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The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) bills itself as an alliance. It is seen as Russia's hedge to NATO, yet it often acts in an inconsistent manner vis-a-vis its members when they face crisis situations. These situations are complicated by the fact that the alliance engages in a policy of strategic ambiguity without making a firm commitment to either side of a dispute. Since Russia often acts as a security guarantor on a bilateral level for these states, staying in the alliance may become counterproductive. In order to prevent defection of its members and assuage their fears of abandonment, while maintaining this unofficial policy of strategic ambiguity, and thus help the alliance patron, Russia, avoid entanglement, reassurances are needed. These reassurances come in the form of sunk costs, specifically joint annual military exercise, and the 2022 intervention in Kazakhstan. These sunk costs by the CSTO enhance its reputation for reliability, while maintaining its policy of strategic ambiguity. They reassure its members, assuaging their fear of abandonment, and keeping them invested in the alliance. This will be shown through the use of process tracing in a case study that examines an internal alliance dilemma with two of the organization's members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's naval modernisation program has been seen as China's path toward a blue water naval capacity designed to challenge American global hegemony. While China does reap the benefits of maritime trade, especially along its eastern seaboard, it is also through that eastern seaboard that China is vulnerable to invasion and encirclement. To prevent this encirclement China has built up its navy, including its anti-access and area denial capabilities, as well as adding two aircraft carriers to its surface fleet. The PLAN's modernisation effort, therefore, is defensive in nature, and not an attempt by China to build a blue water naval capacity to challenge directly the United States, or its allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is now a major power in the international system. One axiom of the realist theory on international politics is that states will acquire power to ensure their own position and security within the system. One effective way Major or Great Powers have done this is through alliance building. Historically, China has not had much success in cultivating long-standing alliances; however, cooperation between it and its neighbor Russia have deepened. This paper, using structural and defensive realism as theoretical framework on how and why states form alliances, explores the potential China-Russia military alliance. This paper looks at both balancing power and balancing threat as justifications for Great Powers to form alliances. As both a powerful state and a potential threat, the United States serves as the prime impetus for both Russia and China to align with each other. Whether the US is an actual threat to both Russia and China is immaterial, rather it is the perception by both China and Russia that the US's military strength and stated policy of promoting democratic norms and values represent a threat to the established leadership in both countries. China is in a unique position as a near peer competitor to the US; however, with few natural allies Russia is still powerful but in a relative state of decline. Both countries benefit from an alliance to counteract American influence within their zones of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central Asia, the collective Central Asian states that were a part of the former Soviet Union, is a land not well known to many peoples of the West, or East for that matter. A land of mystery perhaps, but it is also a land of strategic importance for both the West and the East. Situated between Europe and the Far East Asia, the states there have been invaded, conquered, and occupied by several different empires over the centuries. This article addresses Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, their strategic importance, their relationship with China, and the strategic implications of that relationship for Russia and the United States. There is a potential for either wide conflict or cooperation among the three great powers in this region. So far, the pivot appears to be China. Driven by its demand for energy, among other things, China has staked a claim in the three Central Asian states that border it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]