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The two decades that separate the two World Wars were a particularly intense period in history, full of such great contradictions that, a hundred years later, continue to challenge us. This thematic dossier is dedicated to this period of great illusions about building peace and recognizing the right to self-determination, revolutions drowned in blood, the anti-colonial surge, political massification. We have gathered here six different papers whose focus balances between the demand for more democracy and the evident failure of the democratization process of the liberal system, across very different political geographies and national contexts. As we are presently facing a very obvious crisis of the liberal-democratic regimes that resurfaces a hundred years later, revisiting those interwar years, much more than a simple intellectual exercise, can be of use to learn about the circumstances in which democracy slides into crisis and on the perception of how authoritarianism advances.

Neste artigo é pensada a tensão entre inclusão e exclusão da subjetividade queer palestiniana. Partimos do conceito lato de “diáspora” apresentado por James Clifford, em Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century (1997) e do conceito queer proposto por João Manuel de Oliveira, no Dicionário Alice (2019), para pensar a dupla rutura desta subjetividade, em relação a uma origem territorial e a uma sexualidade normativa. Do ponto de vista metodológico, destacamos o uso de fontes bibliográficas secundárias de forma transdisciplinar –de áreas do conhecimento tão diversas como a antropologia, a história, o planeamento urbano, os estudos culturais e pós-coloniais e os estudos de género e sexualidade–, a partir das quais analisamos a reabilitação do corpo físico e social do judeu pelo movimento sionista e as novas estratégias propostas para uma integração instrumental de subjetividades queer dentro do espaço normativo e militarista dos Estados-nação. Estas fontes bibliográficas secundárias e relatos de subjetividades queer palestinianas –recolhidos da imprensa internacional– permitiram-nos compreender que essa dupla rutura é interdependente da construção histórica do Sionismo como projeto político e ideológico, algo que se manifesta no momento da (ou na tentativa de) travessia da subjetividade queer palestiniana para o Estado de Israel. Nesse tempo e espaço ela é integrada nas narrativas ocidentais de progresso e democracia, como subjetividade queer, ao mesmo tempo que é excluída como subjetividade palestiniana racializada e patológica.

Resumo O projeto de criação de uma cidadania europeia comum pede aos sistemas educativos dos vários estados-membros da União Europeia (UE) que contribuam para a formação de cidadãos europeus críticos/as e ativos/as relativamente ao objetivo de prossecução e aperfeiçoamento do projeto europeu. Em Portugal, estudos anteriores ao nível do ensino secundário identificaram sérias lacunas, tanto nos currículos como nos manuais escolares de algumas disciplinas, nas abordagens pedagógicas sugeridas para o processo de ensino/aprendizagem acerca dessa dimensão europeia. Neste artigo, procurou perceber-se que tipos de atividades extra e co-curriculares as escolas têm vindo a dinamizar no sentido de complementar essas lacunas. Para tal, foram entrevistados/as 16 professores/as de 4 escolas do ensino secundário português. Os seus discursos permitiram identificar vários tipos de atividades extra e co-curriculares que têm vindo a ser dinamizadas pelas escolas para aumentarem o conhecimento e o nível de reflexividade dos/as estudantes sobre a UE. A análise desses relatos permitiu ainda identificar potencialidades e limitações inerentes ao desenvolvimento destas atividades, assim como produzir algumas recomendações para que as escolas possam dar uma contribuição mais eficaz ao projeto de consolidação de uma cidadania europeia ativa e crítica.

Purpose: To investigate how EU related contents are represented in Portuguese upper secondary school textbooks of History and English as a Foreign Language (EFL). Design/methodology/approach: The study performs a textbook analysis on two History textbooks and three EFL textbooks to explore if and how EU related topics are addressed. The methodological approach was mainly qualitative, based on a content analysis of the textbooks, but also includes some quantitative data (e.g., number of paragraphs) to determine the importance given to European topics in each of the selected school subjects. Findings: EFL textbooks have a residual approach to EU topics that is mainly focused in students’ mobility. History textbooks, while containing a significant amount of information about the EU, present it mainly in a non-confrontational perspective and do not prioritize the development of students’ critical thinking about the EU. Our data also points to a predominance of national level citizenship related content, with European citizenship being briefly and normatively presented to the students. Research limitations/implications: EFL is attended by almost 100% of students in the academic track of secondary education, but History is a curricular subject only available to 25-30% of the students; as such, our findings refer to a specific group. Practical implications: Textbooks should include more information about the actual problems and challenges of the EU to foster the development of students’ critical thinking about the EU.

La crisis de los sistemas liberales ibéricos en la Europa de entreguerras es especialmente interesante por el papel específico que ocupa en ella el componente católico de laidentidad y de las coaliciones que sostuvieron los dos regímenes autoritarios. El catolicismo político tuvo un papel muy relevante en el proceso de modernización de las derechas españolas y portuguesas de la primera posguerra. Salazar y Franco presentaron los regímenes que ellosmismos construyeron y sobre los que gobernaron como siendo intrínsicamente católicos, y los católicos fueron actoresprincipales de las coaliciones políticas y sociales que sostuvieron ambos dictadores. En su lucha contra la Primera República Portuguesa (1910-26) y la Segunda República Española (1931-39), las fuerzas políticas conservadoras y de extrema derecha concedieron un papel estratégico a los católicos politicamente organizados en lo que se refiere a la movilización de las masas y en la constitución de un amplia coalición que pudiese crear una alternativa sólida a la democracia liberal y a un movimento obrero cada día más fuerte. En los años centrales de la «Era del Fascismo», las derechas católicas ibéricas y la jerarquía de la Iglesia sancionaron un giro muy notorio hacia una lectura crecientemente fascistizada del contexto político europeo posterior a la Revolución Soviética.The crisis of the Iberian liberal systems in inter-war Europe is especially interesting to study because of the specific role ofthe Catholic component of both the sustaining political coalition and the identity of these two of the European 20th century authoritarian regimes. Political Catholicism was a major actor in the modernisation process of Spanish and Portuguese post-World War I rightwing movements. Salazar and Franco presented the regimes they built up and ruled upon as being intrinsically catholic, and Catholics were major partners in the political and social coalitions supporting both dictators. In their struggle against the Portuguese First Republic (1910-26) and the Spanish Second Republic (1931-39), conservative and extreme-right forces conceded to politically organised Catholics a strategic role in mass mobilisation and in assembling a wide coalition who could create a solid alternative to Liberal-Democracy and a growingly strong working-class movement. During the central years of the “Age of Fascism”, Iberian right-wing Catholics and the Church hierarchy endorsed a very noticeable swing towards a growingly fascistised interpretation of the European political context of post-Soviet Revolution.

Memory of the Spanish War has a special symbolic role in Europe’s memory of the 20th century’ Portugal is no exception. The conflict played a central role in Salazar’s regime political definition consolidation, in its international setting through a particularly tense stage of the international relations, and brought to Portuguese society very harsh social and political consequences, opening the hardest repressive period of the dictatorship, from which opposition movements were victims, together with, and in a very cruel way, communities living near to the Spanish border, their attitude divides between their fear of repression and their human solidarity towards Spanish Republican refugees seeking in Portugal for protection from the brutal revenge of the Francoists. To this day, Spanish War memory plays an instrumental role in Portuguese and international political and ideological debate.

This article inserts itself into larger discussions regarding post-dictatorship memory politics in Portugal and comparative studies of similar histories of violence in Europe, particularly examinations of National-Socialism, Nazism and the Holocaust, as well as comparative studies of twentieth-century fascist dictatorships in the Iberian peninsula. In spite of the revolutionary, radical nature of the Portuguese democratisation process, studies conducted during the last four decades on the social and political (re)constructions of memory regarding the Portuguese dictatorship (1926-1974) have demonstrated that state policies regarding the past have depicted the dictatorship as one that is very similar to events in countries where the process of democratic transition was actually quite different from that of Portugal. Right-wing groups and those who self-describe as “victims” of processes of decolonisation that occurred between 1974 and 1975 have established a pattern of public debate that leaves no room for discussing the dictatorship without also referring to the 1974-1975 Revolution. This mode of debate seems to suggest that these two periods of history are indicative of a global regime phenomenon and that both the processes of decolonisation and revolution affected Portuguese society in similar ways. This paper attempts to complicate these narratives in order to question the democratic forms that emerged after the Revolution and to compare it to Salazar’s dictatorial regime.

Al interpretar los años ‘50 y, sobre todo, los ‘60 como un ciclo de cambio estructural muy rápido en la sociedad portuguesa, años en los que una verdadera revolución industrial se desarrolla a par del éxodo rural, la emigración masiva y la politización creciente en consecuencia de la Guerra Colonial (1961-74), el marcelismo nos aparece como la última oportunidad de la dictadura portuguesa ante un proceso de modernización y masificación de la sociedad que tenía mucho de inevitable.Reading the 1950’s and, mostly, the 1960’s as an historical cycle of structural and speedy change in Portuguese society, a time of real industrial revolution together with rural exodus, massive emigration and growing politicization as consequence of the Colonial War (1961-74), Marcelism emerges as the last chance of the Portuguese dictatorship to control a modernization and massification process which had become clearly inevitable.

The Portuguese revolution, in addition to being viewed as a logical consequence of the last 15 years of the Salazar dictatorship (war, migrations, urbanization, deruralization, feminization of the public sphere), must be read in the context of the new political culture which, since the end of the 1950s (anti-colonial emancipalism, the Cuban revolution, 1968), gave the Left a boost. This, however, has little to do with the start of a third wave of democratization, as defined by Samuel Huntington and negotiated transitions with a liberal-democratic genesis that are very different from the political and social rupture that happened in Portugal. The most studied example of this third wave is the Spanish. In this article, I discuss the comparison that has been more or less systematically drawn between the Portuguese revolution and the Spanish transition, the latter taken as a positive counter-model to the former based on binary arguments such as moderation/radicality, violence/reconciliation, negotiation/rupture.