war is no more a science-fiction scenario; it’s an emerging reality., Presented orally at the ISMS 2022 Conference

The Russia-Ukraine conflict erupted in February 2022 after the Kremlin recognized the independence of the breakaway popular republics of Donetsk and Luhansk. In the aftermath of the recognition of the sovereignty of these entities, the Russian armed forces invaded Ukraine under the justification of the demilitarization and denazification of the neighboring country, as well as to bring to trial those who perpetrated numerous bloody crimes against civilians in the Donbass, including against Russian citizens. Soon after, the international community and the mainstream media began a worldwide campaign against the Russian military action, sympathizing with the government of Kiev. Although Russia is well-known for its information capabilities—whether propaganda, disinformation, or counter-information—the Kremlin appears to have overestimated its ability to wage effective information operations or underestimated the impact of Western brainwashing on public opinion. In addition, the Ukrainian leadership has effectively managed to counter the grounds on which the Russian government has supported its "special military operation." Ukrainian President Zelensky gained the trust, sympathy, and solidarity of Western leaders, the media, and public opinion, presenting his country as the victim of an unjustified aggression. On the other hand, Russian President Putin, excluded from the public debate due to the European Union ban on Russian media, was perceived by the same audience as a gangster. Is this the whole truth, or is there something more beyond the mainstream narrative? This paper aims to offer a factual analysis and a different perspective from the mainstream narrative supported and spread by Western governments and biased media outlets., The author gratefully acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, for supporting this study through grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

The Russo-Ukrainian conflict shows the limits and weaknesses of the European Union. More than this, the conflict reveals the inconsistencies between the EU principles and the policies implemented by the Union. Is not only the self-proclaimed role of the “global actor” that the EU imposed itself, that is questioned, but also the role of advocate of fundamental human rights that the Union claims to defend. Finally, the conflict warns of the risks of a hasty EU accession of Ukraine., The author gratefully acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, for supporting his work through grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018. Thanks to Elisa Jane Satta Woollard for proofreading the article.

The term "hybrid" gained widespread use in military and political discourse; it grabbed the headlines and eventually reached the general public. We refer to "hybrid warfare" or "hybrid conflict", most likely without fully comprehending the term's meaning and ramifications. The question is whether and when hybrid warfare should be regarded an armed attackthat exceeds the threshold of damage and devastation caused by a kinetic action. The purpose of this study is to provide light on the consistency of the growing doctrine of hybrid warfare with current international (humanitarian) law, beginning with a lexical and logical analysis of the words., This poster is derived from the paper Hybrid Warfare: Above or Below the Threshold of Armed Conflict?, to be published in the Hungarian Defence Review, Special issue, Vol. 149, No. 1., and presented at the international scientific conference on Soldiers and Hybrid War: The Role and Missions of Armed Forces in Below-Threshold Conflicts, held on 17-18 November 2021 at the Hungarian Defence Forces Zrínyi Miklós Barracks Theater, Budapest, Hungary. This work was supported by the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) under grant No. SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

This study aims to shed light on the right to information and the freedom of the media in the context of the COVID-19 outbreak. Infection disease outbreaks are invariably characterized by myths and rumors, boosted by social media accounts, that media often pick up and circulate. Under the justification to avoid panic and confusion, and to combat “fake news” during the COVID-19 pandemic, some governments took emergency measures that curtail the freedom of information. The lack of a legal definition of the term “fake news” leaves room for arbitrary and broad interpretations. Decrees issued during the state of emergency – including the practice of detaining journalists for their work and the abuse of pre-trial detention and Internet censorship – sound like measures adopted to restrict the freedom of expression and the freedom of the media, and to shout down dissenting voices. Any kind of pressure against journalists has an immediate consequence, not only on them but also on the public’s right to be informed. Media play a key role in providing important information to the public, and a pluralistic and vibrant media landscape is indispensable to any democratic society. Access to information and a free working environment are therefore essential and need to be ensured at all times, even under state of emergency. Authorities cannot invoke the state of emergency or national security as a motivation to suspend or limit fundamental human rights. The fight against COVID-19 can be a pretext for restricting civil liberties., Paper presented in joint session JS RN16- RN32: Subnational level perspectives on the governance of the pandemic at the 15th Conference of the European Sociological Association 2021 (ESA Conference 2021), Wednesday, 1 Sept. 2021: 12:30pm - 2:00pm CEST. Session Chair: Louisa Parks, University of Trento. This study was supported by the European Social Fund (FSE) and by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) under research grant No. SFRH/BD/136170/2018. The participation in this conference was funded by the Research Centre of the Institute for Political Studies of Universidade Católica Portuguesa (CIEP-UCP)

In an era of increasing economic interdependence China is playing a growing role in the global economy, including in Europe, which presents both opportunities and challenges. This paper aims to analyze the different dimensions of an increasingly assertive Chinese presence in Europe from economics to politics and geo-strategy. The essay will address the China���s Belt and Road initiative (BRI), the ���Made in China 2025��� plan, the China 17+1 initiative and Trade disputes between China and Europe. It will also look at questions of technology competition and critical infrastructure investment. China's leaders announced in October 2017 that they want to assume a global leadership role. The long-term strategic competition with the People���s Republic of China (PRC) is one of the major global economic, military and political challenges. Maritime policies play an important role in support of that strategy of making China a global leader. Today, Beijing is seeking to project sophisticated power globally, particularly in areas with heavy BRI activity ��� the plan for greater connectivity for China across both land and sea through a new Silk Road. The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road affects Europe in five main areas: maritime trade, shipbuilding, emerging growth niches in the blue economy, the global presence of the Chinese navy, and the competition for international influence. It has been calculated that the Maritime Silk Road creates more competition than cooperation opportunities in Europe-China relations. The sea lanes of communication from China to Europe through the Malacca-Suez route are among the busiest in the world ��� where European interests are more immediate and bigger than on the nascent "Ice Silk Road": China-Europe maritime trade is three times larger than trade by air freight and Eurasian railways, while the last alternative ��� the Northern Route through the Arctic Ocean, that China dubs the "Ice Silk Road" ��� is only just starting to develop. In January 2018, the PRC published its first Arctic strategy that promoted a "Polar Silk Road" and claimed to be a "Near-Arctic State", yet the shortest distance between China and the Arctic is 900 miles. Russia announced plans to connect the Northern Sea Route with China���s Maritime Silk Road ��� part of the BRI strategy ��� which would develop a new shipping channel from Asia to northern Europe, and the two counties are cooperating in developing hydrocarbon resources in the Arctic. Meanwhile, China is already developing shipping lanes in the Arctic Ocean. There are warnings about the Arctic Ocean to be transformed into 'a new South China Sea', militarized and with territorial claims. The Pentagon warned that China could use its civilian research presence in the Arctic to strengthen its military presence ��� including deployment of submarines to the region as a deterrent against nuclear attack. This paper aims also to investigate the impact of the Chinese maritime geo-strategy over the European security. Arctic security is a main security challenge ��� a global one, not only a regional one ��� not only for the Arctic countries, but for the whole international community, first of all the European. With Russia and China expanding their role in the area, and the difficulty of finding an undisputed governance on maritime routes and economic exploitation of resources, there is the risk of militarization of the Arctic. After briefly summarizing current and future challenges in the Arctic, this paper analyzes the limits due to a deficit of suitable instruments to maintain security in the region, especially in relation to the role of international intergovernmental organizations, and it suggests some remedies to overcome these deficiencies. The Arctic region has become an arena for power and for competition, and Arctic nations must adapt to this new future. Offshore resources are the subject of renewed competition: Arctic region holds the greatest concentration of the world���s undiscovered oil and gas, uranium, gold, diamonds, rare earth minerals ��� phosphate, bauxite, iron ore, copper, and nickel ��� and, last but not least, fish. Arctic resources should be included in the common domain; they should be considered common goods ��� international or global public goods. Nowadays, environmental and economic issues are broadly considered to be threats to security and stability. Therefore, the protection of these resources is a security issue, which involves the use of force, or military means. This is an issue that concerns the traditional domains of operations ��� land, sea, and air. The maritime domain ��� i.e. the Arctic Ocean ��� is predominant, due to the allocation of resources, and the operating environment. Sea routes are the ���liquid��� highways along which goods travel across the world, and therefore play a strategic economic role ��� a global one., This study was supported by the European Social Fund (FSE) and by the Funda����o para a Ci��ncia e a Tecnologia (FCT) under research grant No. SFRH/BD/136170/2018 and by the European and Ibero-American Academy of Yuste Foundation through the European Research and Mobility Grants for European Studies of the Charles V European Award ��� Antonio Tajani

Reportedly, in the long-lasting Nagorno-Karabakh conflict there were serious violations of international law and international humanitarian law; all parties involved accused each other of war crimes. So far, for such alleged violations, no legal remedy was possible under the current international legal framework. This work analyzes the problem of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the light of current international (humanitarian) law., This study was funded through Short Term Grant for Armenian Studies 2020 No. 250390 by the Armenian Communities Department of the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and represents the continuation of the research started under the generous support of the Knights of Vartan Fund for Armenian Studies administered by the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). The author acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) for supporting his overall work through grant No. SFRH/BD/136170/2018. The full paper will be published in the conference proceedings

Diplomacy has played a key role in conflicts since ancient times. Over time, the role of diplomatic agents has changed, to take on, gradually, greater importance especially in wartime. This article focuses on the activities of the Italian foreign service in World War II and on the role of diplomats during the civil war that followed the fall of Fascism and the subsequent armistice with the Allies. In this dramatic context, some diplomats confirmed their loyalty to the king, while others joined the new-born Italian Social Republic, a puppet state ruled by Mussolini under the protection of Nazi Germany. Somewhere, two Italian diplomatic representations coexisted shortly. A page in the history of diplomacy, unknown to wide audience, that this contribution aims to bring to light. The paper strives to draw conclusions on the implications and consequences of this 'diplomatic civil war' on post-war Italian foreign policy. info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

Report of the Working Group on Civil Violence and Civil War at the Civil Resistance International Workshop, Report presented by Working Group D – When might civil violence, even civil war, be justified? at the International Graduate Workshop "Civil Resistance – How Peoples, Ideas and Movements can change Politics", held online on 5–7 October 2021, organized by Oxford University, Göttingen University, Stiftung Adam von Trott, Imshausen e.V.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict involves a set of questions and interests that make it hard to be solved within the framework of current international law. Reportedly, in this long-lasting conflict there were serious violations of international law and international humanitarian law; all parties involved accused each other of war crimes and eventually resorted to the European Court of Human Rights. So far, for such alleged violations, no legal remedy was possible under the current international legal framework, just as there are many issues still on the table relating to the Armenian question. The Law of Nations is – or should be – the set of rules for the international community. Customary and treaty law are the legal means aimed to resolve and prevent disputes between states; they should serve to overcome the law of the jungle. This paper is aimed to scrutinize the legal conundrum of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict by investigating it within the overall context of the Armenian question., This paper was funded through Short Term Grant for Armenian Studies 2020 No. 250390 by the Armenian Communities Department of the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and represent the continuation of the research started under the generous support of the Knights of Vartan Fund for Armenian Studies administered by the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). The author acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) for supporting his overall work through grant No. SFRH/BD/136170/2018. The author warmly thanks the Yerevan State University (YSU) and the Turpanjian Center for Policy Analysis (TCPA) of the American University of Armenia (AUA) for their cooperation.

Review of the book A World Divided. The Global Struggle for Human Rights in the Age of Nation-States, by Eric D. Weitz. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2019, ISBN: 978-0-691-14544-0, 544 pp., Review of the book "A World Divided. The Global Struggle for Human Rights in the Age of Nation-States" by Eric D. Weitz, Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2019, ISBN: 978-0-691-14544-0, 544. The author gratefully acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, for supporting this publication through research grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

In 2014 a violent conflict inflamed Crimea, an autonomous republic within Ukraine, resulting in the destabilization ofregional security. The clash between the government of Kiev and the insurgents led to the annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol by the Russian Federation. This paper traces origins and causes of the conflict and tackles the issue of the right to self-determination and independence, then the question of the recognition of a new state entity, and finally the dissolution by incorporation into another state. Through a comparative analysis of some precedents, this article aims to investigate whether the annexation may be regarded as legal or not under international positive and customary law, what are the remedies available, and the likely outcome of the dispute, ending with some recommendations aimed at a settlement of the crisis., Paper presented on 13 July 2021 in panel RC17.15 'Foreign Policy and International Relations: Examining the Case Studies' within session RC17 'Comparative Public Opinion' at the 26th International Political Science Association World Congress (IPSA WC2021), held virtually on 10-15 July 2021. The participation in the WC2021 was funded by the Research Centre of the Institute for Political Studies of Universidade Católica Portuguesa (CIEP-UCP).The author gratefully acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, for supporting this work through grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

Artificial intelligence (AI) is becoming one of the most important technologies of our time (OSCE, 2019) and is one of the most important economic and social developments in history, characterized as the lynchpin of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (Schwab, 2017). Military applications of AI are pushing forward the capacity for warfare and will transform its nature. Military robots that incorporate AI will play a greater role in the future (Cummings, 2017). A future battle might be ‘algorithms vs. algorithms’, with the best algorithm victorious. The European Union (EU) is also taking action on AI., This poster was supported by the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) under grant No. SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

This paper aims to reflect on the challenges of adopting new technologies in Technical Textiles and Materials for defence concerning the current readiness and capacities in the European Union. Identified bottlenecks are the manufacturing readiness, the supply chain capacity and autonomy, and the knowledge and technical skills required., presented at the International Forum on Advanced and digitalised Smart Textiles (IFAST), Online Edition, 15-16 June 2021.

The Helsinki Final Act of 1975, that concluded the first Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, reaffirmed the fundamental principle of renouncing the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state. Through this agreement, the Soviet Union gained the implicit recognition of the ‘sphere of influence’ that was determined in Eastern Europe after the end of World War II. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, a series of conflicts arose between the Russian Federation and its neighbors, some of which are members of the European Union or participate in the European Neighbourhood Policy. Some of these conflicts were fought at the kinetic level, some otherthrough the resort to hybrid warfare, a blend of traditional and irregular tactics that makes overt and covert use of a wide range of tools: military and civilian, conventional and unconventional, including information and influence operations. This paper aims to investigate the hybrid warfare strategy carried out by the Russian Federation in the confrontation with the European Union to regain dominance in its contested neighbourhood: the Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania), Ukraine (Crimea and Donbass, i.e. Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics), Georgia (South Ossetia and Abkhazia) and Moldova (Transnistria)., This study was supported by the European Social Fund (FSE) and by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) under research grant No. SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

Space is governed by bilateral treaties that belong to the Cold War era. The withdrawal by the Trump Administration from two major treaties such as the Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces and Open Skies , blaming Russia for the decision, jeopardizes the space neutrality. U.S. President Biden took the decision to seek a five-year extension of New START, until Feb. 5, 2026, and Russia agreed. Nevertheless, the unilateral withdrawal from the Outer Space Treaty by one of the major space powers is likely. Space control is essential, given the heavy reliance on space systems and the rapidly increasing proliferation of missile technology and counterspace systems. Emerging disruptive technologies are game-changing and will determine the conflicts and the geopolitical scenario of next decades. Hypersonic weapons are changing the character of war, will play a huge role in the global power balance by undermining core pillars of geopolitics such as geography and technological power. Like a time machine, global defense and security concerns take us back to the time of the Strategic Defense Initiative - known as "Star Wars Program" - the satellites and space-based missile system established by the U.S. on the eve of the end of the Cold War, intended to protect the country from attack by Soviet ballistic strategic nuclear weapons. This missile shield programme was designed to render nuclear weapons obsolete, but it appears to have failed. Space has been elevated by the U.S. and NATO to warfighting domain and has already been militarized by Russia and raising China. So far, the international community failed to reach a solution to prevent an arms race in outer space. Space war is no more a science-fiction scenario; it’s an emerging reality. This presentation aims to shed light on the hazard of an outer space which is not governed by any rules and tackles the challenges coming from the militarization of this operational domain. The question is how to avoid a star war in Outer Space and to prevent a conflict on Earth from the above?, The author gratefully acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, for supporting this study through grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

Presentation on "Conflict and International Relations: The Impact of Terrorism and Extremism on the Middle Eastern International Politics Agenda" as invited speaker in the Middle East session, 14 April 2021, at the congress "Beyond the West: Politics of the Global South" organized by the Political Science and International Relations Studies Association (NECPRI) and held online 12-14 April 2021., Participation as invited speaker at the congress "Beyond the West: Politics of the Global South" organized by the Political Science and International Relations Studies Association (NECPRI) of NOVA School of Social Sciences and Humanities (NOVA FCSH), held online on 12-15 April 2021 in Lisbon, Portugal. The author gratefully acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, for supporting this study through grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

This poster addresses the employment of the Armed Forces in homeland security tasks. Unconventional conflicts – hybrid, asymmetric, and transnational conflicts which involve state and non-state actors such as insurgents or terrorist organizations – are among the trend topics of defense and security. Since jihadist terrorism broke out in in Europe, security has become a main concern, occupying the front pages of newspapers and the agendas of governments. Therefore, the debate on the employment of the Armed Forces in homeland security tasks became central. The primary responsibility for protecting life and property and maintaining law and order in the civilian community is vested in police forces; supplementary responsibility is vested by statute in specific agencies other than the Ministry of Defense. Military forces may be used to support law enforcement agencies. In emergency situations, the Parliament may authorize the use of the military as a police force on home soil. Police departments are much larger in major metropolitan areas and much smaller than the average in rural areas, but in catastrophic attacks that affect large areas in several states simultaneously, there will not be enough police officers to do what has to be done. Since lateral reinforcement is not feasible when all adjacent areas are involved, the only source of augmentation for local departments will be from the Armed Forces. Subsidiary operations of the Amy in support to civil authorities – e.g. military aid in the event of a catastrophe – are one of the ordinary duties of the Army, whose main mission is to ensure security and defense of the territory. Although the readiness of use for the defense of the territory is reduced, the maintenance and development of this important primary mission is to guard the long-term, in anticipation of events imponderables in the military and security policy. In Western liberal-democracies the executive power is limited in the use of the military in domestic security operations because of legal norms. Police is in charge of internal security, with the Army acting as ‘reinforcing force’ only in conjunction with the first. Subsidiary operations of the Army in the field of homeland security have increased over the past few years and in many countries is currently underway a political debate to evaluate the allocation of the Army direct powers in policing. It is a political decision, which must take into account both the changing environment in which the Armed Forces operate and the threat of international terrorism manifested in disruptive manner at the beginning of the new millennium. Legislative and cultural obstacles should be overcome to achieve this goal., Poster Ref. XI-APS-87872 exposed in the Security, Defense and Armed Forces thematic section of the XI Portuguese Congress of Sociology, March 29-31, 2021, Lisbon, Portugal, organized by the Portuguese Association of Sociology (APS), the School of Sociology and Public Policy (ESPP) at ISCTE–Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL) and the Institute of Social Sciences at the University of Lisbon (ICS-ULisboa). The abstract in published in p. 286-287 of the Book of Abstract and the poster is included in the gallery of posters of the minute book. The author gratefully acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, for supporting this poster through grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

War and politics are closely interrelated. If it is assumed, as in the case of Clausewitz's famous principle, that "war is a mere continuation of policy by other means... is not merely a political act, but also a truly political instrument, a continuation of political commerce, a carrying out of the same by other means" (Von Clausewitz, 1976), then it should be acknowledged that war is a political act. But Foucault inverts Clausewitz's traditional conception of war and says that politics is the continuation of war by other means (Foucault, 2006: 165). Here the emphasis of the discussion on war moves on politics. So, how to limit conflict within the political arena? The question shifts from the concept of armed conflict (i.e., war) to that of political conflict, in which nations confront against each other with alternate means such assanctions, coercive diplomatic efforts, economic warfare, or as prelude to war (Carisch et al., 2017)., Political Reflection, 7 (2), Issue 27 (April-May-June 2021). The author gratefully acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, for supporting this work through grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

The fall of the Berlin Wall, on the night of 9 November 1989, marked the beginning of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. Distinguished scholars of the realist school have developed different theories on the root causes and predictability of the end of the Cold War and have sought to find whether the end of the conflict between the Western and the Eastern bloc was predictable, and under which terms it could be settled., Political Reflection, Vol. 7, No. 1 - Issue 26 (January-February-March 2021). The author gratefully acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, for supporting this work through grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

The freedom of the press –or the freedom of expression –traces its roots in the enlightenment period. Oftenpresented as the "fourth power" – sometimes as "counter-power" –free press is considered a feature of liberal-democracies, and a fundamental human right.This brief article explores the validity of these definitions and the role of the press in democratic societies characterized by governments constrained by checks and balances. Most of this paper draws on my previously published works., artciencia.com, Revista de Arte, Ciência e Comunicação, N.º 24-25 (2021): Ano XII - Dezembro 2019 - Julho 2021

This brief study focuses on skin as sensory interface, and explores the latest discoveries in bioelectronic science. The work analyzes at what extent invisibility is possible by emulating nature, and if military applications can really benefit from technology that combines epidermal systems and virtual reality. The study shows that, to be effective, camouflage needs to match the environment — and to be disruptive. Adaptive and epidermal VR joint together can be a on the edge technology that might find effective military applications., Extended abstract published in the Book of Abstracts - Proceedings of the 2nd World Conference on Advanced Materials for Defense, edited by Raul Fangueiro — ISBN: 978-989-54808-4-5. Full paper will be published in Key Engineering Materials. This work received financial support by the European Social Fund (ESF) and by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, under research grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

Introduction The lines between conventional and unconventional conflicts become blurred. Alongside non-international and international conflicts, a third category of armed conflict is emerging: hybrid, asymmetric, and transnational conflicts which involve state and non-state actors whose legal status and classification is disputed.[1] While it’s a blend of traditional and irregular tactics, hybrid warfare makes use of a wide range of tools: military and civilian; conventional and unconventional. Hybrid warfare was linked almost exclusively with non-state actors. Afterwards the concept of hybrid warfare developed in a way that is now commonly accepted to describe the interplay between conventional and unconventional means used also by governments and regular armies. For such emerging conflicts/warfare there is no legal definition, therefore leaving room for interpretation and applicable law. International law (IL) and international humanitarian law (IHL) – in particular the law of war (Geneva and Hague law) – apply in case of armed conflict. The law of war, a branch of public international law, sets the acceptable justifications to engage in war (jus ad bellum) and the limits to acceptable wartime conduct (jus in bello). The law of war regulates inter alia: declaration of war; acceptance of surrender and the treatment of prisoners of war; military necessity, along with distinction and proportionality; and the prohibition of certain weapons that may cause unnecessary suffering. Research problem and question investigated The research aims to investigate whether and how current international customary[2] and treaty law applies to unconventional conflicts that characterize the 21st century. The study investigates whether new rules are required, or if current rules are still valid and can be used/adapted. The research aims to check whether and to what extent states abide IL/IHL in dealing with unconventional conflicts, or if, through their course of conduct, states are attempting to create new customary law, or to adapt the existing instruments to the challenges that unconventional conflicts pose. The study investigates also whether these conducts abide customary IL and peremptory norms (jus cogens), that are not consent-based, but still are obligatory upon state and non-state actors. The research has the purpose to contribute to develop solutions for the global challenges of today and tomorrow by understanding the present and imaging future scenarios. Basic design of the study, including sources and methods The research topic involves main cross-cutting issues (the rule of law, fundamental human rights and ethical principles) and therefore requires an interdisciplinary approach: history, political science, political philosophy, sociology, law, ethics. The research requires an empirical, positivist framework that rests on qualitative data analysis.[3] Although in complicated legal systems no ultimate distinction can be made between legal and moral standards, as positivism insists, socio-legal theory offers a contrasting/complementary perspective that will be useful in a global study like this. The research is conducted applying the concept of triangulation, which combines different methods (exploratory, descriptive and analytical) and fits to qualitative studies. The specific nature of the methodology employed in this study is reflected in its structure, which is divided into two principal parts. The first part considers the theoretical elements, definitions and current research. The second part analyzes the legal aspects of some case studies and nests them within the broader discussion on the applicable law, starting from an analysis based on three pillars: historical, theoretical-conceptual and legal (in the light of IL/IHL). To answer the starting question, the research moves from a historical-documentary analysis, then takes into consideration the literature and eventually focuses on some case studies of the post Cold War era: NATO bombing of Yugoslavia (1999); Gulf War (1990); Iraq War (2003); invasion of Afghanistan (2001); Syrian conflict (2011); the War on Terror (2001). At first stage the study explores the theoretical elements: literature and legal framework. The legal framework consists of customary IL/IHL; international instruments (conventions and treaties); documents produced by relevant UN international agencies, bodies and entities; rulings of relevant supranational courts and international tribunals. Then an empirical analysis based on these tools checks the compliance of some case studies with current IL/IHL. Under most circumstances, an analysis of this type requires an empirical, positivist framework that rests on either a qualitative or quantitative data analysis. Major findings The approach to warfare in political and legal discourse changed dramatically over the last fifty years and left significant room for free interpretation by policymakers and military leaders. Current rules are applied partially (and with difficulty) in situations that go beyond the rigid classifications established by international conventions and customary law. International law, in particular IHL, is good as long as it dealt with conventional conflict, or with civil war within a single country, but it shows its limits when faced with hybrid conflict. However, current rules may be sufficient to manage unconventional conflicts, but must be strictly respected and applied by all actors. Some governments and international organizations such as the NATO face difficulty using the tools currently available and therefore attempt to overtake IL/IHL by adopting a course of conduct to change de facto current legal framework through customary law. The nature and the scope of IL makes it easy for states to escape from their obligations, in the absence of mandatory constraints and of an effective sanctioning mechanism. Lastly, lexicon and definition of terms are essential, and the international community should find common, undisputed and unambiguous legal formulations for terms such as: conventional/unconventional; traditional/non-traditional; kinetic/non-kinetic; lethal/non-lethal. Interpretations and conclusions This research does not rest on pre-defined hypotheses, but rather relies on the ability to divulge meaning from different elements of research without being bound by pre-existing limitations. While this presents a serious challenge, it does open much room for possible explorations of new fields of research without necessitating a fixed point of departure – or arrival. Findings and conclusions are to be considered provisional. Acknowledgment This study received financial support by the European Social Fund (ESF) and by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, under grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018. The participation in this conference was funded by the Military University Institute (IUM), Armed Forces General Staff (EMGFA), Ministry of National Defence (MDN), Portugal. Disclaimer This abstract is published open access under the CC BY 4.0 license in the FNDU institutional repository "Doria"at with URN http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi-fe2020110489302 at https://www.doria.fi/handle/10024/178092. [1] For a definition of the term hybrid conflict, see: Gray, C.S. (2005). Another Bloody Century: Future Warfare, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. [2] For a discussion, see: Bederman, D.J. (2004). International Law in Antiquity. Cambridge University Press. [3] For a definition of research methods cited: Given, L.M. (ed.) (2008). The SAGE Encyclopedia of Qualitative Research Methods Vol. 1&2. Los Angeles/London: SAGE., This study received financial support by the European Social Fund (ESF) and by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, under grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018. The participation in this conference was funded by the Military University Institute (IUM), Armed Forces General Staff (EMGFA), Ministry of National Defence (MDN), Portugal. This abstract is published open access under the CC BY 4.0 license in the FNDU institutional repository "Doria" at https://www.doria.fi/handle/10024/178365 - http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi-fe2020110489302

Infection disease outbreaks are invariably characterized by myths and rumors, boosted by social media accounts, that media often pick up and circulate. On the grounds of protecting public health in the context of the covid-19 pandemic, some Member States of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe imposed strict rules on the dissemination of “fake news”. This paper reviews the outbreak communication principles established by the World Health Organization and checks the compliance of emergency legislation, adopted under the pretext of combating misinformation and disinformation, against fundamental human rights., This work received financial support by the European Social Fund (ESF) and by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, under grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018. The participation in the conference was funded by the Research Centre of the Institute for Political Studies of Universidade Católica Portuguesa (CIEP-UCP)