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Separation anxiety symptoms are frequent among preschool-aged children, but it is also a possible gateway for diagnosis of separation anxiety disorder. Early maternal employment after childbirth can increase the risk for the development of separation anxiety symptoms. From an economic perspective, however, securing employment is one effective strategy to ensure child well-being. This study investigated how mothers' participation in the labor force (vs. maternal leave) and the financial state of families when the child was 5 months old was prospectively associated with separation anxiety symptoms. This study is based on 1,295 Canadian families with children assessed longitudinally from 17 months to age 6 on their levels of separation anxiety. Separation anxiety was measured during face-to-face interviews with the mothers. Maternal labor force participation, financial status, and risk factors were measured at 5 months. Results adjusted for propensity scores and for sample weight revealed that children of working mothers, despite having sufficient income (n = 245, 18.9%), were at higher risk of separation anxiety during early childhood. In contrast, maternity leave was most beneficial for children's separation anxiety, whether they were in a family with sufficient income (n = 950, 73.4%) or temporary low income (n = 100, 7.7%). Children of mothers in maternity leave were at risk of heightened separation anxiety only if they experienced chronic economic hardship. Therefore, maternity leave uptake could help prevent the development of separation anxiety. Providing families with opportunity to care for the baby as their main occupation during this sensitive developmental period could help improve children's mental health.

Family networks are key to understanding the well‐being of older adults because kin provide instrumental and financial support, help manage health and disability, and encourage social integration. Two momentous societal changes have shaped the families of contemporary older adults: the first and second demographic transitions and global educational expansion. The intersection of these two processes raises questions about how older adults are faring in terms of their kin availability. This paper examines the socioeconomic bifurcation of adults in midlife and beyond in terms of the existence of descendants and other kin. Disparities in kin availability may vary across socioeconomic status and contexts, and so we examine this phenomenon worldwide, analyzing data on two thirds of the world's population of adults aged 50 and above. Our results highlight different kin structures by socioeconomic status. High socioeconomic status adults have fewer descendants but a higher likelihood of having at least one child with tertiary education, a partner, and living parents. Low socioeconomic status older adults have larger families with more younger kin. Our results shed new light on potential mismatches between the contemporary family networks of older adults and longstanding social norms and assumptions about caregiving, family, and health policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives We examine cross-national variation in (a) loneliness trajectories and (b) the association between common social risk factors and chronic loneliness in middle and older adulthood. Methods Using longitudinal data, we assess the country-level prevalence of loneliness trajectories (chronic, transitory, and no loneliness) and the extent of common social risk factors for loneliness (living alone, widowhood, divorce, no grandchildren, having chronic conditions, and never working) among adults 50 and older in 20 countries covering 47% of the global population in this age bracket. Additionally, we compare how the associations between social risk factors and chronic loneliness vary across countries. Results We find considerable variation in the prevalence of chronic loneliness cross-nationally, ranging between 4% (Denmark) and 15% (Greece) of adults 50 and older. Living arrangements have the most consistent association with the likelihood of chronic loneliness across countries, with those ever living alone having an 8% higher likelihood of chronic loneliness on average across countries, with a range of 2%–25%. Additionally, those who never report working and those with chronic conditions have a higher likelihood of chronic loneliness across more than a third of the countries. Discussion These results suggest that policies and interventions targeted to middle age and older adults living alone and with limited work histories or with chronic conditions are critical in reducing the public health challenges of chronic loneliness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Repeated claims that a dwindling supply of potential caregivers is creating a crisis in care for the U.S. aging population have not been well-grounded in empirical research. Concerns about the supply of family care do not adequately recognize factors that may modify the availability and willingness of family and friends to provide care to older persons in need of assistance or the increasing heterogeneity of the older population. In this paper, we set forth a framework that places family caregiving in the context of older adults' care needs, the alternatives available to them, and the outcomes of that care. We focus on care networks, rather than individuals, and discuss the demographic and social changes that may alter the formation of care networks in the future. Last, we identify research areas to prioritize in order to better support planning efforts to care for the aging U.S. population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives Adult loneliness is a substantial social problem and a growing point of concern for policymakers around the world. We assess whether the predictors of loneliness onset among middle-aged and older adults vary from country to country in a large array of settings across world regions. Taking a life course perspective, we focus on common life events in our focal age range, including changes in partnership, coresidence, work, and health, and we test whether changes in them have comparable prospective associations with loneliness onset in different countries. Methods We draw on respondent-level data from a diversity of world regions surveyed in 7 harmonized cross-national studies in 20 countries, representing 47% of the global population over the age of 50. Our innovative longitudinal approach estimates prospective transition probability models that examine how each life event predicts the transition into loneliness. Results Despite substantial variation in the prevalence of loneliness and life events across the range of countries in our sample, our results highlight consistency in the predictors of loneliness transitions. Family and household changes like divorce, coresidence, and especially widowhood are paramount predictors of loneliness transition across settings, with changes in work and health playing more minor and less universal roles. Discussion The results demonstrate the importance that family and household connections play in determining loneliness at these ages. These findings suggest that addressing late-life loneliness may require a focus on key life events, especially those concerning changes in families and households. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives This paper examines the family ties of older adults in the United States and how they are associated with mental health and social activity. We compare older adults with 4 types of family ties: adults "close" to family in proximity and social network, "kinless" older adults without a partner or children, "distanced" adults who live far from close kin, and "disconnected" older adults who do not report kin in their social network or do not report a location for some kin. Methods Using pooled data from the National Health and Aging Trends Study 2015–2019 for older adults aged 70 and older (N = 24,818 person-waves), we examine how family ties are associated with mental health and social activity, and whether lacking family is tied to poor well-being because older adults' needs are not being met. Results Kinless older adults and disconnected older adults have poorer outcomes (lower mental health scores and less social activity), compared to those close to their family. These findings suggest that both the presence and quality of the connection, as measured here via both location and social network, are critical for understanding which older adults are "at risk." Older adults who were not geographically proximate to their close kin (i.e. distanced) were not disadvantaged relative to those close to their families. Unmet needs do not help explain these patterns. Discussion Our results highlight that family ties are important for older adults well-being, not just through their existence but also their quality and strength. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the better-educated are more likely to practice healthy behaviors when measured at one point in time, there is no clear evidence regarding whether more educated people are more likely to initiate healthy behavior changes in the face of new chronic conditions and whether they are better able to adhere to these healthy changes, once made. I use data from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS) (1992-2010) to examine smoking cessation and starting physical activity by educational attainment over an 18-year period among 16,606 respondents ages 50 to 75. The more-educated are the least likely to smoke and most likely to be physically active in middle age. They are also most likely to make healthy changes overall and better adhere to them. Education also shapes behavior change after a new diagnosis, which likely contributes to socioeconomic status differences in chronic disease management and health outcomes.