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BackgroundThe United States (US) data suggest fewer-than-expected preterm births in 2020, but no study has examined the impact of exposure to the early COVID-19 pandemic at different points in gestation on preterm birth.ObjectiveOur objective was to determine-among cohorts exposed to the early COVID-19 pandemic-whether observed counts of overall, early and moderately preterm birth fell outside the expected range.MethodsWe used de-identified, cross-sectional, national birth certificate data from 2014 to 2020. We used month and year of birth and gestational age to estimate month of conception for birth. We calculated the count of overall (

The epidemiologic literature estimating the indirect or secondary effects of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic on pregnant people and gestation continues to grow. Our assessment of this scholarship, however, leads us to suspect that the methods most commonly used may lead researchers to spurious inferences. This suspicion arises because the methods do not account for temporal patterning in perinatal outcomes when deriving counterfactuals, or estimates of the outcomes had the pandemic not occurred. We illustrate the problem in 2 ways. First, using monthly data from US birth certificates, we describe temporal patterning in 5 commonly used perinatal outcomes. Notably, for all but 1 outcome, temporal patterns appear more complex than much of the emerging literature assumes. Second, using data from France, we show that using counterfactuals that ignore this complexity produces spurious results. We recommend that subsequent investigations on COVID-19 and other perturbations use widely available time-series methods to derive counterfactuals that account for strong temporal patterning in perinatal outcomes.

BackgroundPreliminary studies suggest that the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic and associated social, economic and clinical disruptions have affected pregnancy decision-making and outcomes. Whilst a few US-based studies have examined regional changes in birth outcomes during the pandemic's first months, much remains unknown of how the pandemic impacted perinatal health indicators at the national-level throughout 2020, including during the 'second wave' of infections that occurred later in the year.ObjectivesTo describe changes in monthly rates of perinatal health indicators during the 2020 pandemic for the entire US.MethodsFor the years 2015 to 2020, we obtained national monthly rates (per 100 births) for four perinatal indicators: preterm (

BackgroundReducing maternal mortality is a priority in the United States and worldwide. Drug-related deaths and suicide may account for a substantial and growing portion of maternal deaths, yet information on the incidence of and sociodemographic variation in these deaths is scarce.ObjectiveWe sought to examine incidence of drug-related and suicide deaths in the 12 months after delivery, including heterogeneity by sociodemographic factors. We also explored maternal decedents' health care utilization prior to death.Study designThis retrospective, population-based cohort study followed up 1,059,713 women who delivered a live-born infant in California hospitals during 2010-2012 to ascertain maternal death. Analyses were conducted using statewide, all-payer, longitudinally-linked hospital and death data.ResultsA total of 300 women died during follow-up, a rate of 28.33 deaths per 100,000 person-years. The leading cause of death was obstetric-related problems (6.52 per 100,000 person-years). Drug-related deaths were the second leading cause of death (3.68 per 100,000 person-years), and suicide was the seventh leading cause (1.42 per 100,000 person-years); together these deaths comprised 18% of all maternal deaths. Non-Hispanic white women, Medicaid-insured women, and women residing in micropolitan areas were especially likely to die from drugs/suicide. Two thirds of women who died, including 74% of those who died by drugs/suicide, made ≥1 emergency department or hospital visit between their delivery and death.ConclusionDeaths caused by drugs and suicide are a major contributor to mortality in the postpartum period and warrant increased clinical attention, including recognition by physicians and Maternal Mortality Review Committees as a medical cause of death. Importantly, emergency department and inpatient hospital visits may serve as a point of identification of, and eventually prevention for, women at risk for these deaths.

OBJECTIVE:Suicide mortality rates in rural areas of the United States are twice that of rates in urban areas, and identifying which factors-eg, higher rates of suicidal distress, lower rates of help-seeking behaviors, or greater access to firearms-contribute to this rural/urban disparity could help target interventions. METHOD:Using 2015-2016 data on adult respondents to the California Health Interview Survey (n = 40,041), we examined associations between residence in a rural (vs nonrural) census tract and nonfatal suicidal ideation and attempt. RESULTS:We found that living in a rural area was not associated with nonfatal suicidal behavior (OR for past-year suicidal ideation = 0.87, 95% CI: 0.63-1.20; OR for past-year suicide attempt = 0.55, CI: 0.20-1.48). Women living in rural areas had higher odds of lifetime suicidal ideation compared to women living in nonrural areas, but this difference was not significant (OR = 1.17, CI: 0.94-1.44). We also found that, among individuals reporting suicidal behavior, there were few rural/nonrural differences in perceived need for treatment, such as seeing a physician or taking a prescription for mental health problems. CONCLUSIONS:Our results do not suggest higher suicidal distress or lower treatment-seeking behaviors as explanations for the rural/urban disparity in suicide mortality rates. Further attention is needed to the unique risk factors driving suicidality in rural areas, as well as exploring heterogeneity in these factors across different rural contexts.

Background: Nearly half of all pregnancies in the United States are considered unintended (mistimed or unwanted), and this rate is even higher among younger and lower income women. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) dependent coverage provision may have influenced the frequency of unintended pregnancies by increasing accessibility to and affordability of family planning services among young adults. Furthermore, the impact of this provision may differ by young adult income level as those with lower income are less likely to be insured and thus more likely to benefit from this provision. Our objective was to estimate the association between the ACA dependent coverage provision and unintended pregnancy, overall, and by young adult income level. Methods: We applied a difference-in-differences approach to data from multiple cycles of the National Survey of Family Growth (n = 10,104) and compared trends in unintended pregnancy between those who were eligible to benefit (ages 18–25 years) and those who were ineligible to benefit (ages 26–33 years) from the provision, overall, and among income subgroups. Results: We found evidence that the dependent coverage provision was associated with a −7.4 percentage point reduction (95% CI: −13.5, −1.3) in the prevalence of unintended pregnancy among young adults with lower income (<100% of the federal poverty level). There was limited evidence, however, that the provision was associated with unintended pregnancy among young adults with higher income levels. Conclusions: These findings suggest the ACA dependent coverage provision may have reduced unintended pregnancy among a particularly high-risk group (i.e., young adults with lower income). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Epidemiologists have long argued that side effects of the stress response include preterm birth. Research reports that fear of lethal infection stressed pregnant persons at the outset of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic and that "shutdowns" and "social distancing" impeded access to social support and prenatal care. The decline in preterm births in high-income countries, including the United States, during the early months of the pandemic therefore poses a paradox for science. Explanations of this "pandemic preterm paradox" remain untested. We applied time-series modeling to data describing 80 monthly conception cohorts begun in the United States from July 2013 through February 2020 to determine which of 3 explanations most parsimoniously explained the paradox. We infer that "prior loss," or the argument that an increase in spontaneous abortions and stillbirths depleted the population of fetuses at risk of preterm birth, best explains data currently available. We describe the implications of these results for public health practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the U.S., rural areas experience higher rates of adverse maternal health outcomes, but little data exists on rural/urban differences in pregnancy-associated deaths (PAD, all deaths during pregnancy and postpartum) or rural/urban differences in those deaths during the COVID-19 pandemic. Cross-sectional U.S. vital statistics mortality data from 2018 to 2021 was used to identify PAD (analyzed in 2024). PAD ratios (deaths per 100,000 live births) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were calculated by year, cause, and rurality (urban, suburban, rural). The percent change in PAD ratios between the prepandemic (2018 and 2019) and pandemic (2020 and 2021) time periods was calculated by rurality. During the pandemic, rural—compared to suburban and urban—areas had the highest pregnancy-associated death ratios due to obstetric causes (53.9 deaths/100,000 live births, 95% CI: 48.8, 59.4), drug-related causes (19.0, 95% CI: 16.0, 22.4), suicide (4.4., 95% CI: 3.0, 6.2), and other causes (the majority of which are motor vehicle accidents, 16.4, 95% CI: 14.0, 19.6). Rural areas experienced increases in all causes of pregnancy-associated death from prepandemic (2018 and 2019) to pandemic (2020 and 2021) with increases of 48.1% in obstetric deaths, 115.9% in drug-related deaths, 17.8% in homicide, 25.7% in suicide, and 11.6% in other causes. Rural areas experienced the largest (compared to urban and suburban) increase in drug-related deaths, and only rural areas experienced an increase in suicide during the pandemic. Rural areas experience a high burden of pregnancy-associated death, and this inequity was exacerbated during the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To examine changes in cause-specific pregnancy-associated deaths during the COVID-19 pandemic by race and ethnicity and assess changes in racial and ethnic inequities in pregnancy-associated deaths. Methods. We used US vital statistics mortality data from 2018 to 2021 to identify pregnancy-associated deaths among females aged 15 to 44 years. We calculated crude pregnancy-associated death rates (deaths per 100 000 live births) by year, cause, and race/ethnicity, percent change in death rate, and the inequity (difference) in rate for each racial or ethnic group compared with non-Hispanic White people. Results. The pregnancy-associated death rate for obstetric, drug-related, homicide, and other causes of death increased during 2020, and obstetric deaths continued to increase in 2021. Overall estimates mask 2021 increases in drug-related deaths among Hispanic, non-Hispanic American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN), and non-Hispanic Asian people; increases in homicide among most racial and ethnic groups; and increases in suicide among Hispanic, non-Hispanic AI/AN, and non-Hispanic Asian people. Conclusions. We found disproportionate increases in pregnancy-associated deaths from nonobstetric causes among minoritized racial and ethnic groups during the COVID-19 pandemic. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(7):733–742. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307651) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, there are profound and persistent racial and ethnic disparities in pregnancy-related health, emphasizing the need to promote racial health equity through public policy. There is evidence that the Affordable Care Act (ACA) increased health insurance coverage, access to health care, and health care utilization, and may have affected some pregnancy-related health outcomes (eg, preterm delivery). It is unclear, however, whether these impacts on pregnancy-related outcomes were equitably distributed across race and ethnicity. Thus, the objective of this study was to fill that gap by summarizing the peer-reviewed evidence regarding the impact of the ACA on racial and ethnic disparities in pregnancy-related health outcomes. The authors conducted a scoping review following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR), using broad search terms to identify relevant peer-reviewed literature in PubMed, Web of Science, and EconLit. The authors identified and reviewed n = 21 studies and found that the current literature suggests that the ACA and its components were differentially associated with contraception-related and fertility-related outcomes by race/ethnicity. Literature regarding pregnancy health, birth outcomes, and postpartum health, however, was sparse and mixed, making it difficult to draw conclusions regarding the impact on racial/ethnic disparities in these outcomes. To inform future health policy that reduces racial disparities, additional work is needed to clarify the impacts of contemporary health policy, like the ACA, on racial disparities in pregnancy health, birth outcomes, and postpartum health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives To describe the creation of a multigenerational linked dataset with social mobility measures for South Carolina (SC), as an example for states in the South and other areas of the country. Methods Using unique identifiers, we linked birth certificates along the maternal line using SC birth certificate data from 1989 to 2014, and compared the subset of records for which linking was possible with two comparison groups on sociodemographic and birth outcome measures. We created four multi-generational social mobility measures using maternal education, paternal education, presence of paternal information, and a summary score incorporating the prior three measures plus payment source for births after 2004. We compared social mobility measures by race/ethnicity. Results Of the 1,366,288 singleton birth certificates in SC from 1989 to 2014, we linked 103,194, resulting in 61,229 unique three-generation units. Mothers and fathers were younger and had lower education, and low birth weight was more common, in the multigenerational linked dataset than in the two comparison groups. Based on the social mobility summary score, only 6.3% of White families were always disadvantaged, compared to 30.4% of Black families and 13.2% of Hispanic families. Moreover, 32.8% of White families were upwardly mobile and 39.1% of Black families were upwardly mobile, but only 29.9% of Hispanic families were upwardly mobile. Conclusions for Practice When states are able to link individuals, birth certificate data may be an excellent source for examining population-level relationships between social mobility and adverse birth outcomes. Due to its location in the Deep South, the multigenerational SC dataset may be particularly useful for understanding racial/ethnic difference in social mobility and birth outcomes., Author(s): Nancy L. Fleischer [sup.1] , Chelsea Abshire [sup.2] , Claire E. Margerison [sup.3] , Daniela Nitcheva [sup.4] , Michael G. Smith [sup.5] Author Affiliations: (Aff1) 0000000086837370, grid.214458.e, Department of [...]

Background: Residential exposure to greenness is associated with better birth outcomes, but it remains unknown whether this is explained by maternal characteristics associated with both place of residence and birth outcomes. We examined whether changes in residential greenness are associated with preterm birth (PTB) and birthweight.Methods: We examined cross-sectional associations between maternal exposure to residential greenness [normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI)] and PTB (<37 weeks of gestation) and birthweight in grams, using all births in Michigan (1990-2012) linked by mother (n = 1 730 424). We used maternal fixed effects analysis to estimate associations within mothers across multiple pregnancies and associations for mothers who did not move, but for whom greenness changed between pregnancies, to mimic an intervention.Results: Each 0.1-unit change in NDVI was associated with 0.98 [95% confidence interval (CI): 0.97, 0.99] times lower odds of PTB and a 9.0 (95% CI: 8.1, 9.9)-gram increase in birthweight after adjusting for individual and neighbourhood covariates. When we controlled for time-invariant maternal unmeasured confounders; these associations were close to null [odds ratio (OR): 1.00 (95% CI: 0.98, 1.01); β: -0.3 (95% CI: -2.0, 3.6)]. We did not find a relationship between greenness and birth outcomes among women who did not move between pregnancies, but for whom greenness changed within their residential location (as in an intervention).Conclusions: Residential greenness does not predict birth outcomes, after controlling for time-invariant maternal characteristics, using longitudinal evidence. Future research should explore residential selection factors, spatial and individual heterogeneity and experimental study designs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Investigate adverse birth outcomes in the United States (US) from 1989-2013 in relation to paternal and maternal race/ethnicity. Design: We used US natality data for singleton births to women 15-44 with information on birthweight, gestational age, and covariates (n = 90,771,339). We calculated unadjusted and adjusted probabilities of preterm birth (PTB, < 37 weeks gestation) and small for gestational age (SGA, < 10th percentile) among all combinations of maternal and paternal race/ethnicity: non-Hispanic black (NHB), non-Hispanic white (NHW), Hispanic, and Asian, and where paternal race/ethnicity was missing. Results: Missing, followed by NHB, paternal race/ethnicity had the two highest risks of PTB within each maternal racial/ethnic group. Asian, followed by NHW, paternal race/ethnicity had the two lowest risks of PTB. For SGA, however, Asian, followed by missing, paternal race/ethnicity had the two highest risks, and NHW race/ethnicity had the lowest risk. Our findings also demonstrate effect modification on the additive scale, with missing and NHB paternal race/ethnicity conferring a larger increase in risk of PTB for NHB women compared to women of other race/ethnicity groups. Conclusions: These data confirm US disparities in adverse birth outcomes by maternal and paternal race/ethnicity and argue for increased resources and interventions in response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: In the U.S., rural areas experience higher rates of adverse maternal health outcomes, but little data exists on rural/urban differences in pregnancy-associated deaths (PAD, all deaths during pregnancy and postpartum) or rural/urban differences in those deaths during the COVID-19 pandemic., Methods: Cross-sectional U.S. vital statistics mortality data from 2018 to 2021 was used to identify PAD (analyzed in 2024). PAD ratios (deaths per 100,000 live births) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were calculated by year, cause, and rurality (urban, suburban, rural). The percent change in PAD ratios between the prepandemic (2018 and 2019) and pandemic (2020 and 2021) time periods was calculated by rurality., Results: During the pandemic, rural-compared to suburban and urban-areas had the highest pregnancy-associated death ratios due to obstetric causes (53.9 deaths/100,000 live births, 95% CI: 48.8, 59.4), drug-related causes (19.0, 95% CI: 16.0, 22.4), suicide (4.4., 95% CI: 3.0, 6.2), and other causes (the majority of which are motor vehicle accidents, 16.4, 95% CI: 14.0, 19.6). Rural areas experienced increases in all causes of pregnancy-associated death from prepandemic (2018 and 2019) to pandemic (2020 and 2021) with increases of 48.1% in obstetric deaths, 115.9% in drug-related deaths, 17.8% in homicide, 25.7% in suicide, and 11.6% in other causes. Rural areas experienced the largest (compared to urban and suburban) increase in drug-related deaths, and only rural areas experienced an increase in suicide during the pandemic., Conclusions: Rural areas experience a high burden of pregnancy-associated death, and this inequity was exacerbated during the COVID-19 pandemic., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)