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When the Ottoman Empire entered World War I, it lacked the experience of other European countries in using modern propaganda techniques to mobilize its population for the war effort. The German Empire assisted the Ottomans to set up a propaganda machine in which cinema, the most modern visual technology of the time, also had a role to play. Through the analysis of primary sources such as films, photographs, memoirs, letters, and reports, this article sheds light on the forgotten role of the Germans in introducing film propaganda to the Ottomans during World War I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Newly emerging 'social problem films' on Kashmir appear as a shift from the conventional construction of Kashmir and Kashmiris in Bollywood. This study, through critical narrative analysis (CNA), examines the politics behind the representation of the 'social problems' of Kashmir in recent Hindi films. As the narratives of these films are marked by selectivity and arrangement of historical events, this study demonstrates that Orientalist tropes continue to figure in the films in new forms. It is demonstrated that the films, whose narratives are fully dedicated to the 'inside' of Kashmir, inflict layered violence against the actual political and historical realities of the region. While engaging with the colonial and post-colonial binary trope of people-versus-land, the films not only obfuscate the historical context, they vindicate an outside intervention by presenting an axiomatic image of the events, cut off from their socio-political and historical roots. The two films under scrutiny in this study are Haider (2014) and Laila Majnu (2018). The subject matter of both is Kashmiri youth, and far from unveiling the 'youth problems' of Kashmir, they end up constructing a fresh imagery in which the 'psychotic' behaviour and trauma of Kashmir's 'misguided' youth is socially located and explained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article traces how the intentions of the organizers of the Subversive Film Festival, in a response to the specificity of a political context, gave the festival its particular form and made it an important place for both local and global political actors. Topics discussed include the inaugural Subversive Film Festival held in Zagreb, Croatia in May 2008, guest lectures by leftist public intellectuals, and the festival's evolution into a cultural forum for many actors on the left.

The media play a key role in the script of the successful Netflix series The Crown (Peter Morgan, 2016-2020), since a multitude of information-related actions appear in its 40 episodes. Journalism is essential in the daily agenda of the royal family and politicians and it becomes the undisputed protagonist to unite the plot, even with some chapters in which it occupies more than half the time. To quantify the presence of journalism in the four seasons, this research uses a structuralist method inspired by the book Morphology of the story (1928), by Russian Vladimir Propp, which extracted 31 irreducible functions or actions after analyzing one hundred traditional stories. This work is based on the template made by itself Morphology of the journalist in the cinema, with 70 functions in three spheres: with high, qqmedium and low impact of journalism. Among the conclusions, the constant presence of journalism stands out from the first minutes of each episode to the end, with which headlines, flashes, radio broadcasts or television images mark the rhythm of the narrative thread in each chapter and become the link between royal family and politicians and society. In addition, the supremacy of the work of newspapers over radio and television is observed, and the prevalence of sensational themes linked to the personal lives of royals is also detected. This investigation thus becomes a new testimony of the fruitful union between journalism and cinema. It is also another document in the history of British journalism and its decisive link with the Crown and the political life of England during several decades of the second half of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the 1973 Western film "Pat Garrett and Billy the Kid," directed by Sam Peckinpah. Topics discussed include the recognition earned by this film compared to the films previously made by Peckinpah, the depiction of the life and capture of American outlaw Billy the Kid in the film, and observations on the storytelling, development structure, and political aspects of the film.

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores neoliberal myth-making within the film "The Greatest Showman."

The article focuses on infrapolitics within the film "12 Years a Slave," directed by Steve McQueen, which was an adaptation of the memoir "Twelve Years a Slave," by Solomon Northup. The author discusses passive resistance theory, examines cinematography choices in the film, and explores the relationship to the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement.

This article analyzes a popular Mubarak era film series (al-Limby) and a post-uprising satirical television programme (al-Bernameg) to show how humour has a powerful capacity to create nonsense out of the 'sense' that authoritarian regimes attempt to impose on society. In the Mubarak years, such films presented criticism of rising economic inequalities and state oppression. Post-2011 uprising satire similarly became a primary site for criticism of state oppression and regime politics. They were examples of a redistribution of the nonsensical (drawing on Rancière) and gradual creative insurgency (drawing on Kraidy). Yet at the same time, even seemingly revolutionary humour can reproduce hegemonic 'common sense' that upholds broader social hierarchies, particularly those related to gender, class, and religion. Thus, this article argues that humour can be critical to both revolutionary and counter-revolutionary sense-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution develops three major lines of argument. Firstly, it argues that identifying 'popular culture' is not simply a definitional exercise but is also purposeful and performative. Secondly, it contends that 'popular cultures' are always implicated in power relations in multiple ways. Finally, it maintains that using a performative lens adds to our understanding of the political dimensions of 'popular cultures'. Taking examples chiefly from the Middle East and North Africa, it avers that studying 'popular cultures' highlights the links between the political and the performative, understood both as acting out (theatrical) and as bringing into being (effective). The term 'culture(s) of the public(s)' is used to capture the idea of the public as a plurality of active citizens, distinct from the politically charged term 'the people'. These publics claim space as their right, experiencing agonistic encounters with the different generations, genders, classes, ethnicities that use their own repertoires to assert their claims. Thus, the cultures of the plural public can help to fashion the public self as citizen, but for that same reason can also provoke ferocious repression from those who feel most threatened by such a development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the role of Indian actresses in Native American activism in the film industry. Topics discussed include the significance of the decision of actor Marlon Brando to send actress Sacheen Littlefeather to refuse his award for Best Supporting Actor for the film "The Godfather" on March 28, 1973 as a sign of protest against the industry mistreatment of Native Americans, the author's approach as a Native cultural historian, and the activism of actress Lois Red Elk.

Copyright of Journal of Ilahiyat Researches / Ilahiyat Tetkikleri Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the article, the author examines the dispute between the Cannes Film Festival and the subscription video on demand (SVOD) service provider Netflix due to the festival's move to ban films not released in French theaters. Also cited are the festival's relationship with French politics, and how France viewed culture as a key element of its national identity.

This article explores the ontological politics of the image in Tamil cinema. Its focus is a particular scene from the 2011 film Mankatha (Venkat Prabhu) in which the protagonist, played by the "mass hero" Ajith Kumar, is slapped by a character played by Vaibhav Reddy. Taking the image not simply as diegetic representation but as performative act, Ajith fans were enraged at Vaibhav. As I show, multiple ontological and political claims on what an image is intersect in and manifest as this performative image-act. This multiplicity provokes rethinking of arguments by André Bazin and others about "the" ontology of the film image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 1969 saw the release of the Pakistani political fantasy film Zerqa , directed by socialist filmmaker Riaz Shahid. At once a leftist critique of the Ayub Khan regime and an endorsement of Palestinian armed struggle, Zerqa refracted Pakistan's political crisis through the question of Palestine. This paper historicizes Zerqa against Pakistani and third-worldist creative responses to Palestine in the 1950s and 1960s. Through textual analysis of the film and its ephemera, I argue that Zerqa 's approach to solidarity, gender, and the figure of the Arab-Jew both captures the nuances of the identities imbricated in the Palestinian struggle and universalizes Palestine toward its own political ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the liberation politics of live translation in Global South cinemas in Soviet Tashkent, Uzbekistan. Topics discussed include the emergence of the Tashkent festival as the most ambitious multilingual film translation project, use of the Soviet art of live translation developed during the 1950s and 1960s in Tashkent, and importance of heterolingual translation to militant filmmakers.

Cinema had long been hailed by Bolshevik party leaders as a crucial ally of the Soviet mass enlightenment project. By the mid-1920s, however, Soviet psychologists, educators and practitioners of 'child science' (pedology) were pointing to the grave effects that the consumption of commercial cinema was exerting on the physical, mental and moral health of Soviet young people. Diagnosing an epidemic of 'film mania', specialists battled to curtail the NEP-era practices of film production and demonstration that had rendered cinema 'toxic' to children. Campaigns to 'healthify' Soviet cinema, first manifesting in the organization of child-friendly screenings and forms of 'cultural enlightenment work', soon extended to attempts to develop a new children's film repertoire based on the results of psycho-physiological viewer studies. A vast variety of pedological research institutions established during the late 1920s and early 1930s began to experimentally test cinema's effects on children with the view of assisting the production of films that could cultivate a sound mind and body. Tracing a link between the findings of pedological viewer studies and the 'healthy' cinema championed in the 1930s, this article sheds light on the vital role played by medical and scientific expertise in shaping Stalinist culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A few years after Warner Bros pioneered sound cinema, the company established a production base at Teddington in England to enable it, in the face of protectionist legislation, to maintain distribution in its most lucrative foreign market. The records of that operation have remained largely unexplored since the end of World War Two. This article uses them, in conjunction with contemporary reports in the trade press, to explore these first steps in the globalization of Hollywood production. It highlights cultural differences and policy clashes, often through the lens of the correspondence between Burbank Studio Head, Jack Warner, and the executive put in charge of the Teddington studios, Irving Asher. This correspondence proves vital to understanding the competing corporate visions of American overseas production in the 1930s, and its analysis ultimately demonstrates that business in Hollywood, far from dispassionate, is actually a highly personal affair. The article also pays particular attention to the economics of the British operation and, for the first time, reveals financial data relating to production costs and rental receipts from the Teddington ledger. Only when Britain and the USA finally became allies in the fight against Nazi Germany did Warner Bros make a total commitment to its English studio, which momentarily enjoyed financial success until a Nazi rocket put paid to its productions for the duration of the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author examines the propaganda value of melodramatic motion pictures produced in the Soviet Union during the period that Joseph Stalin was in power. The author notes that cinema set the task of creating a new Soviet manner of thinking and morality, but that melodramatic depiction of every day life threatened to overpower its official functions. A number of motion pictures are examined including the epic "Peter the First" and the dramas "The Law of Life" and "Fighter Pilots."

This paper examines the recognition of domestic political reality in Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) with the introduction of a black character in "Black Panther." Topics covered include imaginary exploration of an African world in "Black Panther," factors shaping the sociopolitical identity of the MCU, and presentation of the geopolitical signals from the Cold War to anti-terror campaign for movie audiences through the textual links and synthetic storylines of the MCU.

Among Dziga Vertov's films, Three Songs of Lenin is unique in its immediate and enduring approval within the Soviet Union. The film was commissioned for the tenth anniversary of Lenin's death and made extensive use of archival material documenting Lenin's political trajectory and his funeral. Annette Michelson offers a reading of the film's political function within the historical situation of the USSR in the 1930s, claiming that the register and scale of Three Songs of Lenin make the film a "kinetic icon" for the deceased leader. Michelson discusses similarities between religious icons and films, particularly the way in which death haunts both, and she examines the way in which the film's emphasis on the role of the female mourner enables it to transform document into monument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article author see the market not as a conceptually and historically stable space or network of exchanges, but rather as a set of problematics and a constantly changing medium that has been complicated by the People's Republic of China's. Topics discussed include that in today's postsocialist neoliberalism, the market is more than ever a zone of exception and it also allows the Communist Party of China to promulgate its political messages domestically.

Clint Eastwood's Invictus (2009) uses subtle interplay between various cinematic elements, including a social realist approach to the political narrative of a 1990s Johannesburg and dynamic framing of the street to reflect the changing political psyche of the city as it transitioned from apartheid to racial coexistence and finally racial cohesion. Yet, when read within the context of the political transition that the film pursues and the incipient symbols of unity including the erstwhile segregated streets, these cinematic devices index problematic racial encounters. This article puts forth the argument that the film's urgency to connect the races paradoxically posits the character of Nelson Mandela as a vortex of an unbridgeable race gap, and the street as the ultimate racial register of this stalled linkage. Representations of a cohesive Johannesburg through Mandela's perspective, the article argues, is countered by the film's formal devices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Pleasantville and October Sky perform the cultural work of the Clinton administration's Third Way politics. Examining Clinton's neoliberal policy work as well as the expansion of the memory industry in the 1990s, it contends that each film's depiction of the past reveals more about the dominant ideology within the 90s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses film in relation to spectacle and the October 28, 2018 Brazilian general election. The relation of events in Brazil to film genres such as political thrillers, historical drama, and science fiction (sci-fi) is addressed. The notion of the real in relation to film is addressed. The notions of theory and practice are addressed.

In the article, the author discusses developments in Arab cinema by examining the use of films as political weapons in Palestine. Other topics include the film "In Between" (Bar bahar) by director Maysoloun Hamoud to examine Palestinian cultural identity, how Palestinian women defied gender morality as depicted in the film, and the external politics of representation in films.

Film has been an integral part of the propaganda war fought between the United States and North Korea over the past decade. The international controversy surrounding the Hollywood comedy The Interview in 2014 vividly demonstrated this and, in the process, drew attention to hidden dimensions of the US state security–entertainment complex in the early twenty-first century. Using the emails leaked courtesy of the Sony hack of late 2014, this article explores the Interview affair in detail, on the one hand revealing the close links between Sony executives and US foreign-policy advisers and on the other explaining the difficulties studios face when trying to balance commercial and political imperatives in a global market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between Islamists and film in Egypt during the 20th century and early 21st century, with a particular focus on Islamists' development of motion pictures. An overview of Islamist Egyptian films' depiction of the medieval Muslim scholar Ibn Taymiyya is provided.

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Representations of the individual, family and collective groups within New Romanian Cinema reveal the nation's social, political and psychological transformations, as well as its values and beliefs in times of intense transition. Focusing on Behind the Hills (Cristian Mungiu, 2012) and Sieranevada (Cristi Puiu, 2016), this article analyses the new cinema's dual position (apolitical yet engaged) and reflection on such aspects as religion, ideology and globalization; it emphasizes mechanisms of identity (trans)formation, the shaping of global citizenship and the shifts in public discourses, such as film, to continue to engage individuals and groups in social debate and events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first issue this essay examines is the articulation of the cinema of the body, the feminine gestus, and the 'political cinema', which begins with the philosophical shout, 'Give me a body, then!' and ends with the 'Third World Cinema' as a cinema of memory. How is this Deleuzian concept in tension with the one proposed here of 'missing body'? The second issue concerns the importance of the body for theory and practice within feminist film theory and queer theory. The question of the body is introduced in-between these two lines in the context of a series of Latin American documentaries. The final problem is then how to see and show a body that is missing, like an outside of the body image, and of a certain regime of the visible and the audible that tends to be fixed in topics by the production of technologies of (post)memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author examines the close-ups in the documentary film "The Battle of Chile" (La batalla de Chile, 1975-1979) by director Patricio Guzmÿn to discuss political issues in Chile. Also cited are Guzmÿn's utilization of ruins and memory in his films and the growth of progressive movements in Chile in the 1960s and the 1970s.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue including the historicity of machismo and turbo capitalism, Korean labor migrants in Seotap and cultural politics of film reform in Japan.

Champ-contre-champ examines the writings of Jean-Louis Comolli, theorist and historian of political cinema, in parallel with the practices of grass-roots film documentary producer Slon/Iskra. As two of the main players of the 1960s cinéma militant, Comolli and Slon/Iskra stand as exceptions in the context of political cinema as they both have continuously and relentlessly worked for the survival of a certain ethics and form of cinema politic until today, 50 years later. The article compares Comolli’s assertions that ‘true political cinema’ has disappeared as filmmakers, including politically engaged ones, became more dependent on television for financing, with Slon/Iskra’s practices and the forms of the films it supports. The article gives overdue visibility to Comolli’s theories as well as to the resilience of Slon/Iskra in resisting the pressures of mainstream cinema. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper focuses on the journal Las Naves 1, manifiestos cinematográficos contemporáneos (2013) to see the way Posmodernism, as a philosophical and aesthetic movement, affects contemporary cinema manifestos. We start from considering the manifesto as a proposal of a "big narrative", a programmatical and political statement, a statement of principle. To assert an identity involves the construction of an "enemy": this can clearly be seen in the cinema manifestos from the sixties and seventies, though it cannot be seen in its contemporary counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the historical development of protests of LGBT representation in US commercial cinema from 1969 to 1974 by members of the broadly defined gay liberation movement. Drawing on coverage in both the LGBT and the trade press, I explore the evolving means by which gay and lesbian liberation activists sought to challenge stereotypical characterizations perpetuated by Hollywood. In doing so, I seek to nuance our understanding of how diverse types of activism-from on-the-street demonstrations to meetings with industrial leaders-both advanced gay liberationist aims and underscored complex internal conversations regarding the efficacy and merit of differing protest strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies of Sleep Dealer (Rivera, 2008) have focused on its transnationality and how the film mixes the iconography of US sci-fi/cyberpunk and Latin American sociopolitics. While dialoguing with the work of other scholars, this study engages with new perspectives. First, it brings to the fore the director's early personal experiences that later prompted his preoccupations with the presence and impact of technology in remote and rural areas of the Global South. Second, it engages in an in-depth analysis of sci-fi and dystopian motifs and symbols not wholly analysed in earlier studies that uniquely connect the actions and flows in the film with current global matters. Specific topics are nodes as dialectical images (Benjamin), the blindness of the sleep dealer (or infomaquila) workers, racism/nativism and robots as enslaved hybrid beings. Third, this study shows instances of how Rivera's concerns regarding future 'fantasy nightmares' in the second decade of the twenty-first century could become (or have become) a part of life, threatening social and economic stability. Two main foci are the wall along the border with Mexico that President Trump has threatened to build and other recent political discourses in the United States, seen as abstractions or alternate realities. The article stresses the everlasting nature of Sleep Dealer as Rivera's premonitions continue to take form in the present and, possibly, in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korean films first became visible on the world stage in the late 1950s when they began to be exhibited and win prizes at international film festivals. Yi Pyŏngil's The Wedding Day (1956) and Han Hyŏngmo's Because I Love You (1958) were among Korea's earliest award-winning films. These two films exemplify a postcolonial and postwar discourse I am calling "Cold War cosmopolitanism." The cultivation of this cosmopolitan ethos among cultural producers was a major objective for Americans waging the cultural Cold War in Asia, and the Asia Foundation was Washington's primary instrument for doing so. This article traces the history of the Asia Foundation from its inception in the National Security Council in the late 1940s through its activities in Korea in the 1950s and early 1960s. It pays particular attention to the foundation's support for Korean participation in the Asian Film Festival. It offers a close textual and historical reading of Yi's and Han's films as a means of exploring how Korean cultural producers, acting as Cold War entrepreneurs, took advantage of the Asia Foundation's resources in ways that furthered their own aesthetic, economic, and political interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of progressive filmmaking in the interwar period is often associated with John Grierson, the British documentary movement and the influence it traced abroad. This paper argues, however, that more particular attention needs to attend the specific context for progressive filmmaking in the United States. To make this argument, this paper foregrounds two strands of progressive filmmaking that were pursued alongside, and often in tension with each other at the Rockefeller Boards between 1934 and 1945. The Rockefeller Boards pursued both a version of social-realist documentary in the Griersonian tradition as well as a project focused on 'human relations' films. As this paper suggests, the human relations project contrasted with Grierson's social documentary by linking film to a particular kind of psychological interior; a self not oriented to the social world but to the internal spaces of psychological and personality development. This implies a complex process of cultural diffusion in which Grierson's model was filtered through, and ultimately displaced by, a set of concerns and preoccupations unique to the American context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how politically inspired attacks on cinemas owned and operated by MGM and 20th Century-Fox in Egypt, and the concurrent efforts of Fox and other US film executives to support and open cinemas in the new state of Israel, had a profound impact on Hollywood’s Middle Eastern cinemas during the 1940s and 1950s. The construction of US-owned cinemas in Egypt in the 1940s followed Hollywood’s global expansion, but the growth of anti-British and anti-Israeli sentiment in the country, coupled with US support for and Hollywood-backed cinema construction in Israel, exacerbated a growing list of political and cultural grievances against US-owned cinemas in Cairo and Alexandria. This article examines Egyptian boycotts against US films and cinemas in the 1930s and 1940s, the geopolitical conditions that led to attacks on MGM and Fox’s cinemas in Cairo during the 1940s and 1950s, and the economic development issues that delayed both companies’ efforts to expand exhibition in Israel. Forces both within and out of its control would ultimately muddle Hollywood’s Middle Eastern exhibition strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Kurosawa’sRashōmon (Rashomon, 1950)and its success at the 1951 Venice Film Festival is often regarded as the pivotal point for Japanese film export as well as the point of departure for Japanese film’s full-blown, successful exposure to overseas markets and audiences. Awards subsequently won by other films directed by Japanese nationals corroborate this interpretation, which, however, tends to marginalise earlier attempts to realise the ‘dream of export’. At best, these are regarded as isolated, eccentric events; yet, the interpretation of these films as predictable failures is to a large part influenced by hindsight. This article takes a film historical approach to discuss the Japanese industry’s early push onto the German market, revolving around three German–Japanese ‘co-productions’ that display varying degrees of international cooperation among equals (1926, 1932 and 1933). These endeavours were embedded within increasing industrial efforts to push international exports and were both a reaction to ‘inauthentic’ Western representational practices and a means to assert a cultural power position through industrial success. Early transnational currents in Japanese cinema pose various questions related to the notion of a ‘national cinema’, and the issue of film as art, as propaganda vehicle or/and as profit-making product. Although being confined within restrictive frameworks of representational traditions of imagining Others, these films demonstrate a two-way flow, as protagonists in both countries considered film as an agent for change in the intertwined spheres of the industrial, national and cultural. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the Slovenian documentary "Newsreel 55" directed by Nika Autor, in collaboration with Marko Bratina, Jurij Meden, and Ciril Oberstar, who jointly established the Newsreel Front collective. It focuses on contemporary history of Yugoslavia and its disintegration, considering topics such as the resistance movement against the German occupation during World War II, labor disputes in the 1980s, genocide in the 1990s in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the 2012-2013 protests in Slovenia.

The article focuses on the Slovenian documentary "Newsreel 55" directed by Nika Autor, in collaboration with Marko Bratina, Jurij Meden, and Ciril Oberstar, who jointly established the Newsreel Front collective. It focuses on contemporary history of Yugoslavia and its disintegration, considering topics such as the resistance movement against the German occupation during World War II, labor disputes in the 1980s, genocide in the 1990s in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the 2012 protests in Slovenia.

An essay which explores working class representation in the film "Le Rendez-vous des quais/Meeting on the Docks," by Paul Carpita on the daily life of dock workers in Marseille, France during the Indochina War, is presented. Topics covered include intersectional working class identities in the film, Carpita's post-war leftwing politics and filmmaking, and the censorship history of the film in the context of the tensions between Carpita and the State and Carpita and the Communist Party.