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This study examines the intertextuality of the Daodejing 道德經 and the Sunzi 孫子 by exploring one possible horizon that can shed light on the intellectual environment of their early circulations. A preliminary section examines the early doctrinal movements of what would later be recognized as Daoism and Militarism by triangulating them with the early doctrinal movements of what would later be recognized as Confucianism. This is followed by a consideration of the possible ways in which the early "authors" of the Daodejing and the Sunzi honed their respective systems of thought by way of at least occasional encounter, dialogue, and debate with each other during the early period when their texts were still relatively fluid. The final sections provide a textual analysis of some of their shared content on the topics "surprise attack" and "straightforward attack," and the "chaos" of cosmogony and battle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1985, Britain's chief group of medical anti-nuclear weapons activists, the Medical Campaign Against Nuclear Weapons (MCANW), launched its 'Treatment, Not Trident' (TNT) campaign. TNT called on the Thatcher Government to cancel the acquisition of the Trident nuclear weapon system and divert those funds to the National Health Service and foreign aid instead. Using TNT, this article makes some more general observations about key aspects of the history, nature and ideologies of medical activism in relation to anti-militarism and health inequality. Alongside a conceptualisation of 'medical activism', it offers an examination of chief ways in which the strategic mobilisation of health and welfare priorities, and a growing interest in developing nations enabled MCANW to reach a larger audience. Moreover, higher levels of professionalisation, politicisation and inclusivity contributed to TNT's success, making it a crucial moment in the development of both MCANW and medical activism in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interdependence altered power relations between the European great powers between 1871 and 1914 in ways that both sustained the conditions for peace and, after 1911, made a European war more likely. Interdependence accelerated the development of international financial and commercial networks. Transnational social and cultural exchanges raised the costs of a general war, offered multiple channels for states and societies to exercise influence over each other, and altered power relations. The great powers pursued their interests through not only military force but also trade deals, financial loans, expert missions (teams sent to smaller states ostensibly to aid in modernization), and cultural diplomacy. They competed for influence in smaller states. Many of the crises that pockmarked this era derived from their contested interests in such strategically vital areas in Europe as the Balkans, the Ottoman Empire, and the Low Countries, as well as elsewhere in the world. States that lost out in this transformation, notably Austria-Hungary and Russia, saw the militarization of their foreign policies as a way to compensate for weaknesses in other forms of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What triggers xenophobic violence in South Africa? By answering this deceivingly simple but critical question, this paper high - lights an often-missed empirical factor and key element in the xenophobic violence causal chain: mobilization. Drawing from extensive, comparative empirical data and global literature, the paper argues that, while macro and micro-level socio-economic and political circumstances are important elements in heightening tensions and creating collective discontent, anger and resentment towards foreign nationals, it is the mobilization of this discontent and not the discontent itself that triggers xenopho - bic attacks in locations where they occur. Mobilization is the vital connective tissue between discontent and xenophobic vio - lence. Local violence entrepreneurs use well-known mobilization techniques, including haranguing and parochial patronage, to stir crowds into targeted and well-organized violent attacks of foreign nationals in South Africa. While this argument is in line with existing theoretical approaches that emphasize mobilization as a key causal factor in the occurrence of collective violence, the paper provides useful solid empirical backing these still hesitant approaches require to consolidate their explanatory value and efficacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the organization and activities of the Dai Nippon Heiwa Kyōkai (Japan Peace Society, founded in 1906), a group that was loosely affiliated with peace societies in Britain, the US, and other countries, as well as with the International Peace Bureau in Berne. The paper examines Japanese initiatives in the context of the global campaign to identify and implement strategies for the peaceful resolution of international disputes, in the global 'peace moment' of the early 1900s. The paper describes the activities of the Dai Nippon Heiwa Kyōkai and reviews its successes, but also analyzes some of the complexities and contradictions inherent in the movement. Foremost among these was the propensity of Japanese peace activists to focus on dispute resolution with the European and American powers, while ignoring or condoning Japanese militarist imperialism on the Asian mainland. While some were motivated by pacifist ideals, the senior members of the society - many of whom were members of Japan's political elite - tended to see peace activism as an extension of Japan's cooperative diplomacy, seeking practical solutions (including military aggression) that ensured Japan's continued status as one of the world's great powers. Their vision of cooperative governance within a global imperial system was, however, severely undermined by Euro-American racist discourses. The strength of anti-Japanese sentiment - as reflected in American exclusion laws and global discourses of a 'yellow peril' - ultimately swung many peace activists into the camp of outright imperialist militarism. However, from the threads of Japanese peace activism in the 1910s emerged a vision of global governance that helped establish the framework for Japan's participation in the League of Nations, and in the multilateral peace-keeping institutions of the post-Second World War era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information on the Militär(s) in der Politik. Soldaten und politische Verantwortung in Deutschland im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, a conference organized by Zentrums für Militärgeschichte und Sozialwissenschaften der Bundeswehr (ZMSBw) in Potsdam, Germany from March 22-23, 2018 is presented. Topics discussed include history of militarism, relationship between politics and military in Germany and political decisions of the region.

The article deals with the impact of the Security Network on domestic politics in Israel after the 1967 War. It identifies three basic approaches to the study of the association between Israeli civilian and military spheres: the Traditional Approach; the Critical Approach; and the New Critical Approach. The relationship between the structure of the defense network and the political system is discussed, as well as the connection between the creation of the State of Israel and Zionist militarism.

On 24 February 1966, Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah, was overthrown in a coup d'état. The coup rekindled a debate within the Soviet bloc about the prospects of socialism in Africa and about the appropriateness of certain policies. Soviet officials concluded that they would have to focus on establishing close relations with the armies and internal security forces of African countries. This article explores how Nkrumah's loyalists in exile and their sympathizers in Ghana attempted to launch a leftwing counter-coup in Accra in 1968 and the involvement of Warsaw Pact countries—notably the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia—in those events. The article sheds new light on "Operation ALEX," a botched attempt by the Czechoslovak intelligence service to support Nkrumah loyalists in their plans for a countercoup. The article reexamines the late 1960s as an important period for the militarization of the Cold War in Africa and highlights the crucial role that African politicians themselves played in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this article, we develop and expand the rebel-to-ruler literature to go beyond ‘rebel transformations’, in order to examine the transformation and militarisation of the entire post-genocide society in Rwanda. Through a historical and socio-political analysis of the military’s influence in post-genocide Rwanda, we argue that the adoption of military norms and ethos, drawn from an idealised and reconstructed pre-colonial history rather than simply an insurgent past, motivates the military’s centrality and penetration of all society’s sectors, economically, politically and socially, with the ultimate aim of retaining power in the hands of the rebels turned rulers. As such, the case demonstrates the need for an expansion of the rebel-to-ruler literature (1) beyond its concern with parties and regime type to a broader palette of governance effects and (2) beyond its singular focus on insurgent past and towards a longue-durée understanding of complementary causes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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The popularity of Foucauldian understandings of government in International Relations (IR) has led to a vibrant debate over the utility of Foucault’s work for the discipline, especially over its applicability outside Western liberal societies. By concentrating on governmentality’s international applicability, however, IR scholarship has neglected Foucault’s account of the foundations of modern social mentalities, apparatuses, and techniques. Foucault frequently based his ideas on historical research, with warfare and military affairs featuring prominently in his accounts of discipline and governmentality.Based on a problematisation of the military aspects of Foucault’s thought, this article challenges Foucauldian IR scholarship to revisit governmentality’s foundations and reconsider the contemporary relevance of Foucault’s account of government. Foucault neglected the heterogeneity of European militaries, such as their reliance on impermanent, auxiliary, and non-Western forces. He thereby missed the opportunity to develop a more sophisticated account of the relationship between force, the military, government, discipline, and biopolitics. Moreover, this article challengesFoucauldian IR scholarship to revisit the empirical foundations of Foucault’s work and reconsider the geographical and temporal extent of the relevance of Foucault’s account of government as a result. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since 2004, media and public opinion in Assam (India) have focused on increasing instances of poaching of rhinoceros for their horns and presence of Bengali-speaking Muslim peasants, especially in and around the iconic Kaziranga National Park. From hastily made digital films, to anti-poaching motifs at Durga Puja pandals, the plight of the rhinoceros has occupied an important position in an acrimonious political discourse on Assamese culture. The innocence and dignity attributed to the animal stands in marked contrast to the lack of discussion on the large numbers of young men who have been killed in anti-poaching campaigns by the state. This article looks at the interstices of class, culture and commerce in an attempt to understand the popular deification of the rhinoceros and implications of the developmental discourse that seeks to put people and rhino in their 'rightful' place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages with questions of the integration of different scales of analysis in the study of labour and radical movements: ‘transnational’, ‘national’ and ‘local’ or ‘trans-local’. The article places the study of transnational anarchism in a ‘national’ and ‘trans-local’ perspective. The analysis of the intersection between the networks of those who migrated from Italy and those who remained provides a fruitful means to uncover dynamics within the transnational anarchist movement and the interplay, in both directions, between home country, exile communities and host countries. The article focuses on the crucial, but still unexplored, contributions of communities of Italian anarchists abroad (in, among other places, London, Paris, Berne, Marseille, Barre and Buenos Aires) to the anti-militarist campaigns against the Italian colonial enterprise in Libya from 1911 to 1914, in terms of propaganda, theoretical debate, financing and countercultural production. The investigation of the initiatives of anarchist exiles and how they coordinated with their comrades in Italy provides a significant case study, not only to understand network-based transnational anarchism but also to reflect on mechanisms of political migration and their influence on the development of social conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Montferrat under Gonzaga can be used as an interesting case study to investigate early modern Italy. The complexity of a non-homogenous geographical context impacts the Italian geo-political scenery with important outcomes connected to the wider European context during the Thirty Years' War. The article considers the economic and social situations deriving from the militarization of this area and follows the evolution of the institutional framework. The complex jurisdiction of the area (Republic of Genoa, Duchy of Mantua, Farnese's duchy, Duchy of Savoy and Imperial Feuds, on top of the Spanish/Milanese influence) requires an investigation looking at the connection between political institutions and economy. The development of the different components is described from the point of view of Alvise Donato, who explains the many issues connected to the multiple loyalties of feuds, cities and territories. The research highlights the different causes that impact on this context and the multifaceted aims that often produce alliances, but most frequently cause clashes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article examines the Dreyfus Affair with a perspective on the alleged conflict between intellectualism and militarism as well as the role of graphologists and handwriting analysis in the affair. The handling of Alfred Dreyfus' trial is criticized as lacking scientific rigor in favor of applying political pressure.

This research note discusses a five-year examination of the original coding work of the Militarized Interstate Dispute (MID) project. After strictly applying MID coding rules, we recommend dropping 251 cases (or over 10% of the dataset), as either we were unable to find a militarized incident in the historical record or the dispute appeared elsewhere in the data. We found evidence linking 75 disputes to other cases, and we could not identify 19 cases in the historical record. Among the remaining disputes, we recommend major changes (changes in dispute year, fatality level, and participants) in 234 disputes and minor changes in 1,009 disputes. We use this article to examine the potential impact of our suggestions on existing studies. Though we identified several systematic problems with the original coding effort, we also find that these problems do not affect current understandings of what predicts the onset of interstate conflict. However, estimates in our replications of three recent studies of dispute escalation, dispute duration, and dispute reciprocation all witness substantial changes when using corrected data-to the point of reversing previous conclusions in some cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a theorisation of militarism in post-war Cyprus. Based on qualitative empirical research conducted in Cyprus in 2011, the article explores the manifestation and steadfastness of Greek-Cypriot militarism, and the development of this militarism, which appeared after the partition of the island in 1974. In particular, it proposes the ideology of defence as a way to understand post-war Greek-Cypriot militarism. It shows the embedded nature of defence in the idea of the national struggle. It aims at mapping the character of this militarism in order to provide the grounds for future discussion. Only by understanding the interconnecting discourses that made Greek-Cypriot militarism possible in post-war Cyprus, can we understand its past, present, and future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the gender implications of the militarisation of the Mengo neighbourhood of Kampala. It analyses how the hyper-militarisation under post-colonial regimes, particularly those of Milton Obote and Idi Amin, marked a significant gender reversal. The military presence in Mengo emasculated civilian men, who were attacked and abused by soldiers, and led women to assume the roles of 'protectors' who safeguarded men, children and their homes. Women volunteered for the most dangerous tasks at the household and community levels and faced constant dangers, including rape, violence and other forms of abuse. Using oral histories collected from the residents in Mengo in 2014, I examine this reconfiguration of gender roles and its reverberations in contemporary Mengo. Interviews with the women and men from Kampala describe the various ways women protected people and spaces and at the same time stress men's vulnerability. This article therefore challenges popular conceptions of women as weak and vulnerable and in need of men's protection in militarised situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do interstate relations deteriorate and become conflictual, even under conditions where one might expect improved ties? The article seeks an answer to this question through a case study of the deterioration in Sino-Japanese relations in the twenty-first century, which took place despite the existence of several factors that might be thought likely to have led to an improvement. Existing theoretical approaches cannot fully explain this puzzle. The article argues that such deteriorations can result from disruptions to states’ reciprocally performed routinised recognition, and identifies three mechanisms through which these can occur. To facilitate this argument, the article draws on scholarship on relational identity, recognition, and ontological security to develop a theory of identity construction that takes account of how self and other routinise the ways in which they recognise each other and how they react to the other’s representational practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Population issues often factor into militarism as, historically, population was identified with power. The destructive capabilities of weaponry in the twentieth century shifted the role of population as more civilians were at risk, and the introduction of nuclear armaments did so even further. During the Cold War, the United States and Soviet Union entered into a nuclear arms race which threatened the earth’s entire population, and the earth itself. The neutron bomb was introduced as a clean weapon, however, and its proponents argued that it would protect property while killing people. This article examines various aspects of population as it related to arguments for and against the neutron bomb, beginning in the 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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Copyright of Annals of the American Association of Geographers is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article talks about the gendered labor performances of American military women during the U.S. led occupations in Iraq and Afghanistan dealing with the role of women soldiers and marines in counterinsurgency warfare. Topics include U.S. military strategy, gender differences, and multiculturalism in U.S. military. Also discussed are topics like affective labor, role of Female Engagement Teams (FET), and potential of caring labor.

This article examines the numerous adolescents, many from the South London boroughs of Lewisham and Deptford, who lied about their age when joining the 11th (Lewisham) Battalion Royal West Kent Regiment in 1915. It focuses on their motivations for enlisting underage, highlighting the 'push' effects of particular features of working-class family life and the local labour market and the 'pull' effects of army recruitment policies and the increasing militarization of society as the war proceeded. Despite a minority causing the army major problems during the period of training, most of them conformed to military discipline and became useful recruits. Parents' objections to the enlistment of their sons were muted, at least until the battalion was sent overseas in May 1916, after which the army authorities tried, not always successfully, to keep the under-aged out of the firing line. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article explores the close entanglements between militarisation and ecological research in the Caprivi Strip between 1960 and 1980. Prior to the 1960s, the Caprivi Strip in the north-east of Namibia was repeatedly presented by the South African administration as a ‘useless’ and remote area of no value to its colonisers. This changed during the 1960s, when it became clear that the region was of crucial military significance in relation to the Cold War, as well as to Namibia's national independence movements. In this article, I argue that the militarisation of the Caprivi was closely entangled with ecological surveys and mapping carried out by the South African civil administration in co-operation with its army and air force. First, I will show how such activities have to be seen in a longer tradition of ‘masking’ South Africa's presence in Namibia, and its enforcement of apartheid as ‘development’. Secondly, I will elaborate intricate layers of interdependences of warfare and ecological research, particularly on the level of personal networks of military personnel and civil servants in Katima Mulilo, by sharing infrastructure, such as military planes, used for aerial photography and mapping of natural features in the region. As the joint fight for the control of an alien water weed shows, the co-operation of the military and ecologists worked not only on a practical level: there were also shared interests in ‘knowing space’ in order to ‘keep’ it clean of ‘invading enemies’. Finally, the data and maps produced in these joint surveillance projects laid the basis for a spatial definition of what I call a ‘South African nature space’ in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the political economy of French imperialism from a critical Marxist perspective. It demonstrates how France has maintained a major role on the international scene, especially militarily, despite experiencing a relative decline in world economic power since the 1990s. In this regard, three features have marked the French imperial project: (1) the core role of state institutions and corporate elites in making French capitalism, and the protracted closeness of the state-capital nexus; (2) the strength of militarism in economic, political, and social realms; and (3) the consolidation of rentier interests not only in the corporate power bloc, but also at a political level. Over the past century, these three dynamics have underpinned and reinforced a particular project of empire in France – one that bears relevance to current debates on globalisation and the ‘new imperialism'. By examining these issues, this paper seeks to further develop the Marxist theory of international political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study explores official British perceptions of Balkan soldiers and armed forces against the background of evolving theories of militarism from the 1870s until 1913. The article is based on research on reports of British intelligence agents, the British War Office and the Foreign Office on Balkan armies and military exercises. These primary sources have hitherto remained unexploited in the historiography examining British images of the Balkans. British perceptions of Serbian and Montenegrin armies and soldiers remained relatively static until the early twentieth century. Through most of the period in focus here, they were regarded as untrained gangs of peasants incapable of engaging in armed conflict with advanced militaries. This perception began to change during the Balkan Wars as a consequence of the Serbian army's satisfactory performance. British images of Bulgarian soldiers and military traits were much more complex. In the late 1870s, they were represented as a submissive race; in the 1880s as masculine and obedient fighters; in the 1890s as militaristic; and on the eve of the Balkan Wars as a non-expansionist nation of peasants. British officials' views were usually firmly rooted in personal observations and reflected the increasing emphasis on empiricism in intelligence gathering. Moreover, at the same time, racial theories and codes of masculinity influenced their opinions, as did preconceptions about Balkan social, religious and cultural realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the textual constitution of militarism and militaristic subjects in and by educational discourse in Pakistan. The article focuses on two subjects, namely social studies and Urdu, which are taught in the public school system of Pakistan. In order to examine the constitution of militaristic subjectivities, the author draws upon concepts of poststructuralist theory and critical discourse analysis. The author's main argument is that it is vital to first deconstruct the constructs of war from the minds of people in order for the constructs of peace to be instilled. There are many sites where such deconstruction needs to begin. One of the likely places for such an exercise is in textbooks, for these are sites in which war and violence are or can be constructed and instilled into the minds of future citizens. These are also natural sites for the construction of defenses of peace, for these spaces harbor agency to resist war and violence. This article examines textual and discursive data from Pakistan's educational discourse (mainly curricula and textbooks) to illustrate how war and militarism are constructed by these discourses via curricula and textbooks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although women and men participated in nearly equal numbers in Ukraine's 2013-14 Maidan protests, women were excluded from some of the more dangerous activities and their contributions went largely unrecognized. I examine women's modes of participation in and their exclusion from the Maidan and the creative responses of feminists to this exclusion, including creation of so-called Women's Squads. The protests generated important feminist initiatives and discussions about women's roles in Ukraine's past and future, which were partially couched in discourses of nationalism and militarism. Examining debates about women's roles during and after the protests suggests that the Maidan provided Ukraine's feminists with opportunities to articulate divergent yet reconcilable perspectives on women's activism, social change, and national sovereignty. Their creative responses to the challenges of the protests have potentially paved the way for broadening the base of Ukrainian feminism, introducing women's rights principles to segments of the population previously reluctant to embrace feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of scholarship on Buddhism is exploring the historical role of warfare and militarism. Buddhist polities have generally exempted monastic communities from military conscription and taxation. Although the monk Khruubaa Srivichai (1878–1938) is revered as a saint in northern Thailand today, during his lifetime he was detained under temple arrest on multiple occasions. He was sent to Bangkok in 1920 and 1935 to face charges that ranged from conducting unauthorized ordinations to treason. For the controversies he generated, the media of the day called him “that puzzling monk.” Prevailing scholarship has explained the controversies as the result of conflicts internal to the Thai monastic order. In this essay, I argue that the puzzle posed by Srivichai is solved by recognizing the importance of changing policies regarding military conscription, changes which sought to restrict the traditional rights of the northern population to ordain and expanded state access to manpower. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article takes issue with recent accounts of the evolution of Gandhian ideas that have stressed his importance as a global theorist of principled nonviolence. It suggests that throughout his life Gandhi's writings display a preoccupation with ideas of martial courage and fearlessness; his stance might best be defined as one of nonviolent “martiality” rather than nonviolence per se. His overriding goal was not to proselytize for global “ahimsa” (nonviolence) but to shape the Indian people into a nonviolent army that could wrest freedom from the colonizers. It explains this concern for both nonviolence and martial attitudes by arguing that Gandhi's thought has to be reassessed and placed within several important contexts: the widespread global popularity of militarism before 1914; an influential intellectual critique of Western “materialist” values; Asian nationalist efforts to develop “indigenous” forms of mobilizational politics in their struggles against imperialism; and Indian thinking about caste (varna), which was central to Gandhi's thought and has generally been neglected in the literature. These contexts help us to understand Gandhi's complex and sometimes contradictory thinking on the issue of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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The article discusses attitudes toward World War I in the Partido Socialista de Argentina (Social Party of Argentina). The author focuses on op-eds in the party's newspaper, "La Vanguardia," and on the political and journalistic writings of physician, Socialist theoretician, and party functionary Juan Bautista Justo. Topics mentioned include militarism and pacifism, internationalism and free trade, and the assessment by Argentine Socialists of developments within the Second Socialist International.

The article discusses the political writings and activities of German Socialist politicians Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht immediately before the outbreak of World War I. The author highlights Luxemburg's and Liebknecht's pacifism and quest for Socialist internationalism. Other topics mentioned include militarism and anti-militarism, imperialism and anti-imperialism, and the potential use of general strikes for the sake of attaining political goals. Information about the 1912 International Socialist Congress in Basel, Switzerland, is also provided.

A literary criticism of the book "Angel" by Merle Collins is presented, focusing on revisions made to the 2011 version of the text in response to the 2001 truth and reconciliation commission in Grenada which investigated the murder of notable members of Grenadian society in 1983. Other topics include historical silence surrounding the events of 1983, concepts of maturation and self-perception in Grenadian society, and the ethics of militarism.