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The present research examines whether viewing a calendar depicting the present day as the first day of a new temporal category affects the motivation to pursue ongoing personal goals. Motivation peaked when the calendar's starting day (e.g., Sunday) matched the current day (e.g., Sunday) compared to when the calendar started on a different day (e.g., Monday, Studies 1a, 1b, 2). Viewing a calendar that portrayed the week as starting today (vs. a control calendar) also translated to greater self-reported progress on three personal goals over the next day (Study 2). The calendar format effect was present in both between-subjects designs (Study 1a, 1b, 2) and within-subjects design (Study 3). These studies extend research on the influence of temporal categories on projected goal pursuit to show the impact of calendar formats on motivation in the moment.

Self-control can be assisted by using self-control strategies rather than relying solely on willpower to resist tempting situations and to make more goal-consistent decisions. To understand how self-control strategies can aid financial goals, we conducted a meta-analysis (Study 1) to aggregate the latest research on self-control strategies in the financial domain and to estimate their overall effectiveness for saving and spending outcomes. Across 29 studies and 12 different self-control strategies, strategies reduced spending and increased saving significantly with a medium effect size (d = 0.57). Proactive and reactive strategies were equally effective. We next examined whether these strategies studied in the academic literature were present in a media sample of websites (N = 104 websites with 852 strategies) and in individuals’ personal experiences (N = 939 participants who listed 830 strategies). About half the strategies identified in the meta-analysis were present in the media sample and about half were listed by lay participants as strategies they personally use. In sum, this paper provides a comprehensive overview of the self-control strategies that have been studied in the empirical literature to date and of the strategies promoted in the media and used in daily life, identifying gaps between these perspectives.

When working towards goals, the length and frequency of goal pursuit sessions might play a role in individuals’ goal pursuit motivation. We examined whether a more divided (frequent, shorter sessions) or a cumulated (less frequent, longer sessions) goal pursuit schedule increases people’s motivation to work towards personal goals. Across two studies (N = 448), the underlying reasons for pursuing the goal mattered. A divided schedule was more motivating than a cumulated schedule if participants reported highly autonomous reasons (pursuing a goal due to personal interest or values), but the difference was eliminated for those reporting low autonomous reasons. We discuss how perceiving time spent on goal activities as loss, reward, or investment may explain scheduling preferences and how these may map on to preferences for scheduling financial losses and rewards outlined by prospect theory.

We examined whether nature exposure may be related to time perception. When estimating the length of time spent in nature vs. an urban environment, does the subjective estimate of experience duration change depending on the setting? We present evidence that an experience in nature can feel longer than the same experience in a man-made environment, independent of actual duration. Participants overestimated the duration of a walk if this walk took them through a nature setting but perceived an equally long walk through an urban setting accurately. The nature walk also resulted in a marked improvement in mood and reduction in stress compared to the urban walk. In sum, our studies suggest that nature exposure can slow down time perception.

We examined the spontaneous use and effectiveness of financial self-control strategies in individuals' everyday spending. In Study 1 (N = 377), participants who listed the strategies they personally already use at intake and several times throughout a month spent an average $228 less that month than participants in a control group. In contrast, participants who were provided with strategies that have been empirically tested and published or participants who were provided with strategies identified by a separate sample of lay individuals did not spend significantly less than control participants. In Study 2 (N = 308), we replicated this finding with a more immediate measure of actual spending (added up reports on the 31 days of the month). Participants who listed the strategies they personally already use at intake and several times throughout the month spent an average $236 less that month than participants in a control group. In contrast, participants who were provided with six established strategies spent an average $50 less that month than participants in a control group, which was not significant. In Study 3 (N = 339), we found that better fit of the strategies with participants' personality and better fit with the spending situation were linked to making fewer hypothetical spending decisions. In other words, personally generated self-control strategies might be more effective at promoting goal pursuit than provided strategies because they fit the person who generates them better.

Self-forgiveness is typically understood as a process that prevents continued engagement in negative behavior. However, it can also have a dark side in that it can lead to continuing that negative behavior. In the current research, we examined self-forgiveness in the domain of overspending—a potentially self-harming behavior. We tested whether self-forgiveness for past overspending affected future spending as a function of individual differences in incremental theories about character. In two studies, we asked participants to recall a past overspending incident as well as the degree to which they forgive themselves for this overspending, and then assessed their spending during a grocery trip immediately afterwards (Study 1) or a shopping trip in the subsequent days (Study 2). In both studies, self-forgiveness for overspending was related to greater subsequent spending among incremental theorists, but not among entity theorists. These results extend current research on self-forgiveness by demonstrating that implicit theories can determine for whom self-forgiveness fosters positive behavioral change (entity theorists) and for whom self-forgiveness may maintain the self-harming behavior (incremental theorists).

Abstract. Those who feel connected to nature tend to be more likely to engage in pro-environmental behavior. How can this connection with nature be created? We examined whether viewing nature-related videos – specifically, the immersiveness of the technological devices used to display these videos – can enhance connection with nature and increase pro-environmental behavior. Participants watched videos of either natural or built environments through a head-mounted display (immersive technology) or a regular computer screen. We predicted that watching a nature video would enhance nature relatedness and pro-environmental behaviors, particularly when presented with immersive technology than with a traditional computer monitor. There was limited support for the hypotheses; watching the nature video significantly enhanced nature relatedness but not pro-environmental behaviors. The type of technology used did not influence the effect of the videos.

Personality traits describe average tendencies, yet momentary behaviors in trait domains vary widely. Notably, both dispositional introverts and extraverts experience greater positive affect when behaving in extraverted ways. We test a potential explanation: extraverted behavior may evoke more positive social feedback from others. In Study 1, participants who were randomly assigned to interact with confederates who acted extraverted (vs. introverted) displayed more positive verbal and nonverbal social behaviors during interactions. Behaviors were rated by the participant, confederate, and an observer (via video). Study 2 reversed roles; neutral confederates who interacted with participants who were randomly assigned to act extraverted (vs. introverted) displayed more positive social behaviors. This research extends previous findings by examining how enacted extraversion influences interaction dynamics.

Goals pursuit involves multiple stages from setting the goal to actively pursuing the goal to finally achieving or abandoning the goal. Sometimes, however, individuals may set a goal and take some steps towards achieving it, but after some time they are neither actively working to achieve the goal nor abandon the goal. We describe such goals as ‘frozen goals’: personally important goals that individuals remain committed to (and so are not abandoned), yet no steps are actively taken towards attaining the goal. Across three studies we demonstrate the prevalence of frozen goals (Study 1) and examine differences between frozen goals and current goals that are actively pursued (Study 2) and between current frozen goals and past frozen goals (Study 3). In Study 1 we find that 92% of the sample reported having at least one frozen goal in their life, thereby demonstrating that frozen goals are not attributable to individual differences. In Study 2, we found that participants randomly assigned to describe a frozen goal reported making less progress, were less committed to, and considered the frozen goals less important than current goals. However, frozen goal commitment and importance was significantly greater than the scale midpoint, suggesting that frozen goals are nonetheless important. Across the studies, we found that frozen goals are common and are maintained for many years with very little progress, but that shifts from frozen to active or abandoned goals are possible. This research opens many avenues for new questions and new perspectives on goal pursuit and goal setting.