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Published online: 30 September 2022 This paper investigates the technical dimension of policy goals, or their structural properties. The paper challenges the idea that policy goals can be conceptualized within a unidimensional hierarchy. It aims to contribute to policy theory by classifying goals based on systematic empirical research. Qualitative content analysis of 11 governmental strategies was conducted by focusing on the overlap of six technical features of policy goals: level of specification, mode of accomplishment, presence of time frames, quantifiable indicators, beneficiaries, and responsible actors. Based on the analysis, the paper distinguishes seven technical types of policy goals: broad, mode-centered, direction-centered, beneficiary-centered, actor-centered, semi-structured, and structured. Technical types of policy goals do not form a hierarchy with clear-cut levels, but can be placed on a continuum, from broad to structured, with the mixed types in between. This insight could enhance policy design theory by introducing a more sophisticated tuning of policy goals, potentially leading to better advice for practical policy planning, and, in turn, to more successful policy implementation. This paper was produced within a research project conducted in cooperation of the Faculty of Political Science and the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb. The project is funded by the University of Zagreb.

Low levels of trust in institutions in a post- socialist context is a relatively well-documented finding across various disciplines. Building upon this, the paper adds new insights to this discussion by contextualizing institutional trust amidst the COVID-19 pandemic in Croatia. Relying on the results from the national probabilistic sample, the authors explore how three sets of predictors – socio- demographic variables, individual characteristics (i.e., motivational orientations of authoritarianism and social dominance), and participants’ experiences during the coronavirus pandemic determine the level of trust in public institutions. Results unequivocally showcase a fairly weak relationship between authoritarianism and social dominance orientation with institutional trust, unlike situational experiences, which play the most significant role in explaining levels of institutional trust. Contrary to authors’ expectations, adherence to measures and worries about catching the COVID-19 disease in the future were not predictive for institutional trust.

IN ENGLISH: This study aims at empirically improving public policy theory by unfolding the concept of policy goals and contributing to their classifications. The research focuses on the thematic dimension of policy goals and investigates 11 Croatian governmental strategies using qualitative content analysis. The research identifies original policy goal types and classifies them into sector‐, process‐, evaluation‐, instrument‐, and value‐oriented goals. Article concludes with a more comprehensive definition of policy goals, as governmental statements about desired futures in relation to specific sectoral purposes, values, and principles in democratic political systems, policymaking process improvements, necessary instrumental innovations, and evaluation standards that should be fulfilled. The application of this definition and developed goals’ classification reveals that elements of policy‐process theories, evaluation research, policy design theory and instrument analysis, democracy theory, and sector‐specific research need to be synthesized to better understand the concept of policy goals and to advance their research. --------------- IN CROATIAN: Cilj ovog clanka je empirijski poboljsati teoriju javnih politika razvijanjem koncepta ciljeva politike i doprinosom njihovoj klasifikaciji. Istraživanje se fokusira na tematsku dimenziju ciljeva politike i istražuje 11 hrvatskih vladinih strategija pomocu kvalitativne analize sadržaja. Istraživanje identificira izvorne vrste ciljeva politike i klasificira ih na ciljeve usmjerene na sektor, proces, procjenu, instrument i vrijednost. Clanak zavrsava opsežnijom definicijom ciljeva politike, kao vladine izjave o željenoj buducnosti u odnosu na određene sektorske svrhe, vrijednosti i nacela u demokratskim politickim sustavima, poboljsanja procesa donosenja politika, potrebne instrumentalne inovacije i standarde ocjenjivanja koje treba ispuniti. Primjena ove klasifikacije i klasifikacija razvijenih ciljeva otkriva da elemente teorija politickih procesa, istraživanja evaluacije, teorije dizajna politika i analize instrumenata, teorije demokracije i specificnih sektorskih istraživanja treba sintetizirati kako bi se bolje razumio koncept ciljeva politike i kako bi unaprijedili svoja istraživanja.

In Western European countries, studies on the relationship between class position and political outlooks so far have a limited understanding of the relevance of class analysis, while in semiperipheral countries, like Croatia, research on class-related mechanisms and political behavior is modest, with a clear deficit of empirical research. The main goal of class analysis is to have the potential to explain various life outcomes primarily through explaining and exploring relationships between class position and life chances. In this article, we have employed neo- Weberian class analysis with the purpose to explore the relationship between class position and political behavior. In the article we use the concept of political behavior as a broader term that consists of individuals’ interest in politics, political efficacy, and political participation (voter turnout). We have used the data from the International Social Survey Program module Role of Government V from 2016. Analysis has shown that in Croatia, class membership is a predictor of interest in politics and political efficacy, i.e., that the members of a higher class show greater interest in politics and assess that they have a better understanding of politics. Class per se does not have a direct effect on voter turnout, but it is mediated through political efficacy and interest in politics since voting is mostly under the influence of personal interest in politics.

Low levels of trust in institutions in a post-socialist world is a relatively well documented finding across various disciplines of social science. Building upon this argument, the paper adds new insights to this discussion by contextualizing institutional trust in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic in Croatia. Relying on the results from the national probabilistic sample, authors explore how three sets of predictors - socio-demographic variables, individual characteristics (i. e. motivational orientations of authoritarianism and social dominance) and participants’ experiences during the coronavirus pandemic determine the level of trust in public institutions. Results unequivocally showcase a fairly weak relationship between authoritarianism and social dominance orientation with institutional trust, unlike situational experiences, which play the most significant role in explaining levels of institutional trust. Contrary to authors’ expectations, adherence to measures and worries about catching the COVID-19 disease in the future were not predictive for institutional trust.

This paper is a reaction to the Girona Manifesto on Linguistic Rights and the fact that it is too vague and exceedingly concise in certain points, and thus open to multiple interpretations. The paper also criticises the International Mother Language Day and its origins. Both points require linguistic re-evaluation because of their intentions regarding the language preservation.

Korean language is increasingly present in the Croatian press and everyday life through the Korean brands, place names, personal names and common nouns. Being unprepared to accept Korean words Croatian is tentatively adapting those terms relying on romanization systems not best suited for its phonology, such as the McCune-Reischauer and revised romanization systems. The situation is further complicated by the different standards used in the two Koreas. In the future further influence of Korean can be expected which will make the demand for an adaptation paradigm more pressing.

This chapter explores ways in which austerity policies have influenced patterns of youth political participation between the core and periphery of the European Union (EU), focusing on Eastern Europe. The varied impact of austerity across the EU is reflected in the finding that young people in the Eastern periphery tend to refrain from both conventional and unconventional modes of political participation. While aggravating socioeconomic conditions have resulted in the rise of unconventional political participation activities among young people in Southern Europe, the same has not been the case in Eastern Europe. On the contrary, our findings suggest a retreat from politics that cuts across the distinction between conventional and unconventional modes of political participation.

Tackling the huge subject of the adaptation of exonyms, this article narrows it down to Croatian as the recipient language and illustrates some of the problems encountered in such adaptation, as well as some possible and some existing solutions. Approximation is a common consequence of adaptation and often a strategy for its implementation. Speakers resort to free transphonemisation when the source language and mediators describe place names using phonemes inexistent in the recipient language. Solutions are often imposed by the media as a result of hasty decisions and incompetence. Such solutions are often wrong from the aspect of both source and recipient and must be met with scientific alternatives that take into account phonology, morphology and etymology of the source language.

Uviđanjem kako je došlo do promjene zbiljnosti pojma granice u suvremenom svijetu, sve se više pažnje u istraživanjima pridaje mikroregionalnim društvenim entitetima u pograničnim područjima i njihovim međusobnim odnosima, kako prema centrima, tako i prema ostalim mikroregionalnim entitetima u okruženju. S obzirom da je promjena koncepta geopolitičkog pojma granice u postmodernom svijetu nastupila u okviru trokuta odnosa prostor – moć – stanovništvo, jedino interdisciplinarnim istraživanjem moguće je istražiti ovaj fenomen u ukupnom njegovom obujmu. Ovaj rad analizira društvene identitete i istražuje koheziju u krajnjem sjeverozapadnom dijelu Gorskog kotara u hrvatsko-slovenskom pograničnom području. Kombinacijom kvalitativnih i kvantitativnih istraživačkih metoda u radu je argumentirano da istraživano geografsko područje posjeduje društvenu koheziju i razinu identiteta koja ga čini pograničnom zajednicom. Srž i pozadina te kohezije detaljno je analizirana ovim radom.

The article is an attempt at indicating if not solving the rather chaotic situation in the adaptation of foreign place names in the more or less traditional Croatian texts, the less traditional referring mostly to the media of which several local newspapers as well as the national television are quoted. Most of the quotes contain the grapheme U as an example of a multitude of reflections and rules whether it adapts in its singular or combined forms. The need of an overall project is suggested, such as the one realized in Poland whereby an extensive list of toponyms was produced as adapted to Polish collected by a huge body of scientists and experts on a large number of languages that those toponyms originated from. Such a project would resolve many doubts encountered every day by the media, cartographers and in other situations which require adaptation of foreign place names and which therefore require joint efforts of experts assembled in a single ongoing venture.

This article explores the historical development of youth work in Croatia, over the course of a two-decades civil society development process in a post-conflict country. The focus of this paper is on identifying foundations as well as trends and patterns relevant for an historical analysis of Croatian youth work. We seek to offer a historical and path-dependent scenario for describing targeted aspects of the ‘evolution’ of Croatian youth work. By drawing from available data from non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and from personal experience, we describe three key phases of youth work development: (I) the period of early 1990s, we recognize as a ‘direct peace building’ youth work as it was characterized with bottom-up peace building and non-violent civic action of thousands of young people ; (II) the rise and diffusion of non- formal education youth work during the mid and late 1990s ; (III) the growth of a networked youth sector and a focus on youth policy advocacy starting in 2000, with strong and fruitful cooperation among various actors on the national NGO scene. Such categorization highlights various practices what we consider to represent youth work in a specific (and contested) national framework – (I) young people being engaged in direct peace building and non-violent civic actions during the war and post-war transition ; (II) young people being engaged in various non- formal educational programs provided by the youth NGOs, created for young people but also in a cooperation with young people ; (III) youth initiatives and NGOs networking and young people being engaged in a long-term advocacy process. We argue that by becoming a member of European Union, Croatia has to articulate what youth work represents within their national framework, as various practices that we find quite important and influential are neglected within the EU youth policy. Work with young people with fewer opportunities is being presented as a case study, building up on our observation that contemporary youth work continues to be embedded in civil society development and non-formal education.

Autor u članku daje prikaz političke sociologije kao (pod)discipline suvremene političke znanosti, s posebnim osvrtom na Hrvatsku. Rad se sastoji od tri dijela. U prvome autor predstavlja predmet, metodu i razvoj suvremene političke sociologije, stavljajući poseban naglasak na eklektičnu prirodu (pod)discipline. Drugi dio rada posvećen je bibliometrijskoj analizi triju časopisa relevantnih za politologiju: Politička misao, Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva i Suvremene teme s obzirom na predmet političke sociologije. Rezultati analize pokazuju iznimno mali broj radova iz područja političke sociologije u sva tri časopisa, kao i neravnomjernu zastupljenost tema unutar predmeta političke sociologije. U trećem dijelu rada kompariraju se hrvatska iskustva na području političke sociologije s inozemnim trendovima te (pod)discipline. Autor zaključuje da je hrvatska politička sociologija podrazvijena te da tematski ne slijedi trendove suvremenih inozemnih političkih sociologija., The author gives an overview of political sociology as a (sub)discipline of modern political science, with special reference to Croatia. The paper consists of three parts. In the first part the method and the development of modern political sociology is given by putting special emphasis on the eclectic nature of the (sub)discipline. The second part is dedicated to the bibliometric analysis with respect to the subject matter of political sociology of three journals relevant to political science in Croatia, namely Politička misao, Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva and Suvremene teme. The analysis results show an extremely small number of papers in the field of political sociology in all three journals, as well as the uneven distribution of topics within the subject of political sociology. The third and final part of the paper compares Croatian experiences in the field of political sociology with international trends and other political science (sub)disciplines. The author concludes that the Croatian political sociology is underdeveloped and inconsistent with the topics of political sociologies in other countries.

Mladi su, kao indikator stanja društva, oduvijek bili zanimljivi istraživačima. Njihovi stavovi, vrijednosti, kompetencije, ali i ponašanja lakmus su papir kojim se mogu solidno objasniti šire društvene tendencije pojedinog društva. U članku se analizira razina političke kompetencije, kao i razina političke participacije zagrebačke mladeži. Politička kompetencija i politička participacija dvije su odrednice kvalitetnog funkcioniranja konsolidiranih demokracije te ih je važno pratiti i razvijati s ciljem djelotvornijeg demokratskog političkog sustava. Kombinirajući kvalitativne i kvantitativne istraživačke tehnike, autori u tekstu ispituju i kontekstualiziraju navedene dvije strukturalne dimenzije političkog života mladih te ih objašnjavaju na temelju uvida u recentnu znanstvenu literaturu područja. Rezultati istraživanja provedenog za potrebe ovog rada na uzorku od 411 mladih u Zagrebu, kao i pet grupnih intervjua sa srednjoškolcima i studentima, pokazuju izrazito nisku razinu prepoznavanja i razumijevanja uloge i funkcije faktora politika za mlade čime se destimulira njihova participacija u političkom životu zajednice. Osim toga, rad detaljno analizira različite vidove političke participacije te nudi objašnjenje razloge niske formalne i neformalne participacije., Researchers have always found young people interesting as an indicator of the state of a society. Attitudes, values, competences and behavior of young people are considered a sort of litmus paper that can adequately explained wider social tendencies of a given society. This paper analyzes political competencies and political participation of Zagreb youth. Political competencies and political participation are two characteristics of quality of functioning of consolidated democracies. It is therefore important to monitor and develop them in order to achieve a more effective political system. With a combination of qualitative and quantitative research techniques, the authors contextualize those two structural dimensions of the political life of young people. Hence, this paper explains political competences and political participation in reference to contemporary literature in this field. The results of a survey conducted on a sample of 411 young people in Zagreb, together with the results of five group interviews with high school and university students, demonstrate low level of understanding of roles and factors of youth policy. The authors argue that young people are discouraged to participate in community and political life because of such low understanding of politics.

After a general introductory description of barbarisms as to why they appear and what reactions they evoke the author pinpoints eight frequent examples rooted in Croatian and attempts at solving them; those originate from the English words Google, tights, outsourcing, drone, laptop, cruiser, stick and bookmark. Some solutions rely on lemmas already present in Croatian dictionaries, some on the online corpus, some on possibilities offered by etymology and morphology and some on precedents. Other solutions may follow the given pattern.

Recenzija knjige Simone Kustec Lipicer: Vrednovanje javnih politika

Autori u tekstu predstavljaju i vrednuju aktualne modele predstavljanja nacionalnih manjina u Hrvatskoj u komparativnoj perspektivi s nekim drugim državama. Zaključno nude vlasiti model rješenja ovog pitanja

Golden marketing–Tehnička knjiga, Zagreb, 2009., 279 str.

Opisuje se razvoj lokalne samouprave u Danskoj do 2007., a nakon toga reforma započeta te godine. Prethodni razvoj obilježile su reforme 1958. i 1970. Reforme su obilježene smanjenjem broja jedinica na obje teritorijalne razine (općinska i okružna) te proširenjem njihova samoupravnog djelokruga i autonomije. Velika reforma započeta 2007. nekoliko se godina pripremala, dobro je javno raspravljena, utemeljena je na dobrovoljnom spajanju jedinica, zamjenjivanju okruga novoformiranim regijama i na značajnoj delegaciji javnih poslova., The paper describes the development of local self-government in Denmark until 2007 and the reform that began in the same year. Previous development was characterised by the reforms of 1958 and 1970. The reforms were marked by the reduction of local units at both territorial levels (municipal and county) and by widening their self-government scope and their autonomy. The comprehensive reform launched in 2007 had been prepared for several years and undergone a thorough public debate. It had been based on voluntary merger of local units, on the replacement of counties with the newly formed regions, and on significant delegation of public affairs.

Recenzija knjige Sociologija morala

Ovaj je rad postao iz istraživanja staroga hrvatskog leksika, njegova značenjskog pražnjenja i postupnog zamjenjivanja stranim posuđenicama često preuzetim iz engleskoga jezika ili preko njega, često bez ikakvih promjena ili prilagodbe. Pojedine su engleske riječi uporabljene kao predstavnici različitih kategorija; navodi se njihovo podrijetlo i uobičajena laička uporaba, što se potkrjepljuje dodatnim primjerima kojima se razotkrivaju određeni stereotipi. Uz najčešće kratice, složenice sastavljene od dijelova dviju riječi, riječi iz slenga i standardnoga jezika, navode se i primjeri zamjene značenja ili zamjene domaćih riječi stranim homonimima. U radu se jednostavno donosi opis stanja, ali se na kraju naglašava da postoje bolja rješenja za obogaćivanje jezika od nebrige za njegove promjene i jezikoslovne ravnodušnosti., This article evolved from a study on archaic vocabulary in Croatian, on how it is being depleted and gradually replaced by international loanwords often adopted from or via English, sometimes without being processed or adapted. Some English loanwords are used to represent various categories, their origin and common layman views are offered and corroborated by further examples disclosing certain stereotypes. Besides most common abbreviations, blends, slang and standard words, there are examples of semantic shift or rather a replacement of native words by foreign homonyms. The article simply describes the situation but eventually suggests that there are better solutions to enriching a language than to be careless about its changes and linguistically indifferent.

suosjećanje, sućut, saučešće