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Submitted by Mariana Pinto Zoccal (mariana.zoccal@unesp.br) on 2021-01-12T19:16:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de mestrado. Mariana Zoccal. Quando a justiça enquadra as ruas..pdf: 1868910 bytes, checksum: f4bf76e1d8303eb720c46e2169de7781 (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br) on 2021-01-13T13:40:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Zoccal,MP_me_franca.pdf: 1868910 bytes, checksum: f4bf76e1d8303eb720c46e2169de7781 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2021-01-13T13:40:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zoccal,MP_me_franca.pdf: 1868910 bytes, checksum: f4bf76e1d8303eb720c46e2169de7781 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2020-11-30 Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) Esta pesquisa analisa enquadramentos e repertórios de atuação do sistema de justiça criminal contra manifestantes, em um episódio popularmente conhecido como “Caso Balta” ou “Caso Centro Cultural São Paulo”. No estudo, adotamos metodologia qualitativa com análise documental do processo criminal e de notícias jornalísticas sobre o caso. Ao seguir o fluxo de passagem dos acusados pelo sistema de justiça criminal, lançamos o foco sobre a atuação de instituições como a Polícia Militar, a Polícia Civil, o Ministério Público, a Advocacia, a Defensoria Pública e o Poder Judiciário, buscando compreender em que medida os repertórios acionados no caso foram extraordinários ou ordinários em relação ao modus operandi das agências policiais e judiciais. No campo da pesquisa, observamos a produção de enquadramentos de “guerra” (como “vândalos”, “arruaceiros” e “padrão Black Bloc”) e de “paz” (como “estudantes”, “pacíficos” e “pessoas de bem”) sobre os acusados no processo. Ademais, notamos que os capitais sociais e as posicionalidades dos acusados em relação aos marcadores sociais da desigualdade contribuíram para que os enquadramentos de “paz” prevalecessem como a verdade dos autos, acionando a aplicação de princípios constitucionais como a “ampla defesa”, o “contraditório” e a “presunção de inocência”. Ao investigar como a justiça enquadra as ruas, nos deparamos com problemáticas como: a infiltração de agentes do Exército em grupos de ativismo; o uso de roupas escuras, lenços vermelhos, máscaras, vinagres e kits de primeiros socorros como “indícios” de autoria e de materialidade de condutas; a precariedade dos mecanismos de controle de práticas policiais abusivas; e a atribuição de legitimidade aos protestos pelos personagens do sistema de justiça, a depender de elementos como as representações sociais, os repertórios, as ideologias e as pautas defendidas pelos manifestantes. This research analyzes frameworks and repertoires of the criminal justice system's action against protesters, in an episode popularly known as “Caso Balta” or “Caso Centro Cultural São Paulo”. In the study, we adopted a qualitative methodology with documentary analysis of the criminal process and journalistic news about the case. Following the flow of the defendants through the criminal justice system, we focus on the performance of institutions such as the Military Police, the Civil Police, the Public Prosecutor‟s office, the Attorney's Office, the Public Defender and the Judiciary, seeking to understand in what the repertoires used in the case were extraordinary or ordinary in relation to the modus operandi of police and judicial agencies. In the field of research, we observed the production of “war” (such as “vandals”, “hooligans” and “Black Bloc pattern”) and “peace” (such as “students”, “peaceful” and “good people”) frameworks on the defendants in the process. Furthermore, we note that the defendants' social capitals and positionalities in relation to the social markers of inequality contributed to the “peace” framework prevailing as the truth of the case, triggering the application of constitutional principles such as the “broad defense”, the “contradictory” and the “presumption of innocence”. When investigating how justice frames the streets, we are faced with problems such as: the infiltration of army agents in activism groups; the use of dark clothes, red scarves, masks, vinegars and first aid kits as “signs” of authorship and materiality of conducts; the precariousness of mechanisms to control abusive police practices; and the attribution of legitimacy to the protests by the characters of the justice system, depending on elements such as social representations, repertoires, ideologies and agendas defended by the protesters. 001

Le degré de coercition déployé par la police dans le cadre de manifestations varie en partie selon certaines caractéristiques propres aux individus mobilisés : race, classe, idéologie politique, notamment. Les groupes subordonnés qui mettent en cause l’ordre social établi semblent de fait particulièrement visés par des interventions musclées des forces de l’ordre. S’inscrivant dans la continuité de ces études, cet article s’intéresse à la manière dont les manifestantes perçoivent l’influence du genre sur les pratiques policières en matière de gestion de foules ; est-il un facteur auquel les styles de gestion de foules sont sensibles ? Les femmes, en tant que groupe subordonné, sont-elles plus violemment ciblées par la police ? À partir d’entrevues semi-dirigées avec des manifestantes ayant vécu de nombreuses interactions conflictuelles avec la police, il nous a été possible d’observer que le genre caractérise significativement l’expérience des femmes. Plus précisément, les résultats pointent un double traitement des femmes manifestantes par la police. D’un côté, celles qui correspondent en apparence aux stéréotypes associés à leur identité de genre sont considérées par les policiers comme des victimes de mauvaises influences, mobilisées presque par erreur. Ce paternalisme genré décrédibilise leur mobilisation et réduit la portée de leur action politique. De l’autre, celles qui transgressent les rôles qui leur sont habituellement assignés sont traitées avec violence — une violence (verbale et physique) elle-même genrée, visant le corps des femmes de manière spécifique. Ces observations nous amènent à conclure que la police défend également un ordre social genré, punissant plus sévèrement les manifestantes qui transgressent les normes qui y sont associées., Research tends to state that protest policing strategies are partly dependent on specific protester’s characteristics, like race, class and political ideology. Indeed, it seems that police are more prone to use force against subordinate groups who challenge the established social order. This paper looks into women protesters’ perception of the influence of gender on the tactics used by the police when protest arise. Is gender a variable which modulates the policing protest strategies adopted? Are, for example, women protesters treated more harshly by the police? Drawing from semi-directive interviews with women protesters who had numerous conflictual interactions with the police, this study shows that their experiences are characterized by their gender. Two distinct strategies are used by the police whether women were consistent with the gender-related stereotypes. On one side, if they fit within the boundaries of their woman’s roles, they will usually be treated as victims of bad influences. By doing so, the police minimizes the credibility of their cause and weaken their political empowerment. On the other side, women protesters who move away too sharply from the dominant social norms are violently — verbally and physically — treated, with forms of violence that are gender specific. These observations point to the hypothesis that the police, by punishing more harshly those who do not respect these gendered norms, defends a gendered social order.