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Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay analyzes the process of pacification and evangelization of the indigenous population settled in the area that, since the second half of the 16th century, would be known as "provincia de los coanos", a territory located between the confluences of the current states of Jalisco and Nayarit, in western Mexico. With information from archive sources from the 16th century, the text highlights the indigenous resistance to hispanic colonization and the vicissitudes that the first authorities of Nueva Galicia had to achieve the definitive pacification of this significant enclave that during the viceroyalty served as a important mining region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Staufen conquest of the Kingdom of Sicily in 1194 can be understood as the violent destruction of a sophisticated and cosmopolitan Norman kingdom and its replacement by a new dynasty with starkly different cultural and political models. Indeed, many contemporary authors decried the brutality associated with Henry VI's conquest. This article considers the other side of the coin by examining the evidence for attempts to integrate Henry VI into the local models associated with the previous monarchy. Despite the limited survival of evidence, there is reason to think that Staufen administrators deliberately continued and cultivated the ceremonies and traditions associated with the Norman Hauteville crown. Moreover, Sicilian elites had meaningful incentives to help translate between Norman and Staufen cultures. Finally, this article examines how a language of Staufen imperial authority could be blended with traditions of Norman rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Andes from the beginning of the Spanish conquest, colonial administrators sought to develop efficient methods of labor extraction. The study of chronological age, Indigenous tribute, and censuses reveals an uncharted chapter of this process. This article explores how chronological age mediated the relationship between the colonial state and Andeans by creating the administrative status of tributary. Andeans adjusted their precolonial notions of aging to the concept of chronological age, which they associated with the tribute regime. During the government of Francisco de Toledo, ordinances and law relied on chronological age to standardize the time frame for tribute obligations among male Andeans as between 18 and 50 years old, and this standardization shaped Andeans' life experiences. By the late sixteenth century, previous censuses and baptism records helped to make the administrative registration of age increasingly precise. Chronological age thus emerges as a key category to study the rise of Spanish colonial rule. In doing so, this study also challenges the association between the bureaucratic use of chronological age for population control and contemporary forms of state making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previously in the Journal of Military History, Bruce Collins contended that military influences shaped the definition of victory in British colonial campaigns between 1860 and 1882. It is argued that Collins’s examples showed a greater degree of political achievement in their outcome than he suggested. Collins mostly selected successful campaigns for analysis, whereas there were also clear failures in the application of British military power. Even where soldiers defined objectives, they did not necessarily shape the agreements that terminated campaigns. In particular, the example of India’s North West Frontier demonstrated the difficulties of achieving lasting passivity where permanent military occupation was not the objective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors explore recent developments in urban regeneration in Istanbul, and specifically in the important historic district of Beyoğlu. In one respect, these developments, which are linked to the promotion of cruise ship tourism, are on the same predictable lines as neoliberal projects in other cities across the world. Significantly, in the Istanbul context, local agency is being sidelined, and projects are being financed and managed through the intervention of the central state. In this Turkish version of urban transformation, however, there is a locally distinctive aspect that merits attention. Istanbul is a city that was conquered by the Ottomans in 1453, and the discourse of conquest has remained significant within the urban imaginary. And at the present time, it is being mobilized by the state and its cultural ministry, in the cause of creating a new urban image conforming to its Islamist principles. The key project involves the establishment of what is called the Beyoğlu Cultural Route, which is essentially a touristic itinerary. The authors argue that the state's initiatives, and the route project in particular, involve an erasure—a conquest—of Beyoğlu's legacy of cosmopolitan values. This discussion explores what has been of civic and cultural value in the lifeworld of Beyoğlu, past and present. Resistance to the state's control of resources and institutions, and to its conquest ideology, needs to be grounded in civic principles open to diversity and difference in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo (1478-1557) and Bartolomé de las Casas (1484-1566) were protagonists of Spain's actions in America who also produced foundational works of history. Despite their personal enmity, their complementarity is apparent in writings accompanied by (Oviedo) or interpreted through (Las Casas) pictorial images. This essay's "complementar)' figures" refers to Oviedo and Las Casas as interpreters of the novelties of nature and the violence of conquest as well as to the relationship of word and image on making them known. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British launched numerous punitive expeditions in the decades before the international scramble for Africa. Often portrayed as 'wars against nature', such campaigns in fact posed considerable challenges, not least because they were conducted to tight deadlines and were expected to result in low-cost victories. Yet it was often difficult to define clear military objectives. This article explores punitive expeditions' demands upon their commanders and the ways in which commanders found suitable culminating points, in the absence of decisive battles, when victory might be declared and celebrated. Victory had to be defined for the intervening army, for the people and leaders of the country being attacked, and for politicians and the public at home. Defining victory was thus a complex process, reflecting the range of military, political and public pressures upon commanders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship suggests the profits from conquest have decreased over time. Given this, why were some states faster to abandon profit-motivated conquest, and why are some still seeking wealth from territorial control? We argue that land-rent dependence influences a regime's economic preference for territory. The more a state depends on rents extracted from land (i.e. the more land-oriented the economy), the greater its willingness to invest in securing control of territory. We develop a novel measure of land orientation, with 200 years of data, to evaluate the linkages between land orientation and military competition over territory. Across 160 regression models, we find robust evidence that land orientation predicts territorial competition. These results hold in both democracies and autocracies. The global reduction in land-oriented states offers a plausible explanation for the decline in the number of large-scale territorial conquests. Our findings also explain why some states retain strong economic motivations for conquest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper discusses the dating of the Muslim conquest of the southern Iraqi port city of al-Ubulla. Arab historians give two conflicting accounts of the event: one puts it in the year 14 ah ; the other in the year 16 ah. Modern scholars for their part have made no serious attempt to reconcile the two accounts. They have linked the disagreement with the traditional rivalry between Basran and Kufan historians and, generally, tended to prefer the latter account (16 ah). This paper takes a different approach to the issue. It rejects the interpretation of the disagreement given by modern scholars and, instead, reconciles the two accounts through close examination of other aspects of the Ubulla conquest. The argument conlcudes that the port city was conquered twice, once in the year 14 ah before the battle of al-Qādisiyya and then again in 16 ah after that battle. This conclusion puts us in a good position, first, to reconcile other disagreements on the sequence of events regarding the conquest of southern Iraq and, secondly, to draw some judgments as to the tribal identity of the Muslim troops who implemented that conquest and established the garrison city of Basra. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion of the political philosophy of imperialism, adapted from remarks delivered at the July 2019 National Conservatism conference held in Washington, D.C. Topics explored include the acquisition of the Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great, King of Persia, according to Xenophon's book "Cyropaedia," the domestic political instability which may result from conquests, and the imperialist attributes of globalization in practice.

This article offers a reading of Tirso de Molina's El burlador de Sevilla (1630) as a text concerned with the management of empire by drawing on comparisons to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century tracts that dispute the merits of conquest. Though the early modern transatlantic context has remained on the margins of scholarship on El burlador, this article illustrates that the play shares concerns with contemporary imperial tracts over the effects of mobility and conquest on the maintenance of Iberian empire. In the process, it shows that Don Juan's sexual transgressions do not reveal a nascent individualism, but rather enact a disruptive praxis whereby conquest opposes the establishment of a stable imperial landscape. This reading of El burlador through an imperial lens highlights how the play reveals that an imperial system predicated on conquest cannot settle its subjects or its geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Antropologia Americana is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the medieval in the conquest, the problem of indigenous vassalage, and useful instruments to reconstruct history.

Histories of the conquest of America have long highlighted the role of wonder, possession, and desire in Spanish conceptions of the New World. Yet missing in these accounts is the role that studying nature played in shaping Spain’s imperial ethos. In the sixteenth century, Spanish missionaries revived the practice of natural history to trace the origins of New World nature. In their pursuit of the cultural meanings of natural landscapes, however, Spanish natural historians naturalized their own fears of the demonic. In this article, I argue that naturalist inquiry served as an empirical and spiritual laboratory to develop a contentious narrative of political domination. I focus specifically on the writings of the missionary ethnographer, Bernardino de Sahagún, who compiled the first bilingual account of the peoples of the Aztec empire and used his immersion in Nahua culture to promote indigenous conversion to the Christian faith. Sahagún’s narrative techniques were aimed at the New World’s cultural regeneration, particularly through the study of nature. Yet his intellectual transformation during this journey bears surprising ideological paradoxes. Sahagún’s legacies therefore offer political theorists today a medium to rethink key historiographical assumptions about the anthropolitics of nature and the broader geopolitics of early modern political thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The date of Pompeys conquest of Jerusalem is examined in light of the accounts of Josephus, contemporary hints found in Cicero, and the narratives of other ancient chroniclers. It is established that word of Pompeys victory in the East was received in Rome during the first half of 63 BCE and that the conclusion of the siege necessarily preceded this. Evidence for a fall victory is presented, which strongly suggests that Pompeys siege ended in 64 BCE . Pompeys organization of the eastern provinces is considered as further evidence that his time in Syria was briefer than is typically maintained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Imago Temporis. Medium Aevum is the property of Consolidated Medieval Studies Research Group Space, Power & Culture and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the history of U.S. foreign relations between 1750 and 1850, focusing on aspects of commerce and conquest. Topics include western expansion and manifest destiny, British colonialism, imperialism, free trade, the Enlightenment, both the causes and influence of the American Revolution, and the early republic period.

The Roman people, destined to acquire wealth by conquest, and by the spoil of provinces; the Carthaginians, intent on the returns of merchandise, and the produce of commercial settlements, must have filled the streets of their several capitals with men of a different disposition and aspect. The Roman laid hold of his sword when he wished to be great, and the state found her armies prepared in the dwellings of her people. The Carthaginian retired to his counter on a similar project; and, when the state was alarmed, or had resolved on a war, lent of his profits to purchase an army abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers d'Histoire de l'Amerique Latine is the property of L'Harmattan Edition Diffusion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In May 1520, on the day of the Feast of Toxcatl, a troop of Spaniards assaulted theTemplo Mayor, the main temple in Mexico-Tenochtitlan. The incident was a turning point in the conquest of Mexico. In spite of this, the circulating descriptions have not been properly read against the primary documental sources or the historiographic antecedents that challenge their assertions. A survey of these sources suggests that the popular perceptions of the event owe less to the facts of the matter than to subsequent elaborations. In the different accounts, ranging from official inquiries to full-fledged histories, the episode evolves from a preventive strike into a malicious and bloody massacre. Early reports illustrate the contentious politics of the conquest that brought the event to light but also obscured its details. Nevertheless, the histories by Francisco López de Gómara and Bernal Díaz del Castillo categorically indicted Pedro de Alvarado. In the works of Bernardino de Sahagún and Diego Durán, echoes of first-crusade historiography in the gruesome depiction of the assault complicate their identification as bearers of an indigenous perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Moses Yale Beach, publisher of the New York Sun, and James Gordon Bennett, publisher of the New York Herald, promoted the Mexican-American War through illustrations that linked conquest with the fulfillment of certain masculine ideals. Both were expansionists who wanted the United States to take Mexican land as spoils of war. But they differed in opinion on how much territory the United States should claim. Beach believed it best to take only the sparsely populated northern portion, whereas Bennett advocated conquering Mexico in its entirety. Consequently, there are important differences in the types of illustrations they published with their war reports that reflect their positions on land acquisition and its connection to the fulfillment of masculine ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to analyze the different relations of miscegenation that occurred in the Pacific territory of the New Kingdom of Granada during the first two centuries of European occupation. The study reveals that, contrary to what a broad sector of historiography has sustained, the Conquest was not unilateral and compact, but rather a discontinuous and heterogeneous process that permitted the rise of new groups such as the Mestizos. When these groups were educated in the colonial world, they participated actively in the wars against the Indians, but when they were brought up within the indigenous societies, they also knew how to attack the Conquistadors. The study uses different sources to analyze the process of miscegenation not only from the biological perspective, but from the cultural perspective as well. It is thus possible to understand how an intense process of racial-mixing known as mestizaje took place on both sides of the colonial boundary line. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of the Ottoman Empire in the medieval period. The Ottomans used organised military and administrative structures in its territorial expansion to eastern Balkans and Anatolia. The motives of the empire's military expeditions and conquests such as the control of trade routes, passes and harbours are also discussed.

Derived from the Latin Victoria, which itself can be traced to vino victus, meaning ‘to conquer’, victory evokes a number of close synonyms, principally conquest and triumph. It occupies an ambivalent position in respect of contemporary war. Though in some regards a concept that is essential to the very idea of combat, the notion of winning wars has acquired an ironic ring in the aftermath of two brutal world wars and the advent of nuclear weapons. Victory in war is clearly a contentious subject. Yet scholars of the just war tradition have largely ignored it. This article fills that breach by asking what, if anything, victory can mean in relation to just war? It argues that victory has an aporetic quality insofar as it appears both integral to but incompatible with the just war ethos. As such, it reveals both the limits and possibilities of just war thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]