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Images on money provide a widely circulated medium through which a state can make its values visible: the money circulated in postwar Taiwan displayed almost no "Great China" ideology, even in the Chiang Kai-shek era (1946–1975). Chiang ordered the Bank of Taiwan to issue the Taiwan dollar in 1946 and the New Taiwan dollar in 1949, rather than having a Taiwan branch office of the Central Bank of China circulate the legal tender of the Republic of China (ROC). From 1961 on, a picture of the ROC presidential office building in Taipei appeared on notes. Images on money and related currency laws up to 2000 reveal the ROC's Taiwanization. At first, this process was heavily driven by the Japanese legacy and American influence; later, it was shaped more by Taiwan's democratization. Imperial China's culture was reinstated, and pre-1949 ROC symbols were reproduced; the unification of images on the ROC's Taiwan money diverges from the diversification of images on money in imperial China and the pre-1949 ROC.

This article deals with Taiwanese civilian emigration and overseas investment in the period of 1940–1945 when Japan engaged the Greater East Asian War. Taiwan in general, and some Taiwanese in particular, helped the reconstruction of Japanese occupied areas in this war. Overseas Taiwanese mainly worked as employees for Japanese stores, companies, mines, plantations, and Japanese government offices, but also opened stores, factories, plantations and banks by themselves. As overseas ethnic Chinese, the Taiwanese civilian emigrants examined in this paper moved in the direction opposite that of other overseas Chinese holding Chinese nationality. The Taiwanese populace expanded overseas to Greater East Asia, while Chinese nationals withdrew from this area and returned to China. Thus, this paper will illustrate how the phrase, “people should fight for their country,” bore different meanings for these two different types of overseas Chinese in the Asia-Pacific War theater of wwii. 1930至40年代，中日學者曾就華僑的定義進行討論。吳主惠將華僑定義為定居於海外的中國人及其後裔，不包括駐外政府官員和留學生。吳氏認為華僑的最嚴格定義，是指定居海外但仍保有中國國籍者。1933年日本大藏省為替局統計臺灣地區約有46,000至47,000名華僑，便是依據這樣的定義。吳氏指出，在此嚴格定義下，華人後裔如不具中國國籍者，便非華僑。另有一種較為寬鬆的定義是: 無論是否具中國國籍，凡定居或曾赴海外的中國人及其後裔皆為華僑，井出季和太即持此見。關於日本統治臺灣時期的臺灣人國籍，根據日本大藏省為替局的解釋，由於馬關條約簽訂後的二年內，臺灣人得自由決定離去與否，留下臺灣者為日本國民。這些成為日本國民的臺灣人或其祖先曾具有中國國民的身分，因而1933年的340萬臺灣人也被視為較寬定義下的華僑。在日本建構所謂的「大東亞共榮圈」時期 (1940–1945)，許多不具軍人身分的臺灣人向海外移民或投資，與之相反的是，擁有中國國籍的華僑在此時期則多回歸故里。在大東亞戰爭時期的華人，由於出身不同，「為國而戰」一詞對於他們的意義也因而分歧。 (This article is in English.)

Since the start of the 21st Century, trading relations among the East Asian countries have been and need to be strongly reinforced. By reviewing intra-Asian economic relations in the 1930s, we could see assets and load left by history to the present world. In the 1930s, Taiwan was ruled by Japan. By contrast with Hori Kazuo, a professor of Kyoto University to have touched upon the intra-Asian trade of this decade focusing upon Japan, this study depicts the intra-Asian trade and migration of this decade by focusing upon Taiwan. This paper obtains the following findings: 1. In the 1930s, Taiwan’s trade with the Northeast Asia had been vividly increased. The increase rate of trade between Taiwan and Manchukuo as well as Korea was greater than that between Taiwan and the Japan proper. Migration between Taiwan and all Asian areas in this period was in general increased, in which that to China increased most. All these increases had been made possible by the rise of Asia-Pacific navigation relative to the Asia-European navigation. 2. In this expansion of intra-Asian trade and migration, the national boundary with all these various areas for Taiwan was clearly observed rather than imagined. For example, following the treaty between Japan and Korea signed in 1910, the relation between Taiwan and Korea turned more and more from being international into being domestic. When Taiwanese products, deemed as Japanese products, were rejected in the Southeast Asia and welcome in Manchukuo and other newly Japanese conquered Chinese mainland, Taiwanese vested interest was more and more intertwined with the Japanese empire which climaxed its war victory in China by conquering Wuchang and Hankou in 1938. By contrast with the mostly labor population among immigrants from other Asian areas to Taiwan, many of the emigrants from Taiwan to these areas were rich merchants.

For the history connecting East Asia with the West, there is much literature about contact and trade across the Atlantic Ocean from the sixteenth to the early nineteenth centuries.1 This paper notes the rapid growth of the Pacific Ocean in linking Asia with the larger world in the early twentieth century by perceiving the economic relationships between Taiwan and Hong Kong while Japan colonized Taiwan. The Pacific route from Taiwan directly to America or through Japan largely replaced the Hong Kong–Atlantic–Europe–USA route to move Taiwan's export products to countries in the West. Other than still using Hong Kong as a trans-shipping point to connect with the world, Japan utilized Taiwan as a trans-shipping point to sell Japanese products to South China, and Taiwan's tea was sold directly to Southeast Asia rather than going through Hong Kong. Taiwan's exports to Japan took the place of its exports to China. Japanese and American goods dominated over European goods or Chinese goods from Hong Kong for Taiwan's import. Japanese and Taiwanese merchants (including some anti-Japanese merchants) overrode the British and Chinese merchants in Hong Kong to carry on the Taiwan–Hong Kong trade. America's westward expansion towards the Pacific, the rise of the Pacific shipping marked by the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914, and the rise of Japan relative to China, restructured intra-Asian relations and those between Asia and the rest of the world.

The existing literature has examined the Chinese nationalism of Chinese overseas merchants, detailing their financial contributions to the anti-Japanese war and their participation in boycott movements ofJapanese goods.' This paper uses Japanese consular reports, prewarJapanese publications, as well as Chinese andJapanese newspapers from Taiwan, Fujian,Japan, Singapore, and the United States to study the adoption of multiple nationalities, including Japanese nationality, by overseas Chinese merchants to reduce commercial risk and seek out economic opportunity. The phenomenon suggests that overseas Chinese merchants were not simply agents of Chinese nationalism. This paper first examines the Indonesian overseas Chinese merchant, Guo Chunyang (1859 to 1935). It then turns to the widespread adoption of multiple nationalities by overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and in their chief native province, Fujian, in the early twentieth century. The paper will then proceed to elaborate the use of multiple nationality to diminish commercial risk and seek economic opportunity. The conclusion will draw out implications for our

This essay focuses on business history as the human dimension of commercial history, that is, how mercantile activity has been perceived by society; how merchants accumulate their capital; the relations among merchants and between merchants and government; how merchants manage their enterprises; and their rise or fall. Transportation, currency, and market structure will not be included. I will cover Taiwan studies of the Chinese mainland from 1600 to 1949, studies of Taiwan from 1600 to the present, and some studies of overseas Chinese.