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Las concepciones económicas y sociales de Manuel Azaña no han recibido la atención diferenciada que su pensamiento político y su actuación en cargos supremos durante la república española sí tuvieron. Sin embargo, en sus intervenciones entre 1900 y 1930 estas ideas resultan fundamentales tanto por su interés en interpretar y superar el atraso económico español en el contexto europeo como por el modo en que tales nociones marcan otras reflexiones suyas, como las de carácter político. Desde que en abril de 1931 asumió altas funciones de gestión bajo el nuevo régimen republicano, los temas de la reforma agraria, la hacienda pública y otros diversos de naturaleza económica y social adquirieron clara primacía en sus discursos y en sus diarios. Durante la guerra civil española y en su exilio inicial, Azaña opina sobre cuestiones como el proceso revolucionario promovido principalmente por anarquistas y la adversa coyuntura económica de los años treinta como principal inconveniente para el sistema republicano.

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The oratory of statesmen is a field of study as attractive as it is misleading, because in its works and effects the mechanisms of power count as much or more than the capacity of the speakers. The figure of Manuel Azaña, humanist and leading politician in the Second Spanish Republic, participates in these conditions. The interpretation of his oratory facet is a task of interest to consider keys to his personality, as well as parliamentary rhetoric. The brilliance of his speeches and the historical significance they had contrasts with the opinion, according to critics, that Azaña's personality has not been understood by his contemporaries. The reading of his Political Memoirs (1931-1933) and Memories of War (1936-1939) allows us to analyze thetrials and stories that Manuel Azaña entrusted in the diaries that formed these two volumes. On the panorama of the Republic and the Civil War is reflected theliterary and political failure of Azaña. These lost battles are redeemed with a formidable rhetorical exercise and reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

De la mano de la biografía realizada por Santos Juliá y de las obras completas de Manuel Azaña por él editadas, este ensayo analiza las ideas fundamentales del pensamiento político del insigne estadista republicano: la renovación de la tradición liberal que llevó a cabo; su defensa del Estado democrático como instrumento para la transformación de la sociedad; su política en el plano militar y en el plano religioso; su visión de la función educativa del Estado; y su concepción de la autonomía política de Cataluña como precedente del Estado Autonómico actual.

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Provisionally residing in Barcelona due to safety concerns, between late 1936 and mid-1937 Manuel Azaña partakes in a series of interviews in the town of Benicarló. The meetings that he, as president of the Spanish Republic, holds with men like Francisco Largo Caballero, Diego Martínez Barrio, and Lluís Companys inspire him to write La velada en Benicarló [ Vigil in Benicarló], a text unanimously considered his political last will and testament. A dramatic dialogue, this work attempts to recreate the political spectrum of the time as it presents several characters with diverse backgrounds and ideologies exchanging impressions on the Spanish Civil War. Numerous critics have praised Azaña's intention and understood the text as a compendium of voices of the Second Republic by means of which the author transcends his personal beliefs on the matter at hand. In contrast, this article proposes that the representational capability of Vigil in Benicarló is in fact limited, for Azaña fails accurately to reproduce the speech of ideological parties alien to liberalism. The slanted representation of socialism exposes the text's narrow inclusiveness and sheds light on Azaña's political course of action during the Civil War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay discusses the uncanny parallels, paradoxes, and puzzles in the lives and careers of author of Nineteen Eighty-Four, the famous George Orwell, and the virtually unknown French writer and political radical, Jean Malaquais. The striking affinities between Orwell and Malaquais, both of whom came to literary maturity in the 1930s, involve both their themes and genres. Both men fully engaged the issues of their times as independent leftists. Both also wrote political novels, documentary reportage, war diaries, and anti-utopias that addressed the conditions of the poor and working class (especially miners), the agonies of war-torn Europe, and the dangers of a totalitarian dystopia in the near future. Their remarkable affinities even extended to participation as volunteer soldiers in the same militia during the Spanish Civil War, the POUM (United Marxist Workers' Party). Yet no biographer or scholar has ever compared the two men or even noted their numerous, arresting similarities. The divergent 'afterlives' of Orwell and Malaquais raise large questions about cultural memory, the literary Zeitgeist, and Clio's caprice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El autor analiza la situación de permanentes escisiones en la primera parte del siglo XX, así como las causas que hacían desear la caída de la Monarquía de Alfonso XIII y la llegada de la Segunda República. En la zona de lo positivo de este régimen sitúa la forma pacífica de la llegada del 14 de abril de 1931, la labor cultural de la República y, de manera muy especial, la importancia de la figura de Manuel Azaña. Al resumir los factores que originan la crisis republicana, el autor cita la no existencia de una Constitución integradora, el excesivo pluripartidismo que origina la permanente inestabilidad política, la ausencia de socialización en los valores republicanos y, finalmente, la falta de consenso sobre la clase de República que unos y otros deseaban.

El documento que procedemos a transcribir es una grabación efectuada por Indalecio Prieto el 28 de marzo de 1961 en la casa de los esposos Rafael y Guillermina Supervía, en Washington. La grabación se puede dividir en cuatro partes. Una primera, de introducción, donde Prieto narra cómo fue invitado a México y el anhelo por volver a España de los republicanos exiliados. Luego la narración de los acontecimientos del 14 de abril con la instauración de la II República. El tercer apartado se refiere al pronunciamiento militar del 17 de julio, que enlaza con la última parte del documento relativa a la opinión de Prieto sobre Manuel Azaña.