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This article examines the 1976 Hanigan case, in which a group of U.S. ranchers kidnapped and tortured undocumented Mexican workers. This case catalyzed activism on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border, sparking a broader immigrant rights movement rooted in civil rights strategies and human rights rhetoric. The article explores how this movement influenced U.S. immigration policy, challenging the militarization of the border and the treatment of undocumented immigrants within the legal system.

This research explores and discusses the visual symbolic imaginaries generated by four artificial intelligence (AI) programs regarding the Mexico-United States border. The visual production hinges upon six key concepts that emerge from the general theme: “Most relevant symbolic imaginaries of the wall, violence, woman, childhood, inequality, and migration related to the Mexico-United States border.” The AI programs used to produce the images are Midjourney, Leonardo.ai, Stable Diffusion, and Dall-E 2. An experimental methodology defines the key concepts and symbolic imaginaries at the border between the United States and Mexico through ChatGPT 3.5. The images have been obtained by translating the written concepts into images using such programs. The generative image programs are conceptualized based on the aesthetic apparatus theory and the posthuman vision. The images are analyzed using the theory of social, cultural, and symbolic imaginaries. The analysis reveals ideological biases and aesthetic tendencies in the visually synthesized symbolic imaginaries and rhetorical regimes of the Mexico-United States border through generative image production programs. It also builds a critical-sociopolitical perspective on three main aspects: a conceptualization of generative image programs as techno-aesthetic apparatuses, a reflection on the creative construction processes of visual discourses produced by AI devices, and an examination of the ideological and aesthetic biases of the images understood as techno-aesthetic objects obtained from this visual production technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a counterstory to damaging, dominant narratives concerning migrant experiences and border crossings. Through counter-storytelling, I share Rey's lived experiences as a transfronterizx (transborder) student who crossed the United States–Mexico border daily to attend school and eventually, participate in school music. The overarching question guiding the study was: What are a transfronterizx student's experiences navigating school and school music in the United States? Based on the findings, Rey encountered literal and metaphorical barriers as he pursued an education in the United States. In particular, navigating language, deficit-based teaching practices, surveillance, and policing were key in his narrative. Currently as a music educator, Rey draws from his personal transfronterizx background to inform his music teaching practices in a predominantly Latine school community. Considerations for working with migrant students and families are discussed in light of ongoing sociopolitical issues, including the need for more culturally and linguistically responsive practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Profile: Issues in Teachers' Professional Development is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article looks at the conversations and ideas exchanged between US and Mexican architects and planners in the early 1960s and their vision of redesigning the borderlands. Through a reading of Robert Evans Alexander's archival material (donated to Cornell University) and primary source material written by Guillermo Rossell, I argue that broader ideas of spatial justice influenced their conceptions of design. Moreover, Rossell brought to the table the idea that the border was a region and thus required a binational, regional design. The binational commission on planning developed in the midst of the Cold War and this was an element in their minds. And a part of this conversation, especially on the part of Mexican architects and planners, was development. Yet it was development through tourism, not industry. The article should be of interest to scholars working on the border, architecture and planning, development, tourism, and collaborative planning. • Collaborative binational planning along the US-Mexico borderlands. • Tourism as development. • Spatial justice in design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper purports to extend the concept of constructive refoulement in the context of externalised migration policies. This concept has been recognised in jurisprudence at the domestic, regional and international levels, and has developed through State practice as well as the practice of regional and international organisations. In the externalisation of migration policies, constructive refoulement becomes evident in both visible and invisible prisons: the United States-Mexico partnership in the Southern Border Programme creates a situation where asylum seekers eventually abandon the hope of continuing their asylum procedures and reluctantly return to other places. The Australian offshore asylum processing system, which has been remodelled by the UK, adopts the kyriarchical system where asylum seekers themselves control their self-return to their country of origin as a result of a combined situation of severe discipline and hatred between officials and inmates as well as between the inmates themselves. Meanwhile, the EU's Reception Conditions Directive scheme incorporates migrants in a planned destitution scenario where they are forced to choose to leave Europe due to poor socio-economic conditions. The Japanese combination of karihomen and kanrisochi also creates a planned destitute environment which compels asylum seekers themselves to seek their return by depriving them of their basic needs. Such governmentality of internalising externalisation by the Global North must be critically assessed in terms of the developing concept of constructive refoulement implied under international refugee and human rights law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New Mexico is located along the U.S.–Mexico border, and as such, Spanish, English, and language mixing form an integral part of the New Mexican identity. New Mexico is often divided into a northern and a southern region with the north known for Spanish archaisms due to historic isolation, and the south associated with ties to a Mexican identity due to the location of the U.S.–Mexico border. The current study uses perceptual dialectology to capture the way in which speakers in the south of New Mexico perceive this north/south divide and communicate their identity. Overall, there is evidence of the north/south divide, but speakers in southern New Mexico focus much more on language use such as Spanglish, English, and Spanish than on their northern counterparts. Participants reference language mixing over language "purity" and borders over an explicit rural/urban divide. Like previous accounts, we see reference to the "correctness" of both English and Spanish, examples of specific terminology used in different parts of the state, and descriptions of accents throughout the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines two incidents of Quechan and Tohono O'odham mobility across the U.S.-Mexico border in the late 1890s. Contrasts between the incidents reveal the influence of international relations on U.S. Indian policy, as federal officials responded to local events in ways that were shaped by issues ranging from extradition laws to customs protections to diplomatic pressures. More broadly, the incidents shed light on some of the variety inherent to Indigenous relationships with the border and some of the textures of Anglo-America's conceptions of the border as an instrument of cultural assimilation, capitalist development, and territorial surveillance and control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of oil in Brazil's development and its connection to political unrest during the Cold War. It discusses the challenges Brazil faced in finding oil and the involvement of foreign countries, particularly the Soviet Union and the United States. The article highlights the tensions between Brazil's desire for energy self-sufficiency and the influence of foreign companies. It also explores the impact of Soviet involvement on Brazil's political crisis and the eventual coup in 1964. The article argues for a more nuanced understanding of Brazil's role in the global energy issue and its connections with the Soviet Union. [Extracted from the article]

In the Interwar period different form of Ancient civilization had been one the most frequent theme in American popular culture. Lost Indian civilization wasn’t exception, but this is-sue is still poorly investigate in the popular culture’s field. The article examines, based on John Cavelti's theory of for-mular fiction and John Saler’s “imaginary worlds”, the repre-sentation of pre-Columbian civilizations in one of the most significant American pulp magazines, Weird tales, and the ways in which their heritage is appropriated by American popular culture. We come to conclusion that representation of pre-Colombian indian civilization was within the general nar-rative of the ancient (like Egypt and Babylon), but had differ-ence in tropes. This concerned attention to the phenomenon of sacrifices. Also, the authors were anxious about issues of race, since the racist view of Latin Americans was a constitu-tive stereotype for many Americans. To prevent this problem from interfering with the appropriation of the Indian ancient heritage as uniquely American, the writers excluded the in-termediary in the person of a modern resident of Mexico. Mexico was represented as a poor, unstable country, just an epigone of its magnificent ancestors.

During the last years of the Porfirian government, two recordings circulated with the alleged voice of President Díaz. In a record included in a 1907 Columbia Phonograph Company catalogue, the orders of the leader were captured during the battle fought on April 2, 1867 in Puebla, between the french troops and the Juarista army. In reality, it was a performance recorded in a phonograph and bicycle workshop by a group of popular actors and musicians. At the same time, a cylinder produced by the Edison Company in 1909 contained a letter from Díaz addressed to Thomas Alva Edison. Through these phonograms and other sonic, visual, and handwritten sources, I demonstrate the relevance of recorded sound for studying the diplomatic and commercial relations between the US government and the Mexican State, as well as some of the strategies of subaltern sectors to participate in daily battles for the memory of the nation. Don Porfirio's voices reveal a privileged field of social tensions, between truth and fiction, which allows the political and popular history of Mexico to be rewritten from other methodological possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As ethical issues involving computer technologies and social media become more common, there is increasing interest in what role ethics should play in computer science education. As a result, computer science departments worldwide have ramped up their efforts to examine relevant ethical issues in undergraduate computer science classes to prepare emerging professionals to face relevant issues when they enter the computing workforce. As part of these efforts, a public R-1 Hispanic-Serving Institution located on the United States–Mexico border piloted a leadership course based on the Relational Leadership Model (Komives et al., 2013). This model provides a broad idea of leadership that focuses on leaders developing and exercising their ethical awareness by engaging in discussions of ethical issues. The pilot course was organized around the implementation of a cooperative pedagogical tool known as structured academic controversy (Johnson et al., 1996). We describe in detail the strategy for implementing this approach, discuss key elements of students' final reflections about their participation in the academic controversy, and present the quantitative results to examine students' understanding of leadership and satisfaction with the pilot course. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bracero Program (1942–64), a bilateral agreement to regulate labor migration between the United States and Mexico, oversaw more than four million contracts enabling Mexican men to work "temporarily" in the United States. Historians of the Mexico-US borderlands and of global migration have interpreted the program through hemispheric as well as broader imperial lenses. Yet this article shows that the program's foundational ideas emerged from two decades of transatlantic exchange and circulation that cannot be contained within a single continent, nor a single framework such as imperialism. During the interwar period, Mexican politicians, intellectuals, and migrant labor activists eagerly participated in transatlantic and inter-American dialogues about migration policy, compared themselves to Italy, and admired the bilateral labor migration agreements that had recently emerged in Europe. Meanwhile, US officials heard but resisted pleas from migration scholars and the International Labor Organization to emulate European receiving countries. The two parties' differing engagements with European migration policies meant that when World War II pushed US officials to suddenly propose the agreement, Mexican actors' transatlantic knowledge inspired their participation and crucially shaped the program's design. This article thus pushes historians of migration policy towards studies of not just comparison but also entanglement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Healthy Families Healthy Kids Initiative (HFHKI) is a community-based initiative developed based on the socio-ecological model to address preventive health care needs in El Paso County, Texas, one of the most economically and health-challenged border communities in the United States. HFHKI's three main goals are to increase access to experiential learning and health education, service delivery, and sustainable systems/linkages of care. These were accomplished through seven critical activities. We present the rationale, background, setting, and conceptual framework for the initiative, followed by the methods used to develop and assess the success of the activities and results of our project outcomes. We end with a discussion of lessons learned and future directions. We also share insights gained from our community health promotion intervention during the COVID-19 pandemic, which will enrich current conversations among applied social scientists. Overall, our project served 2,347 participants of all age ranges during our first year of project implementation across all 7 activities. We recommend the use of the socio-ecological model in designing, implementing, and improving health interventions aimed at enhancing family and community health, with each intervention tailored to the needs of different segments of the community. While the need to contain the COVID-19 virus amid the pandemic has created challenges in health promotion efforts, the need to help affected communities regain control of their health cannot be stressed enough. Our project can serve as an implementation framework for community-based projects on the U.S.-Mexico border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the responses of migrant and refugee organizations in Tijuana, Mexico, and San Diego, California, to the humanitarian crisis precipitated by the 2018 Central American caravans at the U.S.-Mexico border. It foregrounds grassroots initiatives aimed at countering the detrimental effects of anti-immigration policies and situates these actions within a historical framework of border militarization. Employing pláticas--a Chicana/Latina methodology characterized by informal dialogue--this research analyzes effective strategies for facilitating the resettlement of migrants and refugees through a combination of personal narratives and an examination of organizational practices in both regions. Three salient themes emerge from this exploration, encapsulated by the notion of "technologies of care," which includes reproductive labor, food distribution, coordination of transportation for recently released detainees, and the establishment of LGBT+-specific shelters. This study enhances scholarship in Chicana/Latina studies and ethics of care literature by emphasizing the transformative potential of lived experiences as drivers of knowledge production and transborder activism. The findings illuminate the complex digital, material, and emotional dimensions of care strategies that are vital for supporting marginalized migrant and refugee populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Intelligence services must routinely operate in liminal spaces, both operationally and bureaucratically. The Border Coverage (BOCOV) Program of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) was a Cold War example of an agency seeking to address the vulnerability inherent to a geographic liminal space. Its implementation of the program illustrated the impact of bureaucratic borders—between the FBI and Central Intelligence Agency and between Intelligence Community (IC) and non-IC agencies. Lessons learned, through the implementation of BOCOV, about interagency relations continue to be applicable as the United States contends with the cyber environment, an even more porous space than the physical U.S.–Mexican border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay contributes to literature on the intersections of white settler colonialisms, racial capitalism, and U.S.-Mexico borderlands history by tracing the web of spatial, temporal, and legal power relations that produced El Paso, Texas' seemingly legitimate possession of stolen Mexican territory known as "El Chamizal" in the El Paso-Cd. Juárez borderlands. This land theft became the Chamizal Dispute: an international land and boundary conflict between the U.S. and Mexico caused by the meandering Río Grande that defines the "fixed" international border between El Paso, Texas and Cd. Juárez, Chihuahua. In the 1860s, multiple shifts in the Rio Grande "relocated" El Chamizal north of this river/boundary. Soon thereafter, and despite Mexico's sustained claim to and jurisdiction over this land, recently arrived Anglo American settlers incorporated El Chamizal into the nascent City of El Paso. In 1964, the U.S. and Mexico finally agreed to resolve this conflict by virtue of the landmark Chamizal Treaty, which ceded 630-acres of El Paso to Cd. Juárez as El Chamizal. Contrary to what dominant state accounts and the mainstream historical literature on this settlement would have us believe, however, this ceded land includes only a fraction of the original contested terrain. El Chamizal therefore remains a stolen tract of land nestled within the heart of El Paso. Drawing on oral histories, court testimonies and affidavits, and an array of binational records, this essay demonstrates that this ongoing theft is not a finite or complete project. Rather, the process hinges on a fragile web of spatial, white settler temporal, and legal practices of concealment/denial anchored to a colonial rumor that refuses to open this region to the mystery and wonder of the Río Grande's "wayward life, beautiful experiment in how to live." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Trump may be the Republican presidential nominee for the 2024 election and is facing multiple indictments for alleged crimes committed during his presidency. If convicted, this would make a Trump election victory unlikely, although he is the master of the media spectacle and populist authoritarianism - essential components of Trumpism. I focus on U.S. migration policy consequences affecting Mexico and other states in the Americas if Trump wins in 2024. With a Republican win, the migration policy could revert back to a Title 42 migrant expulsion scenario, with attempts to harden the border using more personnel, infrastructure, and surveillance technology. President Biden, if reelected, is on a course towards increased militarization of the southwest border that is a long-term bipartisan trend with globalization - accelerated by Trumpism down to the U.S. state level. Analyzing these scenarios, the border securocracy theoretical concept is employed in keeping with Trumpism migration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that to understand the impact of former U.S. President Donald Trump on the U.S.-Mexico border, his presidential agenda needs to be compared with other presidential administrations from the 1990s to the present. It looks at presidential policy agendas, as seen in executive orders, legislative policies, binational initiatives, deployment of the National Guard and military, presidential visits, and use of the bully pulpit with visits to the border region. These are compared to border operations indicators, highlighting formal and informal crossings of people and movement of goods. Though Mr. Trump has been specifically negative and aggressive toward the border, the securitization of the region has been part of presidential agendas since the 1990s. A key takeaway is to think about and discuss these results to ensure the border is livable, manageable and ready for the challenges of the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Trumpism and Mexico-United States Relations" analyzes the impact of Trumpism on the relations between Mexico and the United States. It highlights Donald J. Trump's "America First" agenda, which includes protectionist policies and the construction of a wall with Mexico. The Trumpist discourse is based on fear and the perception of insecurity at the border, generating a movement that proposes extreme policies. Although Trump is no longer in power, his agenda has left a mark on American politics and bilateral relations with Mexico. The article focuses on areas such as migration, border security, and drug policy, and analyzes the causes and effects of Trump's foreign policy. It concludes that Trumpism will continue to define the future of the relations between both countries. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Ciencia y Sociedad is the property of Ciencia y Sociedad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Panorama Económico (1870-2171) is the property of Economic Panorama Magazine / Revista Panorama Economico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers information on the negotiations between Mexican president Luis Echeverría Álvarez and the U.S President Richrd Nixon who played a crucial role in resolving the salinity crisis. It discusses that the underpinnings of the Echeverría-Nixon quid pro quo bring to light other issues that warrant further scrutiny; and mentions that the county's political environment thus left little room for Echeverría to hemorrhage more support.

This article explores the concept of nearshoring, which involves moving manufacturing from China to the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. It discusses the potential for job creation in the border region and highlights the geopolitical tensions between the United States and China as a driving force behind this shift. The article also delves into the historical development of the maquiladora industry in Ciudad Juárez and its connection to border militarization. It argues that the militarization of the border is crucial for the economic competitiveness of the region and for U.S. economic interests. The Covid-19 pandemic raised concerns about factory closures in Mexico and their impact on U.S. supply chains, leading to pressure from the U.S. government to keep maquiladoras open. The nearshoring of supply chains to Mexico allows transnational firms to maintain high profits while paying low wages. The article highlights the exploitative labor practices and profit motives behind these decisions, which are often obscured by rhetoric linking nearshoring to national security concerns. Border militarization has intensified in recent years, with both the U.S. and Mexican governments deploying troops to maintain a safe investment environment. This historical transformation of the borderlands illustrates the intertwining of economic interests, national security, military intervention, and the extension of U.S. influence globally. Maquiladora workers face low wages, militarized landscapes, and the risks of unauthorized border crossings as they navigate these struggles. [Extracted from the article]

Inspired by political philosophy, critical studies of border regimes often reduce human rights and relief work to some accomplice role in migratory control and surveillance. Drawing on ethnographic research on pro-migrant activism in Tijuana, a large city on Mexico's northern border, I contrast such critical literature on border policies with an anthropological approach to the study of organizations and bureaucracies. In particular, drawing attention to activists as providers of goods and services enables us to deal with activism as an ensemble of concrete actors, institutions, and practices. The contradictory directives to which providers are subject, faced with inevitable conflicts, shifting alliances, and overlapping structures, are apparent in cases of co-production of services through complex forms of coordination between local authorities, civil associations, and international organizations. Revealing the political dimensions of service delivery—not reducible to domination—these assemblages of modes of governance are frequently oriented to cope with migrants' immobility in cities like Tijuana, turned into places of indefinite delay by policies that extend the spaces of interception and expulsion to neighboring "transfer" countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mexico-U.S. border is a space considered 'smart´ due to the amount of surveillance technology used for national security purposes. The technological ecology consists of integrated fixed towers, remote video surveillance systems, mobile video surveillance systems, Predator B surveillance drones, mobile X-ray units, automated license plate readers, cell phone tracking towers, implanted motion sensors, biometric data collection, and DNA sampling (Aizeki et al. 2021). Whilst these instruments are usually linked to irregular border crossers, transborder commuters, who physically cross the border every day, also experience the same surveillance regime. This paper discusses the technological 'self-defense' protocol I developed in 2019 when conducting transborder research for my doctoral thesis, which required intense border crossings across Mexico and the U.S. During the ten months of fieldwork, U.S. CBP had the capacity to search my personal device and belongings without a warrant, raising ethical concerns about data protection. As a result, the protocol developed to protect data and participants considered the 'smart' border as part of the methods designed that included encrypting information. In hyper-surveilled spaces, data protection represents a challenge for border researchers and the people involved in such a project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational flows in people and economy have shaped the need and desire for Mexicans to learn English and so many families enroll their children in cross-border schooling. These children, known as transfronterizos, live in Mexico and cross the border each day to attend U.S. schools. Through ethnography, this article explores the experiential complications of teachers' and pre-service teachers' who were transfronterizos in their youth, particularly how neoliberal ways of thinking complicated their sense of identity and the function of bilingual, bicultural education in their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The current study examines the relationship between immigration, school punishment, and place in schools near the U.S.-Mexico border using a racial threat framework. Given the consequences of the immigration-crime link and the growing perception of the U.S.-Mexico border as a crime-ridden place, this study explores how immigration within certain places may differentially impact outcomes of school punishment. Methods: Using Generalized Linear Modeling (GLM) with a logistic link function, we examine the relationship between immigration and school violence by probing variation in school punishment and juvenile justice referrals across Texas schools given their proximity to the U.S.-Mexico border. Results: First, we find that Texas schools located near the U.S.-Mexico border have lower juvenile justice and school discipline rates net other variables in comparison to Texas schools away from the border. Second, we observe a negative relationship between a rise in the immigrant student population and punishment in Texas schools far from the U.S.-Mexico border and no relationship in Texas schools near the U.S.-Mexico border net of other factors. Conclusion: The current study highlights that the local context, such as proximity to the U.S.-Mexico border, is significant when examining the racial threat perspective in school punishment and warrants further attention in future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A broad historiographic consensus exists on two aspects of the Monroe Doctrine: its association with the projection of international power by the United States within the Americas, and the series of adjustments and modifications to its meaning which, thanks to the vagueness of its original wording, shaped the Monroe Doctrine during the first century after its proclamation.[1] However, there is less clarity about the precise form and timing of the association between U.S. power and the Doctrine. Historian Juan Pablo Scarfi has identified this Argentinean school as being a source of inspiration for the movement of "legal anti-imperialism", which was also hostile to the institutionalization of Pan-Americanism.[40] Then, at the crucial juncture of 1898, the Monroe Doctrine was not an instrument of war: U.S. President William McKinley did not include it in his rhetoric to justify the U.S. conflict with Spain and intervention in Cuba; instead, it was present in the anti-imperialist U.S. discourse. The Mexican liberal elite's appropriation of the Monroe Doctrine was not an intellectual response, but part of a survival strategy; it led to an intense political and information campaign in the United States, based on the defense of Monroe's principles and their connection to Mexico's state of emergency. Mexico's proximity to the United States has caused the existence of a latent political cost within Mexican foreign policy, linked to the risk of damaging relations with its powerful neighbor, while Mexico's focus on the Caribbean and Central America has overlapped with areas that were a focus of U.S. policies - historian Robert E. Hanigan has called the region the "center of gravity" for U.S. action - inspired by the Monroe Doctrine.[7] Neither of these two factors solely determined the outcomes, but both contributed to shape bilateral interactions in connection to the Doctrine. [Extracted from the article]

Article One stated: "Every nation has the right to exist, and to protect and to conserve its existence; but this right neither implies the right nor justifies the act of the state to protect itself or to conserve its existence by the commission of unlawful acts against innocent and unoffending states." He was explicit about his fervent opposition to the Monroe Doctrine and Pan-Americanism, for he stressed: "my purpose is to contribute to the formation of the history of North-American imperialism", and thus these "notes can be useful for the political and diplomatic history of America and the understanding of applied Pan-Americanism."[54] He argued that the Monroe Doctrine operated as an elastic and flexible principle, consolidating the United States's exceptional role on the continent, as a nation that committed to certain international legal values and institutions and at the same time violated them. He affirmed that the Monroe Doctrine "should be enacted and covenanted among all the nations of the continent that the territory of the American nations is no longer a subject for conquest whether from within or from without the continent", since "Pan-Americanism - the real, the genuine - rests primarily upon the Monroe Doctrine."[35] All in all, the outbreak of World War I and Wilson's Pan-American Pact contributed to popularizing Pan-American approaches to the Monroe Doctrine across the Americas. [Extracted from the article]

This paper studies how exporting and importing firms match based on their capability by investigating the change in such exporter-importer matching during trade liberalization. During the recent liberalization of the Mexico-U.S. textile and apparel trade, exporters and importers often switch their main partners as well as change trade volumes. We develop a many-to-many matching model of exporters and importers where partner switching is the principal margin of adjustment, featuring Beckerian positive assortative matching by capability. Trade liberalization achieves efficient global buyer-supplier matching and improves consumer welfare by inducing systematic partner switching. The data confirm the predicted partner-switching patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This geographical information systems (GIS) reading of Cormac McCarthy's Blood Meridian: Or the Evening Redness in the West (1985) provides a literary geography analysis that plots latitude and longitude coordinates in conjunction with Mikhail M. Bakhtin's chronotopes of the Road, the Rabelaisian, the Petty-Bourgeois Provincial Town, the Threshold and the political cartography of the United States–Mexico border established by the 1849 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo to map the emergence of an American Imperial chronotope. Blood Meridian is a fictionalized account of historical events carried out by the Glanton Gang, a band of mercenaries contracted by Governor Trias in 1849 to counter the threat of Apache raids in Chihuahua province, Mexico. Viewed through the lenses of a GIS/MAXQDA platform, Blood Meridian comes into focus as 'cartographical novel' illuminating its literary geography as a melange, spun from allusions to and spatial remediations of Classical, medieval and Indigenous mythologies. The GIS/MAXQDA platform frames Blood Meridian as deep chronotopic map that, in tracing the spiralling lifepath of its protagonist, the 'Kid', across the terra damnata of the American Southwest and northern Mexico, creates an analogy and spatial metaphor for the violent geographical teleology of US nineteenth-century westward expansion which unfolded between the 1830s and 1880s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an editorial published in Frontiers in Conservation Science that focuses on the topic of transboundary conservation. The editorial highlights the importance of coordinated management and collaborative efforts in protecting ecosystems that span international borders. It discusses specific research studies that analyze transboundary conservation in different regions, including the impact of border infrastructure on jaguars in the United States-Mexico borderlands, the establishment of transboundary conservation areas in Africa, and the need for comprehensive biodiversity monitoring in the Arctic. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for effective coordination, knowledge sharing, funding, and stakeholder engagement in transboundary conservation efforts. It also suggests future research directions, such as studying species' cross-border movements, measuring the success of transboundary conservation, and exploring the link between transboundary conservation and environmental security and peacebuilding. [Extracted from the article]

"These Ragged Edges: Histories of Violence along the U.S.-Mexico Border" is a book edited by Andrew J. Torget and Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle that provides a chronological overview of violence along the U.S.-Mexico border from the early nineteenth century to the present. The book focuses mainly on the Texas-Mexico border and offers important insights into the forces that shape border violence. The collection is divided into four parts, each examining different aspects of violence, including livestock theft, state power, state-sanctioned violence, and the impact of drugs and migration. One criticism of the book is the lack of a conclusion that summarizes the findings and provides a clear direction for future research. Additionally, there is an issue of one author not properly citing another scholar's work, which can hinder future scholarship. [Extracted from the article]

The mobility in Mexican territory of children and adolescents unaccompanied by parents or guardians is a delicate and complex problem that has been in force for at least 25 years. Based on a documentary analysis, the objective of this article is to discuss the Mexican legislation related to this population group, from its foundations in human rights and the best interests of the child, to the care models or programs that have sought to make those guarantees effective. In 2021, it was recorded a historic maximum of 112,192 unaccompanied children apprehended on the Mexico-United States border (Kandel, 2021), urging the strengthening of these efforts. However, the analysis suggests that there has been a disjointed development and a fragmented approach, with difficulties in moving from legislative abstraction trough enforcing via inter-institutional coordination and budget allocation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the educational achievement and growth of Latinx third through eighth-grade students attending school along the U.S.-Mexico Border and in the interior of the four Border states. The theories of structural and legal violence predict that powerful Anglos have created systems of social reproduction, concentrated disadvantage, and immigration law that reduce Latinx education close to the U.S.-Mexico Border. We test these theories with data from the Stanford Education Data Archive (SEDA), which contains information on Latinx achievement and growth in all public school districts in the four Border states. We find that Latinx achievement and growth are similar along the Border and in the interior except in Texas, where concentrated disadvantage dramatically lowers Latinx achievement and growth. We also find that social reproduction is more beneficial for Latinx youth along the Border because, surprisingly, Latinx adults tend to be more educated near the border than in the interior. We find no evidence that immigration laws reduce education more near the Border than in the interior. We discuss the implications of our findings for theory and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the use of archetypal and symbolic images to promote greater integration within a community committed to psychological work. It focuses on an image created by artist Ana Teresa Fernández, titled "Borrando la Frontera: Erasing the Border," which addresses sociopolitical, cultural, racial, gender, ecological, and human rights issues related to the Mexico-United States border. The image depicts the artist erasing the border fence, symbolizing the dissolution of barriers and divisions. The article emphasizes the importance of integrating masculine and feminine principles to create a balanced and evolving perspective of wholeness. [Extracted from the article]

Aedes aegypti (Linnaeus) is a medically important mosquito species and the primary vector of dengue, Zika, Chikungunya, and yellow fever viruses. Although Ae. aegypti feeds preferentially on humans, feeding on non-human vertebrates has been observed in South Texas and northern Mexico. Geographical northern expansion and feeding behavior of this medically important mosquito into the Chihuahua Desert are not well understood. The objective of this study was to identify vertebrate hosts that are sources of blood meals for adult Ae. aegypti captured from 2016-2018 in gravid traps in two nonincorporated urban communities of Sparks in El Paso County, Texas and Anapra at Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, Mexico along the U.S.-Mexico border. In total, 44 fully engorged female Ae. aegypti (17 at Sparks and 27 at Anapra) were captured during this binational study. Of the 44, 17 were successfully sequenced to determine if the host was human Homo sapiens (Linnaeus), dog Canis lupus familiaris (Linnaeus), cat Felis catus (Linnaeus), or chicken Gallus domesticus (Linnaeus). At Sparks, four Ae. aegypti fed on dogs, one fed on a human, and one fed on a chicken. At Anapra, eight fed on humans, two fed on dogs, and one fed on a cat. This provides a preliminary understanding of host feeding by Ae. aegypti in the temperate/arid climatic region of the northern Chihuahua Desert. Further studies are needed to better understand feeding preference of Ae. aegypti by capturing and analyzing more fully engorged females from the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Recent U.S. immigration policy has increasingly focused on asylum deterrence and has been used extensively to rapidly deport and deter asylum-seekers, leaving thousands of would-be asylum-seekers waiting indefinitely in Mexican border cities, a large and growing proportion of whom are pregnant and parenting women. In the border city of Tijuana, Mexico, these women are spending unprecedented durations waiting under unsafe humanitarian conditions to seek safety in the U.S, with rising concerns regarding increases in gender-based violence (GBV) among this population during the COVID-19 pandemic. Given existing gaps in evidence, we aimed to describe the lived experiences of GBV in the context of asylum deterrence policies among pregnant and parenting asylum-seeking women at the Mexico-U.S. border. Methods: Within the community-based Maternal and Infant Health for Refugee & Asylum-Seeking Women (MIHRA) study, we conducted semi-structured qualitative interviews with 30 asylum-seeking women in Tijuana, Mexico between June and December 2022. Eligible women had been pregnant or postpartum since March 2020, were 18–49 years old, and migrated for the purposes of seeking asylum in the U.S. Drawing on conceptualizations of structural and legal violence, we conducted a thematic analysis of participants' experiences of GBV in the context of asylum deterrence policies and COVID-19. Results: Pregnant and parenting asylum-seeking women routinely faced multiple forms of GBV perpetuated by asylum deterrence policies at all stages of migration (pre-migration, in transit, and in Tijuana). Indefinite wait times to cross the border and inadequate/unsafe shelter exacerbated further vulnerability to GBV. Repeated exposure to GBV contributed to poor mental health among women who reported feelings of fear, isolation, despair, shame, and anxiety. The lack of supports and legal recourse related to GBV in Tijuana highlighted the impact of asylum deterrence policies on this ongoing humanitarian crisis. Conclusion: Asylum deterrence policies undermine the health and safety of pregnant and parenting asylum-seeking women at the Mexico-U.S. border. There is an urgent need to end U.S. asylum deterrence policies and to provide respectful, appropriate, and adequately resourced humanitarian supports to pregnant and parenting asylum-seeking women in border cities, to reduce women's risk of GBV and trauma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sleep Dealer (2008), a science-fiction feature directed by Alex Rivera, offers a dystopian view of U.S.-Mexico relations: with the border fully closed, labor is extracted from economically desperate Mexicans through "nodes" and technologically delivered to the United States. Over the past decade, the film has emerged as a cult success, screening at festivals and in classrooms, garnering favorable critical reception, and generating scholarship in film studies, cultural studies, border studies, Latinx studies, and science fiction studies. This article complements existing perspectives by offering six different, but interrelated, approaches to reading the film, followed by a brief interview with the director. The interventions read Rivera's speculative vision of a near future not that different from our current reality through the lens of recent events. Rivera's film appears even more prescient and insightful in light of the rise of remote work as a tool to mitigate the virus that protected certain bodies via technology while leaving "essential" ones vulnerable; the proliferation of drones and other modes of surveillance; the digital mediation of our personal lives and memories; and the emergence of a technologized border that extends geographically and virtually beyond the physical borderlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Literature suggests that members of historically minoritized races/ethnicities, lower income individuals, and the uninsured experience greater barriers to healthcare in the United States. Whether these trends hold true within the unique binational and majority Hispanic population of El Paso County, Texas, is unclear. This study tested the hypothesis that race/ethnicity, income, and insurance status are associated with access to medical care and prescribed drugs among patients of outpatient clinics in El Paso County, Texas. Methods: Data from a regional healthcare satisfaction survey conducted in El Paso, Texas, was analyzed to determine associations between race/ethnicity, income, and insurance status and access to medical care and prescribed drugs. Results: Strong associations were found between low income and skipping appointments or delaying prescriptions. Strong associations were also found between being uninsured and delaying or not filling prescriptions. However, no associations were found between race/ethnicity and access to medical care and prescribed drugs. Conclusions: The results of this study conducted among a majority Hispanic population confirm the negative effects of low income and uninsured status on access to healthcare; yet they do not confirm effects of race/ethnicity on access. These results raise important questions for majority Hispanic populations and suggest that historically minoritized race/ethnicity may have less of a negative effect on healthcare access within these populations. These findings should be useful in better identifying barriers patients may face in outpatient settings and for informing public health policy, particularly in regions that are historically and predominately Hispanic, such as along the United States-Mexico border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]