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Roma people are likely Europe’s most discriminated and marginalized minority. In the past years, increasing attention has been paid to their migration to Western Europe and their limited social mobility in their countries of destination. Our article focuses on the “post‐return” experiences of Roma and the changes generated by return migration in their communities of origin, a topic largely neglected so far. We build on recent debates around post‐return positionality, asking how adult and old Roma returnees experience return. We thus contribute to the growing literature on return migration and lifecourse that distinguishes between the return migration of children and youth, that of adults, and that of older migrants. Focusing on Roma returnees, we employ an understanding of migration not just as a means of generating resources, but also as a learning process where the Roma population acquires new ideas and a sense of agency and dignity. Informed by long‐term fieldwork in ethnically mixed localities in Romania (including participant observation and 76 semi‐structured interviews), we inquire into the ethnic relations and negotiations between Roma and non‐Roma populations. Migration results in a weakening of the economic dependency of the Roma on the non‐Roma. In this new context, which is still marred by ethnic prejudice and inequality, we analysed how local interethnic relations were reshaped by the returned Roma’s new consumption practices, new modes of communication, and new claims for equality. While adult Roma tend to demand equality and decent treatment, setting in motion a process of ethnic change, older returned Roma tend to maintain more submissive practices.

Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit spezifischen Armutslagen von Frauen, wobei der Marginalisierungsbegriff in den Mittelpunkt gerückt wird. Die drei Phänomene Armut, Gewalterfahrungen und Wohnungslosigkeit werden als zentrale Aspekte des Alltags von marginalisierten Frauen bestimmt und dargestellt. Insgesamt sind in der sozialen Ungleichheitsforschung Studien zu gesellschaftlicher Marginalisierung schon rar, empirische Untersuchungen (quantitativ wie qualitativ) zur Marginalisierung von Frauen sind noch seltener. Anhand von neun Interviews mit armen und marginalisierten Frauen, die mit der dokumentarischen Methode ausgewertet wurden, verdeutlicht der Beitrag, wie die Befragten ihren Alltag gestalten und wie sie mit ihrer Armut und Marginalisierung umgehen. Somit wird eine Perspektive verfolgt, die von den Frauen selbst ausgeht und zeigt, wie sie diese Phänomene konkret erfahren und mit ihnen umgehen. Zentral dabei ist der Kampf der befragten Frauen um gesellschaftliche Respektabilität. The article deals with the specific poverty of women, focusing on the concept of marginalisation. The three phenomena poverty, violence and homelessness are identified and presented as central aspects of the everyday lives of marginalised women. Overall, studies on social marginalisation are already rare in social inequality research, empirical studies (quantitative as well as qualitative) on the marginalisation of women are even rarer. Based on nine interviews with poor and marginalised women, which were analysed using the documentary method, the article illustrates how the interviewees shape their everyday lives and how they deal with their poverty and marginalisation. The perspective chosen starts from the women themselves and shows how they experience and deal with these phenomena. Central to this is the struggle for social respectability.

Many neighbourhoods are currently serving as laboratories where new methods are being explored for collaboratively redesigning cities and tackling the social, environmental, and cultural issues affecting them. These redesign processes are often supported by local communities who increasingly develop bottom-up initiatives to innovate and preserve the neighbourhood’s “common goods.” This is certainly the case of Nolo, an area in the city of Milan (Italy) that has recently undergone an urban regeneration process thanks to the presence of a proactive community of actors living and working in the neighbourhood. Despite effective social innovation practices enacted by part of the local community, several “voices” in Nolo—mainly belonging to marginalized communities—are still excluded from the current process of urban regeneration. This lack of attention is rather problematic for the whole community, as it is leading to increasing rather than mitigating social polarization. To address this issue, we approached Nolo and its community through a participatory design experimentation, generating a series of collaborative platforms to enable those marginalized voices—humans as well as non-humans—to be heard, to enter into agonistic conversations with one another, and to question what they (should) all care about. What this (still ongoing) experimentation is currently showing is that to co-design collaborative platforms to counter polarization needs to be carefully balanced, negotiating between all the actors involved and acknowledging their thick entanglements to finally unravel how they radically inter-depend on one another. This kind of “ontologizing” practice is currently proving to be pivotal to counter “antagonisms” (and, therefore, mitigate social polarizations), and re-framing them in “agonistic” terms. This article reports how we operated this “ontologizing” practice in a particularly debated area of the neighbourhood by embracing the perspective of marginalized actors, encouraging them to collaborative and transformative actions for their own situated context.

Knowledge about how marginalised citizens use urban spaces is hard to access and apply in urban planning and policy. Based on current debates around “smart cities” and “smart governance,” the City of Odense, in Denmark, has tested the integration of “smart engagement” by means of GPS-tracking techniques into the municipality’s cross-sectoral strategy for an “inclusive city.” In a period of austerity, cities have the incentive to optimise public services. Hence, GPS-tracking data was produced by 64 marginalised citizens, resulting in a data inventory covering three weeks of spatial behaviour. First, this article shows how these GPS-tracking data were processed into maps without revealing person-sensitive spatial patterns. Secondly, the article explores whether such maps and the GPS-tracking techniques that underpin them are considered valid, relevant, and applicable to urban planning from the perspectives of marginalised citizens, their representatives, and municipal planners and professionals respectively. The GPS project showed shortcomings as regards the quality of the data inventory and the representativity of the mapped behaviour, which made them inapplicable for optimising dedicated public service. However, the article also finds that the GPS-based maps succeeded in being non-person sensitive and in providing a valuable platform for citizen-centric dialogues with marginalised citizens with the potential for raising awareness and increasing knowledge about this citizen group’s living conditions and urban lives. An important derived effect of the project is that it has ensured ongoing cross-sectoral collaboration among a range of professional stakeholders, imperative for ensuring creating greater equity in urban planning.

This article critically examines the application of an innovative project aimed at developing a mechanism for people with intellectual disabilities to provide input to the Icelandic government’s report on its implementation of the Convention on the Rights of Persons With Disabilities (CRPD). The project was undertaken to comply with the CRPD’s obligation to ensure the participation of disabled people in the review process and to respond to the recognized need for changes to consultation processes to accommodate the needs of people with intellectual disabilities. The project was successful in producing its intended outcome, to facilitate meaningful input by people with intellectual disabilities to the national review process. However, the research reveals that effective use of the outcome report by the authorities, which had both funded the project and praised its work, was lacking. These findings draw attention to the need to address unspoken norms and biases, and to take assertive steps to institutionalize a more structured and transparent process of co‐creation to ensure that the voices of marginalized groups are in fact heard and effectively taken into account in outcome processes. The research this article draws on is qualitative, comprised of data gathered through document analysis, as well as in‐depth interviews with representatives of disabled people’s organizations and the authorities.

In der Pandemie hat die (Un-)Sichtbarkeit und Fragilität von Fürsorgearbeit erneut sowohl an Relevanz als auch an Prekarität gewonnen. Zugleich macht die Pandemie lokale und globale Vulnerabilitäten sichtbar(er). Dies erfordert eine Perspektive auf Gesundheitssicherheit, die sowohl marginalisierte und hierarchisierte Sorge-Strukturen greifbar macht als auch die Wandelbarkeit der Bedarfe von Personen im Krisenkontext erfassen kann. Aus diesem Grund widmet sich dieser Artikel der Frage: Wie kann eine feministische care-ethische Perspektive unser Verständnis von Gesundheitssicherheit verändern? Diese Fragestellung untersuchen wir zunächst auf einer theoretisch-konzeptionellen Ebene aber auch hinsichtlich ihres normativen Potenzials. Hierbei betrachten wir den gesellschaftlichen Umgang und die Unsichtbarkeit von häufig prekären, randständigen und feminisierten Formen von Sorgearbeit aus einer kritischen feministischen Sicherheitsperspektive. Wir kritisieren, dass bestehende Sicherheitsverständnisse im Krisen- und Katastrophenfall ein selbsthilfefähiges Individuum voraussetzen, welches in starkem Kontrast zur Lebensrealität vieler Menschen in Care-Beziehungen steht. Wir führen diese Unsichtbarkeit, und damit die strukturelle Marginalisierung von Care-Beziehungen im Fall der Coronapandemie unter anderem darauf zurück, dass herkömmliche Perspektiven auf Gesundheitssicherheit nicht auf Fragen des Zusammenhangs von Care und sozialer Ordnungen eingehen. During the Covid-19 pandemic, questions of the (in)visibility and fragility of care work have once more gained both relevance and precariousness. At the same time, the pandemic makes local and global vulnerabilities (more) visible. This requires a perspective on health security that makes marginalised and hierarchical structures of care tangible and captures the fluidity and transformation of people's needs in times of crises. Therefore, this article addresses the question: How can a feminist ethics of care-perspective change our understanding of health security? We first examine this question on a theoretical-conceptual level and also show its normative potential. Thus, the article analyses the social treatment and invisibility of often precarious, marginalised, and feminised forms of care work from a critical feminist security perspective. We criticise that conventional understandings of security in times of crisis and disasters presuppose an individual who is able to help themselves, which stands in stark contrast to the lived reality of many people dependent on care relationships. We attribute this invisibility, and thus the structural marginalisation of care relations in the case of the Covid-19 pandemic, to the fact that conventional perspectives on health security do not take questions of the connection between care and social orders into account.

This thematic issue addresses the challenges faced by Indigenous peoples in protecting their rights and maintaining their unique cultures and ways of life. Despite residing on all continents and possessing distinct social, cultural, economic, and political characteristics, Indigenous peoples have historically faced oppression and violation of their rights. Measures to protect Indigenous rights are gradually being recognized by the international community, but ongoing issues such as illegal deforestation, mining, and land clearances continue to desecrate sacred sites and oppress Indigenous peoples. Indigenous women and youth are particularly vulnerable, facing higher levels of gender‐based violence and overrepresentation in judicial sentencing statistics. Land rights continue to be threatened by natural resource extraction, infrastructure projects, large‐scale agricultural expansion, and conservation orders. There is also a heightened risk of statelessness for Indigenous peoples whose traditional lands cross national borders, leading to displacement, attacks, killings, and criminalization.

Einsames Sterben und ein sozial unbegleitetes Lebensende sind alltägliche, doch häufig verborgene soziale Probleme. In einer vielschichtigen sozialwissenschaftlichen Analyse verknüpft die Autorin Erkenntnisse der Einsamkeits-, Sterbe- und Ungleichheitsforschung im städtischen Raum zu innovativen Ergebnissen. Sie veranschaulicht die Ambivalenzen eines einsamen und unentdeckten Todes als Endpunkt einer abwärts gerichteten Spirale der Einsamkeit und sozialen Isolation bzw. Exklusion. Die Feldforschung in einem sterbenden Sozialraum gibt marginalisierten Menschen das Wort, die sonst nicht gehört werden, und lässt die Leser*innen teils beklommen zurück.

Many share the concern that the Covid-19 pandemic has had devastating impacts on the vulnerable who are already disproportionately at risk of social exclusion. The health-related risks that the pandemic entailed and the challenges that resulted from the associated measures have led to new vulnerabilities for specific groups such as persons with disabilities, persons from a (forced) migrant background, and women/girls. This article will discuss the complexity of the multiple vulnerabilities during the Covid-19 pandemic by relying on data collected from immigrant women with disabilities. To this end, data from two women with disabilities who are members of the historically marginalized Turkish immigrant group in Austria were analyzed with regard to their experiences during the pandemic. Their accounts are analyzed from an intersectional perspective in order to document the effects of peri-post-pandemic measures on the lives of people with multiple disadvantages. The interviews and audio diaries by two immigrant women with disabilities recorded over seven months are used to delve into latent oppression structures and overlapping mechanisms of difficulties embedded in their experiences. The findings show how the multiple identities and struggles of the two women were affected during the pandemic by building upon each other.

Se analiza, bajo los conceptos de la estética de la marginalidad, el mural de El Cóporo y se revisan los alcances que tuvo el proyecto en la rehabilitación física y social del espacio público de la zona. La investigación se sustenta en un acercamiento historiográfico al tema y se apoya de los recorridos en la zona del mural y de un registro fotográfico. Entre los principales hallazgos destaca que el mural ha otorgado una nueva configuración al paisaje urbano de la ciudad de Toluca, pero no logra erradicar la marginación. Se concluye que el arte modifica el paisaje urbano e integra visualmente la zona a la ciudad; no obstante, el mural remarca el territorio y avala una identidad marginal del barrio. The authors aim to analyze, under the concepts of the aesthetics of marginality, the mural of El Cóporo, and review the scopes that the project had in the physical and social rehabilitation of the public space of the area. The research is based on a historiographic approach to the subject, supported by tours in the area of the mural, photographic record and interviews. Among the important findings is that the mural has given a new configuration to the urban landscape of the city of Toluca, but fails to eradicate marginalization. It is concluded that art modifies the urban landscape and visually integrates the area into the city, however, the mural highlights the territory and endorses a marginal identity of the neighborhood.

In the literature, Malaysian Indians, as minorities, are marginalized and discriminated against, while their agency is either conspicuously lacking or one-dimensional. As a result, the mainstream discourse concerning Malaysian Indians is discursive and renders them subordinate. I argue that despite the marginalization and discrimination, grassroots Malaysian Indian Hindus are not powerless. With a case study of a demolished estate Hindu temple in Penang, I unpack their agential compliance and lack of confrontation when the state government destroyed their community temple. Their agential responses reflect their diverse political and social experiences as minorities and the myriad ways of interpreting the political rivalry between the ruling federal and opposition-led state government. Analysis of the case study is derived from ethnography and in-depth interviews with the estate Hindus., Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, Vol. 14 No. 1 (2021)

Leseprobe ----- Zusammenfassung Obwohl die beeindruckende Vielfalt des Weltsozialforums (WSF) regelmasig hervorgehoben wird, gibt es bisher wenig analytische Arbeit daruber, inwieweit die Praxis des WSF die Kommunikationsfahigkeit uber bisher unuberwundene Differenzen ermoglicht und wie Machtverhaltnisse, insbesondere die Kolonialitat der Macht, diese Interaktionen pragen. Basierend auf umfangreicher teilnehmender Beobachtung beim WSF analysiert dieser Artikel den „offenen Raum“ des WSF als „Kontaktzone“, die in verschiedenen Facetten dieser komplexen Praxis sowohl kosmopolitisch als auch kolonial ist. Ausgehend von den Werken Boaventura de Sousa Santos‘ und Mary Louise Pratts untersucht die Autorin unterschiedliche Konzepte der Kontaktzone und setzt diese in einen Dialog mit den aus den lateinamerikanischen Studien kommenden Ansatzen der Kolonialitat und des kolonialen Unterschieds. Schlagworter: Weltsozialforum; Kolonialitat der Macht; subalterne Bewegungen; Marginalisierung von Wissen; Dekolonisierung, Bundnispolitik; Kontaktzone ----- Cosmopolitan or Colonial? The World Social Forum as “Contact Zone” Abstract Although the impressive diversity of the World Social Forum (WSF) is regularly noted, there has been little analytical work done on the degree to which the praxis of the WSF is enabling engagement across previously unbridged differences and how relations of power, particularly the coloniality of power, shape these interactions. Based on extensive participant observation at the WSF, this article analyses the “open space” of the WSF as a “contact zone” that, in different facets, is both cosmopolitan and colonial. To make this case, the author draws on the work of Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Mary Louise Pratt and their different conceptualisations of contact zones, as well as the notions of coloniality and colonial difference arising in Latin American studies. Keywords: World Social Forum; coloniality of power; subaltern movements; marginalisation of knowledges; decolonizing; alliance building, contact zone ----- Bibliographie: Conway, Janet: Kosmopolitisch oder kolonial? Das Weltsozialforum als „Kontaktzone“, PERIPHERIE – Politik • Okonomie • Kultur, Nr. 161 (1-2021), S. 66-93. https://doi.org/10.3224/peripherie.v41i1.04

International migration implies the coexistence of different ethnic and cultural groups in the receiving country. The refugee crisis of 2015 has resulted in critical levels of opinion polarization on the question of whether to welcome migrants, causing clashes in receiving countries. This scenario emphasizes the need to better understand the dynamics of mutual adaptation between locals and migrants, and the conditions that favor successful integration. Agent-based simulations can help achieve this goal. In this work, we introduce our model MigrAgent and our preliminary results. The model synthesizes the dynamics of migration intake and post-migration adaptation. It explores the different acculturation outcomes that can emerge from the mutual adaptation of a migrant population and a local population depending on their degree of tolerance. With parameter sweeping, we detect how different acculturation strategies can coexist in a society and in different degrees among various subgroups. The results show higher polarization effects between a local population and a migrant population for fast intake conditions. When migrant intake is slow, transitory conditions between acculturation outcomes emerge for subgroups, e.g., from assimilation to integration for liberal migrants and from marginalization to separation for conservative migrants. Relative group sizes due to speed of intake cause counterintuitive scenarios, such as the separation of liberal locals. We qualitatively compare the processes of our model with the German portion sample of the survey Causes and Consequences of Socio-Cultural Integration Processes among New Immigrants in Europe (SCIP), finding preliminary confirmation of our assumptions and results., Comment: 24 pages, plus supplemental material, 11 figures

Renewed marginalization, coupled with ethnic nationalism, could severely hamper peace, stability, governance, and the delivery of essential service to the people. Therefore, disharmony resulting from marginalization and regional discontent is no more dismissible issues. Muslim communities in Africa, South Asia, and some parts of the Middle East are considered to be highly underprivileged in terms of representation, economic prospects, and education. This exclusion has made young Muslims particularly vulnerable to recruitment by terrorist insurgents who appear to sympathize with their plight. The terrorists usually offer them possible alternatives to earn income and to express their grievances. Since the stability of any society largely depends on political, security, and economic freedom, communities that do not attain it, are likely to be vulnerable to recruitment by insurgent groups that meet their needs. This study examined how Somali Muslims' perceptions of marginalization influenced their radicalization in Kenya. A total of 400 respondents were sampled from a target population of 623,060. Sixty respondents were Muslim religious leaders in Garissa county, 40 respondents were law enforcement personnel working in Garissa County, 100 respondents were government officials in administrative offices within the County, and 200 respondents were local Somali youths aged between 17–35 years. Data was collected from the respondents through the administration of the questionnaires in hard copy form. The split-half method was employed to guarantee reliability of the survey, while validity was addressed by phrasing all survey and FGD questions appropriately in line with the research objectives. The collected data was then examined using quantitative and qualitative analysis methods. The quantitative analysis focused on numerical data, while qualitative analysis was used to analyze non-numerical information provided by respondents. In analyzing Somali Muslim views on marginalization and its effect on radicalization, this study employed correlation research design and Samuel Stouffer's relative deprivation theory of social behaviour. The findings of this study indicate that the perceptions of marginalization by Somali Muslims are related to an upsurge in radicalization.

This paper offers a critical assessment of Loic Wacquant’s influential ‘advanced marginality’ framework with reference to research undertaken on a London social housing estate. Following Wacquant, it has become the orthodoxy that one of the major vectors of advanced marginality is territorial stigmatisation and that this particularly affects social housing estates, for example via mass media deployment of the ‘sink estate’ label in the UK. This paper is based upon a multi-method case study of the Aylesbury estate in south-east London – an archetypal stigmatised ‘sink estate’. The paper brings together three aspects of residents’ experiences of the Aylesbury estate: territorial stigmatisation and dissolution of place, both of which Wacquant focuses on, and housing conditions which Wacquant neglects. The paper acknowledges the deprivation and various social problems the Aylesbury residents face, problems that are generally prominent in south-east London. It argues, however, that rather than internalising the extensive and intensive media-fuelled territorial stigmatisation of their ‘notorious’ estate, as Wacquant’s analysis implies, residents have largely disregarded, rejected or actively resisted the notion that they are living in an ‘estate from hell’, while their sense of place belonging has not dissolved. By contrast, poor housing – in the form of heating breakdowns, leaks, infestation, inadequate repairs and maintenance – caused major distress and frustration and was a more important facet of their everyday lives than territorial stigmatisation. The paper concludes that more academic attention needs to be paid to material housing conditions in order to provide a fuller understanding of urban advanced marginality.

This introduction to the thematic issue on housing and territorial stigma provides concise overviews of the concepts of stigma, housing stigma, and territorial (or neighborhood) stigma, while tracing back current research on these topics to the pioneering work of Erving Goffman and Loic Wacquant. In doing this, we place particular attention on social responses to, and coping strategies with, stigma, especially various forms of stigma resistance. Finally, in brief summaries of all articles in the thematic issue, we emphasize their shared themes and concerns.

El present treball pretén demostrar com els pescadors formen part d’un grup separat de la resta de la societat quant a la seva manera d’operar i de prendre partit en moments rellevants dels anys trenta. Intentarem esbrinar si els pescadors s’integren en un col·lectiu sindical tal com obrers o pagesos o no i per què és així. En canvi, s’allunyen i es distancien de qualsevol tipus de revolució que es produeix durant els anys trenta, concretament en el context de la Guerra Civil i de les col·lectivitzacions desenvolupades principalment per la CNT, de manera que només es preocupen per la seva supervivència. Per una banda, des de la descripció i explicació més objectives ens aproximarem a les característiques pròpies de la professió i, per altra banda, des de la perspectiva política i social observarem com va influir la Guerra Civil espanyola en el comportament dels seus integrants. El presente trabajo pretende demostrar como los pescadores forman parte de un grupo separado del resto de la sociedad en su manera de operar y de tomar partido en momentos relevantes de los años treinta. Intentaremos saber si los pescadores de manera general se integran en un colectivo sindical como el de los obreros o agricultores o no y por qué es así. En cambio, se alejan y distancian de cualquier tipo de revolución que se produce durante los años treinta, concretamente en el contexto de la Guerra Civil y de las colectivizaciones desarrolladas principalmente por la CNT, de manera que solo se preocupan por su supervivencia. Por un lado, desde la descripción y explicación más objetivas nos aproximaremos a las características propias de la profesión y, por otro lado, desde la perspectiva política y social observaremos cómo influyó la Guerra Civil española en el comportamiento de sus integrantes. The aim of this paper work is to show how fishermen were part of a separated group from the rest of society in terms of how they operated and took part in relevant times in the 1930s. We will try to find out whether fishermen belonged to a trade union group, as workers or peasants did, or not and also why. Instead, they moved away and distanced themselves from any kind of revolution which took place during the thirties, specifically in the context of the Civil War and the collectivizations developed mainly by the CNT, so that they only cared about their survival. On the one hand, we will approach the characteristics of the profession from the most objective description and explanation and, on the other hand, we will observe from a political and social perspective how the Spanish Civil War influenced the behaviour of its members.

As part of long‐term comparative research into the Gauteng City‐Region, this article presents mixed‐methods studies in the informal settlement of Denver, located in the industrial belt southeast of Johannesburg’s city center. It unpacks the results of focus groups, ethnographic and expert interviews, as well as mapping with an innovative smartphone tracking application, comparing everyday life for several households in this area before the pandemic in 2019 and during the pan‐ demic in 2020. Findings show that the pandemic exacerbated the disproportionate burdens related to gendered roles of household management, childcare, and mobility, both on the macro‐ as well as the micro‐scale. The article thus defines the “gender–poverty–mobility nexus” that shapes space and everyday life in the Gauteng City‐Region, precluding places like Denver from overcoming their marginality. Post‐pandemic planning policy could be transformative for such spaces if it can build on this knowledge to better identify the needs of these vulnerable social groups and connect them to opportunities. It concludes with suggestions on how these empirically revealed dynamics could be translated into responses on the urban and regional scales, in the name of more equitable, resilient planning futures for Johannesburg and beyond., Urban Planning, 7 (3), ISSN:2183-7635

Producción Científica, While there is a growing body of research on Ciganos/Roma in Portugal, little is known about how Cigano youth transition into adulthood. In this article, we address this gap by drawing on a qualitative study on the transitions of young Ciganos living in Cascais, a coastal municipality in the Lisbon district. Using a multi‐method approach, we explore the life course trajectories of Cigano youth within the areas of education, livelihoods, and marriage, and how these areas shape their transition experiences. The empirical material shows that the transition into adulthood of Cigano youth is influenced by broader structural and socio‐cultural factors. Processes of socialization, ethnicity, and gender restrict young Ciganos’ participation in education and formal labor markets, which increases their vulnerability to marginalization and exclusion in society. Cigano youth, however, initiate different pathways in their life trajectories to achieve adulthood. By focusing on the voices of Cigano youth, we challenge the homogenization of their lives in Portugal and highlight how social age and linked lives shape their transitions into adulthood.

There is a particular impetus to consider the history of the US AIDS epidemic through an intersectional lens, given that the inequities structuring the early years of the crisis continue to be reproduced in the popular imagination of its history. Iris De La Cruz (1953-1991) is often mobilized in this context as an example of the diversity of AIDS activism as well as of the epidemic's disproportionate toll on marginalized groups. However, this framing, though well-intentioned, positions De La Cruz's AIDS diagnosis as the entry point to her life and historical significance. Further, by identifying marginalized women with their serostatus, it privileges oversimplified associations over self-identification and historical specificity, emptying the lives of women with AIDS of individuality. Overall, narratives of De La Cruz as an AIDS fighter, activist, and simply as a woman with AIDS disregard the rest of her vibrant life and reveal nothing about her that could not have been said in advance. Es ist besonders wichtig, die Geschichte der US-amerikanischen AIDS-Epidemie aus einem intersektionalen Blickwinkel zu betrachten, da die Ungleichheiten, die die frühen Jahre der Krise beherrschten, in der populären Imagination über ihre Geschichte weiterhin reproduziert werden. Iris De La Cruz (1953-1991) wird in diesem Zusammenhang oft als Beispiel für die Vielfältigkeit des AIDS-Aktivismus sowie für die unverhältnismäßigen Auswirkungen der Epidemie auf marginalisierte Gruppen angeführt. Diese Darstellung ist zwar gut gemeint, macht aber die AIDS-Diagnose von De La Cruz zum Ausgangspunkt für ihr Leben und ihre historische Bedeutung. Indem marginalisierte Frauen über ihren Serostatus identifiziert werden, werden vereinfachende Diskurse über ihre Selbstidentifikation und historische Besonderheit gestellt, wodurch das Leben von Frauen mit AIDS seiner Individualität beraubt wird. Insgesamt lassen Erzählungen über De La Cruz als AIDS-Kämpferin, Aktivistin und einfach als Frau mit AIDS den Rest ihres pulsierenden Lebens außer Acht und enthüllen nichts über sie, was nicht schon vorher hätte gesagt werden können.

Eine bedeutende, aber unterentwickelte Erklärung für den Aufstieg des Populismus verweist auf das Gefühl, von der Entwicklung der Gesellschaft "abgehängt" zu sein. Im Kern steht die These, dass die Unterstützung des Populismus von der Wahrnehmung getrieben wird, nicht die gesellschaftliche Anerkennung zu erhalten, die man verdient. Dieser Beitrag baut auf der Erkenntnis auf, dass das Gefühl mangelnder Anerkennung auf unterschiedliche Weise und aus unterschiedlichen Gründen auftreten kann. Wir argumentieren, dass - aufgrund dieses facettenreichen Charakters - die gemeinsame Wahrnehmung einer fehlenden gesellschaftlichen Anerkennung ansonsten heterogene Bevölkerungsschichten in ihrer Unterstützung für den Populismus vereint. Basierend auf Daten aus der Vorwahlbefragung der German Longitudinal Election Study zur Bundestagswahl 2021 untersucht unsere präregistrierte Studie die multiplen Wurzeln populistischer Einstellungen in Gefühlen mangelnder gesellschaftlicher Anerkennung. Erstens weisen unsere Ergebnisse darauf hin, dass - von Individuen in ländlichen Regionen über solche mit soziokulturell konservativen Einstellungen bis hin zu solchen mit niedrigem Einkommen - scheinbar unverbundene Segmente der Gesellschaft Wahrnehmungen fehlender Anerkennung teilen - allerdings aus unterschiedlichen Gründen. Zweitens ist, wie erwartet, jedes dieser distinkten Gefühle fehlender Anerkennung mit populistischen Einstellungen assoziiert. Diese Ergebnisse unterstreichen die Relevanz scheinbar unpolitischer, tief in der menschlichen Psyche verwurzelter Faktoren, um gegenwärtige populistische Stimmungslagen zu verstehen. Durch die Integration zuvor auseinanderlaufender Perspektiven auf den Aufstieg des Populismus bietet die Studie eine neue Konzeptualisierung des "Abgehängtseins" und erklärt, wie Populismus - über traditionelle Cleavages hinweg - zu ungewöhnlichen Allianzen führen kann. A prominent but underspecified explanation for the rise of populism points to individuals' feelings of being "left behind" by the development of society. At its core lies the claim that support for populism is driven by the feeling of lacking the societal recognition one deserves. Our contribution builds on the insight that individuals can feel they lack recognition in different ways and for different reasons. We argue that - because of this multifaceted character - the common perception of being neglected by society unites otherwise heterogeneous segments of the population in their support for populism. Relying on data from the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES) Pre-Election Cross-Section 2021, our preregistered study investigated the multiple roots of populist attitudes in feelings of lacking societal recognition in two steps. First, our results indicate that, from rural residents to sociocultural conservatives or low-income citizens, seemingly unrelated segments of society harbor feelings of lacking recognition, but for distinct reasons. Second, as anticipated, each of the distinct feelings of lacking recognition are associated with populist attitudes. These findings underscore the relevance of seemingly unpolitical factors that are deeply ingrained in the human psyche for understanding current populist sentiment. Overall, by integrating previously disparate perspectives on the rise of populism, the study offers a novel conceptualization of "feeling left behind" and explains how populism can give rise to unusual alliances that cut across traditional cleavages.

Die Demokratie ist durch ein nur begrenzt eingelöstes allgemeines Gleichheits- und Partizipationsversprechen gekennzeichnet: Viele Menschen fühlen sich politisch handlungsunfähig und haben den Eindruck, kein Gehör zu finden oder nicht repräsentiert zu werden. Am Beispiel der Situation von Geflüchteten in Deutschland zeigt der Autor die Ursachen und Folgen dieser Schieflage auf. Die Konfrontation mit Macht- und Herrschaftsverhältnissen im privaten Alltag, in Behörden und in der Arbeitswelt, so die These, erfahren Subalterne als Ohnmacht. Politisches Engagement erscheint ihnen infolgedessen wenig erfolgversprechend. Demokratische Partizipation wird dadurch sozial selektiv und die Demokratie grundlegend unterminiert. How experiences of powerlessness in everyday life, in public authorities, and in the world of work undermine the promise of democratic participation.