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Günümüzde yoksulluk tüm dünyada çok önemli bir sorun haline gelmiştir. Yoksulluk hem gelişmiş hem de gelişmekte olan ülkeler için bir sorundur. Yoksulluğun üzerinde fikir birliğine varılan net bir tanımı yoktur. Genel olarak insanların yaşaması için gerekli olan mal ve hizmetlere sahip olamaması olarak tanımlanabilir. Dünya nüfusunun yaklaşık yarısı 2 dolarlık yoksulluk sınırının altında yaşamaktadır. Yoksulluk tüm dünyada olduğu gibi Türkiye’de de göz ardı edilemeyecek bir sorundur. 1980’li yıllar sonrasında Türkiye’de gelir dağılımı eşitsizliği ve yoksulluk artış göstermiştir. Türkiye’de yoksulluk oranları hanehalkı kullanılabilir fert gelirine, gelire dayalı kent ve kır ayrımına, hanehalkı tipine ve eğitim durumuna göre farklılıklar göstermektedir. Yoksullukla mücadele politikaları doğrudan ve dolaylı yöntemler olmak üzere ikiye ayrılır. Türkiye’de son yıllara kadar yoksullukla mücadelede dolaylı yöntemler hâkim olmuştur. Fakat dolaylı yöntemlerin yetersiz olduğunun anlaşılması ile doğrudan yöntemler uygulanmaya başlanmıştır. Bu amaçla bir takım sivil toplum örgütlerinin faaliyetleri ön plana çıkmaktadır. Sosyal Yardımlaşma ve Dayanışma Teşvik Fonu, Yeşil Kart uygulaması, kadınlara yönelik verilen mikrokrediler, gıda bankacılığı, tarımsal üretimi artırma politikaları bu uygulamalardan bazılarıdır. Yapılan çalışmada yoksullukla mücadelede Türkiye açısından sorunlar ortaya konulmaya çalışılmış ve çözüm yolları önerilmiştir. Bu çalışmada öncelikle yoksullukla ilgili tanımlar verilecek ve yoksulluğun nedenleri incelenecektir. Daha sonra dünyada seçilmiş gelişmiş ve gelişmekte olan ülkeler ile Türkiye’de yoksulluğun boyutu incelenecektir. Son olarak Türkiye’de yoksullukla mücadelede uygulanan politikalar ile bu politikaların etkileri değerlendirilecektir., Poverty has become an important problem all of the world in nowadays. Poverty is a problem in both developed and developing countries. There is no agreed definition of poverty in the literature. In general poverty is defined as having inadequate amounts of goods and services for a healthy human life. Nearly half of the world population live under 2 US dollar poverty line. Just as in the whole world, poverty is a problem that cannot be ignored in Turkey. After the 1980’s the incidence of poverty and income inequality has increased in Turkey. There are differences among poverty rates by equalized household disposable income, poverty rates in urban and rural, education level, and household type in Turkey. There are two methods including direct and indirect methods to fight poverty. Until recently indirect methods was used for challenging with poverty in Turkey. But the understanding that the indirect methods are insufficient recent years direct method has been applied to fight poverty in Turkey. For this purpose, some non-governmental organization come into prominence. One of these organization is Social Assistance and Solidarity Encouragement Fund. And other practices are health card for uninsured people, micro credit for women, food banking and policies to increase agricultural production. As a result, in this study, supporting of agricultural activities to reduce poverty was specified. In this study, problems for Turkey in anti-poverty has been demonstrated and a variety of solutions proposed. Firstly, in this study, the definitions and causes of poverty will be examined. After that the extent of poverty in Turkey and determined developed and developing countries in the World will be examined. Finally, the targets set to tackle poverty, the implemented policies and their impacts in Turkey will be evaluated

Yoksulluk, kişilerin hayatlarını sürdürebilmeleri için gereken asgari düzeydeki yaşam standartlarından yoksun olma durumudur. Yoksulluk olgusu, yalnızca gelişmekte olan ülkelerde değil, aynı zamanda gelişmiş ülkelerde de görülen toplumsal bir sorundur. Yoksullukla ilgili olduğu düşünülen değişkenlerin araştırılması, yoksulluğun meydana getirdiği sorunların giderilmesinde geliştirilecek politikalar için önem taşımaktadır. Bu kapsamda, Türkiye'de Düzey 1 Bölgeleri için bir yoksulluk analizi yapılmıştır. Çalışmanın amacı, yoksulluğu etkilediği varsayılan değişkenlerin etkisini Düzey 1 Bölgeleri bazında 2009-2016 yılları arasında incelemektir. Panel veri analizinde Düzey 1 Bölgelerine ait yoksulluk oranı, gelir dağılımı eşitsizliğini temsilen p80/p20 oranı, doğurganlık oranı, net göç hızı oranı, ortaöğretim okullaşma oranı, ihtisas dışı kredi kullanım oranı ve ihtisas kredisi kullanım oranları kullanılmıştır. Elde edilen bulgulara göre; gelir dağılımı eşitsizliği ve ihtisas kredisi kullanım oranının yoksulluğu arttırdığı; doğurganlık oranı, net göç hızı oranı, ortaöğretim okullaşma oranı ve ihtisas dışı kredi kullanım oranının yoksulluk üzerinde azaltıcı bir etki yarattığı tespit edilmiştir. Yoksulluğun azaltılması kapsamındaki politikalara yön verilirken, tüm bu değişkenlerin dikkate alınması önem arz etmektedir., Poverty is the lack of the minimum standards of living that people need to live their lives. The phenomenon of poverty is a social problem not only in developing countries but also in developed countries. Researching the variables related to poverty is important for the policies that will be developed to overcome the problems deriving from poverty factors. Therefore, a poverty analysis has been made for NUTS 1 Regions in Turkey. The aim of the study is to analyze the impact of the variables on poverty between the years 2009-2016 for the NUTS 1 Regions. Poverty rate of the NUTS 1 Regions, income distribution inequality p80/p20 ratio, fertility rate, net migration rate, secondary education schooling rate, directed loan rate and off-directed loan rate have been used in the panel data analysis. According to the results obtained, income distribution inequality rate and directed loan rate have increased poverty. On the other hand, fertility rate, net migration rate, secondary school enrollment rate and off-directed loan rate have decreased poverty. It is important to consider all these variables for policies of poverty reduction.

En Colombia , el Plan Nacional de Desarrollo “Todos por un Nuevo País”, clasific a a la población colombiana en cinco clases sociales diferente s : Extrema pobreza, pobres, vulnerables, clase media y clase alta . En el siguiente documento se tratará de responder preguntas que surgen de esta clasificación, como: ¿Realmente existen características que permitan diferenciar la población vulnerable de la población pobre? ¿Hablamos de individuos diferentes? Este trabajo no pretende dar una definición inequívoca de pobreza, así como tampoco pretende señalar una metodología especifica como idónea para la medición de la pobreza. Por el contrario, lo que se bu scó y finalmente se comprobó, es la inutilidad de clasificar dos poblaciones bajo categorías diferentes - pobres y vulnerables -, pero que no presentan diferencias significativas en su calidad de vida. Abstract: In Colombia, the National Development Plan "To dos por un Nuevo País" classifies the Colombian population into five different social classes: extreme poverty, poor, vulnerable, middle class and upper class. The following document will try to answer questions that arise from this classification, such as : Are there really characteristics that make it possible to differentiate the vulnerable population from the poor? Are we talking about different individuals? This paper does not pretend to give an unequivocal definition of poverty, nor does it intend to point out a specific methodology as suitable for the measurement of poverty. On the contrary, what was sought and finally proved is the useless to classify two populations under different categories - poor and vulnerable -, but which do not present significant differences in their quality of life. Maestría

World Bank's international poverty line of $1.90/day, at 2011 purchasing power parity, is based on a collection of national poverty lines, which were originally used to set the international poverty line of $1.25/day at 2005 purchasing power parity. This paper proposes an approach for estimating a more recent, complete, and comparable collection of national poverty thresholds from reported national poverty rates. The paper presents a set of international poverty lines based on this new database of national poverty lines. In contrast to the lines used to estimate the $1.90 international poverty line, this approach produces national poverty lines that are (1) consistent with national poverty rates, (2) expressed in common units, and (3) provide greater support to the estimated international poverty line. These national poverty lines are used to estimate an extreme international poverty line, and three higher lines that are more relevant for higher-income countries. A key finding provides evidence of the robustness and relevance of the $1.90 international poverty line as a measure of extreme poverty for low-income countries.

Seasonal hunger may result from seasonality of agriculture when households fail to smooth income and consumption. Using household survey data from the north-west region of Bangladesh, this article examines alternative measures of seasonal hunger, and provides some evidence to support policies and programmes needed to mitigate seasonal hunger. The results suggest that a large majority of food-vulnerable households are the perpetual poor, as opposed to a small percentage of households who are subject to food deprivation only during the lean period. Findings suggest that government safety net programmes and microcredit provide a cushion for the poor to stave off seasonal hunger.

This paper revisits the extent of seasonality in African livelihoods. It uses 19 years of monthly food prices from 20 markets and three years of nationally representative household panel surveys from Tanzania. Trigonometric specifications are introduced to measure the seasonal gap. When samples are short and seasonality is poorly defined, they produce less upward bias than the common dummy variable approach. On average, the seasonal gap for maize prices is estimated to be 27 percent; it is 15 percent for rice. In both cases it is two and a half to three times higher than in the international reference market. Food price seasonality is not a major contributor to food price volatility, but it does translate into seasonal variation in caloric intake of about 10 percent among poor urban households and rural net food sellers. Rural net food-buying households appear able to smooth their consumption. The disappearance of seasonality from Africas development debate seems premature.

The 2014 release of a new set of purchasing power parity conversion factors (PPPs) for 2011 has prompted a revision of the international poverty line. In order to preserve the integrity of the goalposts for international targets such as the Sustainable Development Goals and the World Bank’s twin goals, the new poverty line was chosen so as to preserve the definition and real purchasing power of the earlier $1.25 line (in 2005 PPPs) in poor countries. Using the new 2011 PPPs, the new line equals $1.90 per person per day. The higher value of the line in US dollars reflects the fact that the new PPPs yield a relatively lower purchasing power of that currency vis-à-vis those of most poor countries. Because the line was designed to preserve real purchasing power in poor countries, the revisions lead to relatively small changes in global poverty incidence: from 14.5 percent in the old method to 14.1 percent in the new method for 2011. In 2012, the new reference year for the global count, we find 12.7 percent of the world’s population, or 897 million people, are living in extreme poverty. There are changes in the regional composition of poverty, but they are also relatively small. This paper documents the detailed methodological decisions taken in the process of updating both the poverty line and the consumption and income distributions at the country level, including issues of inter-temporal and spatial price adjustments. It also describes various caveats, limitations, perils and pitfalls of the approach taken.

Afghanistan’s per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew at an average annual rate of 6.9 percent during that period. In contrast, in 2007-08, 36 percent of Afghans were poor, and four years later, still, more than one in three Afghans did not have the buying power to satisfy their basic food and non-food needs. Economic growth in Afghanistan, therefore, is not in and of itself enough to reduce poverty. To achieve poverty reduction, economic growth needs to be far more inclusive for everyone, regardless of their circumstances. While economic growth is necessary to reduce poverty, the poor must actually benefit from that growth. Poverty reduction hinges on the ability of the poorest to earn a good living; accumulate, control, and protect assets; and access quality services and opportunities. For Afghanistan, this means: strengthening agriculture, investing in human development, managing and mitigating risk.

Poverty estimates based on enumeration from a single point in time form the cornerstone for much of the literature on poverty. Households are typically interviewed once about their consumption or income, and their wellbeing is assessed from their responses. Global estimates of poverty that aggregate poverty counts from all countries implicitly assume that the counts are comparable. This paper illustrates that this assumption of comparability is potentially invalid when households are interviewed multiple times with repeat visits throughout the year. The paper provides an example from Jordan, where the internationally comparable approach of handling the data from repeat visits yields a poverty rate that is 26 percent greater than the rate that is currently reported as the official estimate. The paper also explores alternative definitions of poverty, informed in part by the psychological and biophysical literature on the long-run effects of short-term exposure to poverty or generally adverse environments. This alternative concept of poverty suggests that the prevalence of those who have been affected by poverty in Jordan during 2010 is more than twice as large as the official 2010 estimate of poverty.

Accurately measuring poverty and assessing trends in its incidence and severity are among the most fundamental challenges in economic development. The issue of effective poverty measurement has been the subject of renewed interest since the United Nations adopted the millennium development goals (MDGs) in 2000. In Niger, as in many comparable countries worldwide, poverty data are collected through household surveys of consumption patterns and living conditions. A number of methodological factors can affect the accuracy of consumption data during the collection phase, especially the number of survey visits, the time of year during which the questionnaire is administered, the recall period, and the composition of the consumption basket defined in the survey. The purpose of this paper is to produce a robust analysis of poverty trends in Niger from 2005 to 2011 by using the 2011 survey as the basis for monitoring poverty and correcting for methodological differences in earlier surveys. The decision to use the 2011 survey as the basis for establishing methodological consistency is rooted in two factors. First, the large variations in poverty estimates obtained in different survey periods are suspected to be due in part to changes in the survey methodology. Second, the 2011 survey coincided with the adoption of Niger’s current growth and poverty reduction strategy, programme de développement economique et social (PDES). The report describes the 2011 survey methodology and the techniques used to make the previous figures compatible with this methodology. It presents the revised poverty figures and discusses their implications. It also offers conclusions and recommendations.

This study discusses the impact of economic geography and (low) population density on development outcomes in Mali and explores how policies to reduce poverty can be made more effective by taking these two factors into account. The crisis in north Mali which started in 2012 and continues to date has brought questions of economic geography to the center of attention. To help answer such questions, and to analyze how to reduce poverty in Mali as a whole, this study uses different sources of information to analyze the diversity of livelihood patterns, in access to services and in living standards. The study uses quantitative information from household surveys, population and firm censuses, administrative and geographic data, and qualitative information about livelihoods. This study argues that the authorities will need to employ all three policy instruments, while emphasizing that if the objective is poverty reduction, most attention should be focused on spatially blind approaches. The study is organized as follows: chapter one gives introduction. Chapter two emphasizes differences in population density which allows distinguishing between types of agglomeration from villages, to rural town, to large cities. Chapter three categorizes the country into various livelihood zones and considers how the agro-physical environment affects the way people live. In chapter four authors turn to household welfare. Chapter five considers access to services. Chapter six is forward looking.

What happened to poverty in India in the 1990s has been fiercely debated, both politically and statistically. The debate has run parallel to the wider debate about globalization and poverty in the 1990s and is also an important part of that debate. The economic reforms of the early 1990s in India were followed by rates of economic growth that were high by historical standards. The effects on poverty remain controversial, however. The official numbers published by the government of India, showing acceleration in the rate of poverty reduction from 36 percent of the population in 1993 to 1994 to 26 percent in 1999 to 2000, have been challenged for showing both too little and too much poverty reduction. The various claims have often been frankly political, but there are also many important statistical issues. The debate, reviewed in this article, provides an excellent example of how politics and statistics interact in an important, largely domestic debate. Although there is no consensus on what happened to poverty in India in the 1990s, there is good evidence both that poverty fell and that the official estimates of poverty reduction are too optimistic, particularly for rural India. The issues covered in this article, although concerned with the measurement of poverty in India, have wide international relevance discrepancies between surveys and national accounts, the effects of questionnaire design, reporting periods, survey nonresponse, repair of imperfect data, choice of poverty lines, and interplay between statistics and politics.

El estudio, Incidencia de la política pública para la superación de la pobreza extrema en el marco del desarrollo económico local en Cartagena – Bolívar durante el período 1994-2014, busca comprender cómo ha sido la interacción de la política pública del orden nacional con las de orden departamental y municipal, y cómo estas han favorecido la inclusión de la población en situación de pobreza y vulnerabilidad al sistema productivo. El Distrito de Cartagena de Indiasdurante el periodo de análisis ha mostrado un desarrollo económico destacable; no obstante, es unade las ciudades capitales con la mayor incidencia de pobreza y pobreza extrema; es así como desde el año 2008, se implementó la Política de Inclusión Productiva para la Superación de la Pobreza Extrema, en la que se han articulado diferentes instituciones en torno del Desarrollo Económico Local y de la vinculación de la población vulnerable al sistema productivo por medio de los emprendimientos o empleabilidad, constituyéndose en un referente a nivel nacional. The study, the incidence of public policy for the overcoming of poverty within the framework of the local economic development in Cartagena – Bolivar during the period 1994-2014, seeks to understand as it has been the interaction of the public policy of the national agenda with the departmental and municipal order, and as these have favored the inclusion of the population in poverty and vulnerability to the production system. The District of Cartagena de Indias, during the analysis period has shown a remarkable economic development; However, it is one of the capital cities with the highest incidence of poverty and extreme poverty; It is like since 2008, implemented the policy of productive Inclusion for the overcoming of the extreme poverty, which have been articulated different institutions in lathe of Local Economic Development and entailment of the vulnerable population into the productive system by means of entrepreneurship or employability, becoming a benchmark at national level.

En este documento se trata de explicar las diferentes metodologías, enfoques, definiciones y políticas públicas que se han abordado desde La Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL) en el tema de la pobreza en los últimos 30 años. Se explicará el problema teórico y conceptual que el término pobreza encierra, y las diferentes metodologías e indicadores de medición de la misma. Se expondrán los factores determinantes de la pobreza, la política social implementada y las diferentes soluciones que a lo largo de las tres décadas (1980, 1990 y 2000) han sugerido diferentes autores de la CEPAL. Además expone las estrategias de desarrollo implementadas por y la relación de estas con la erradicación de la pobreza., 45 p., Contenido parcial: Pobreza: concepto, teoría y medición -- Determinantes de la pobreza -- Estrategias de desarrollo.

Poverty in Turkey has declined significantly between 2003 and 2006, as a result of rapid poverty reduction in urban areas. In the same time period, the reduction in poverty in rural areas has been slow or non-existent. As a result, the relative risk of poverty has increased in this time period for those employed in agricultural sector, living in rural areas and in large households. Inequality in urban areas has decreased as a result of high growth in the consumption levels of the urban poor compared to richer deciles, while no significant changes to inequality measures have been noted in rural areas. In fact, the consumption levels of poorest groups in rural Turkey have declined between 2003 and 2006. Child poverty has also been persistent in this time period, with the relative risk of poverty for children (ages0-19) increasing over time.

The original publication is available at www.springer.com The standard practice in most OECD countries is to identify the poor on the basis of a country-specific poverty line defined as a fraction of the median equivalent income. However, this approach disregards regional differences in prices and needs within a country and may, therefore, produce results that give a misleading picture of the extent of poverty as well as the geographical and demographical composition of the poor. To account for differences in prices and needs, this paper introduces an alternative method for identifying the poor based on a set of region-specific poverty lines. Applying Norwegian household register data for 2001 we find that the national level of poverty is only slightly affected by the change in definition of poverty line. However, the geographical as well as the demographical poverty profile are shown to depend heavily on whether the method for identifying the poor relies on region-specific or country-specific thresholds. As expected, the results demonstrate that the analysis of poverty based on country-specific thresholds produces downward biased poverty rates in urban areas and upward biased poverty rates in rural areas. Moreover, when region-specific poverty thresholds form the basis of the poverty analysis, we find that the poverty rates among young singles and non-western immigrants are significantly higher than what is suggested by previous empirical evidence based on a joint country-specific poverty line. Keywords: Measurement of poverty, poverty line, heterogeneity in prices and needs

This paper reassesses the status of poverty in Sri Lanka using a monetary measure which was adjusted for people's perceptions about the social climate. Data collected by the Sri Lanka Integrated Survey was used to obtain incidences of poverty using cost of basic need (CBN) poverty lines and poverty lines adjusted for people's perceptions. The results reveal that the poverty measurements significantly differ with the two approaches though poverty ranking remains more or less consistent.

The standard practice in most OECD countries is to measure and evaluate poverty on the basis of a poverty line defined as a specific proportion of the median equivalent income within a country. However, this approach disregards regional differences in prices and needs within a country and may, therefore, provide an incomplete and even an incorrect picture of the extent as well as the geographical and demographical composition of the poor. To account for differences in prices and needs, this paper introduces an alternative method of measuring poverty based on a set of regionspecific poverty lines. Applying Norwegian household register data for 2001 we find that the overall extent of poverty is only slightly affected by the change in definition of poverty line. However, the geographical as well as the demographical composition of poverty are shown to depend heavily on whether the method of measuring poverty relies on region-specific or country-specific thresholds. As expected, the results demonstrate that the analysis of poverty based on country-specific thresholds produces downward biased poverty rates in urban areas and upward biased poverty rates in rural areas. Moreover, when region-specific poverty thresholds form the basis of the poverty analysis, we find that the poverty rates among young singles and non-western immigrants are significantly higher than what is suggested by previous empirical evidence based on a joint country-specific poverty line. Keywords: Measurement of poverty, poverty line, geographical and demographical poverty profile

Spatial poverty comparisons are investigated in three African countries using multidimensional indicators of well-being. The work is analogous to the univariate stochastic dominance literature in that it seeks poverty orderings that are robust to the choice of multidimensional poverty lines and indices. In addition, the study seeks to ensure that the comparisons are robust to aggregation procedures for multiple welfare variables. In contrast to earlier work, the methodology applies equally well to what can be defined as union, intersection, and intermediate approaches to dealing with multidimensional indicators of well-being. Furthermore, unlike much of the stochastic dominance literature, this work computes the sampling distributions of the poverty estimators to perform statistical tests of the difference in poverty measures. The methods are applied to two measures of well-being, the log of household expenditures per capita and children's height-forage z scores, using data from the 1988 Ghana Living Standards Study survey, the 1993 National Household Survey in Madagascar, and the 1999 National Household Survey in Uganda. Bivariate poverty comparisons are at odds with univariate comparisons in several interesting ways. Most important, it cannot always be concluded that poverty is lower in urban areas in one region compared with that in rural areas in another, even though univariate comparisons based on household expenditures per capita almost always lead to that conclusion.

As recent discussions have made clear, the apparent lack of poverty reduction in the face of historically high rates of economic growth—both in the world as a whole and in specific countries (most notably India)—provides fuel for the argument that economic growth does little to reduce poverty. How confident can we be that the data actually support these inferences? At the international level, the regular revision of purchasing power parity exchange rates plays havoc with the poverty estimates, changing them in ways that have little or nothing to do with the actual experience of the poor. At the domestic level, the problems in measuring poverty are important not only for the world count but also for tracking income poverty within individual countries. Yet, in many countries, there are large and growing discrepancies between the survey data—the source of poverty counts—and the national accounts—the source of the measure of economic growth. Thus economic growth, as measured, has at best a weak relationship with poverty, as measured. The World Bank prepares and publishes estimates of the number of poor people in the world. Although these numbers should be taken with a pinch of salt, they are arguably important. In an institution where the reduction of poverty is the paramount objective, some overall yardstick of progress (or the lack of it) is required. The numbers are frequently quoted by politicians and by leaders of international organizations, including the World Bank itself, who believe the numbers are effective for advocacy. Indeed, there is a long history of studies of poverty mobilizing support among the nonpoor for antipoverty policies. So it is important to know whether the world and national poverty counts are sound enough to support these uses. As recent discussions have made clear, the apparent lack of poverty reduction in the face of historically high rates of economic growth—both in the world as a whole and in specific countries (most notably India)—is providing fuel for the argument that economic growth does little to reduce poverty. How confident can we be that the data actually support these inferences? Are the changes in the poverty counts sufficiently well measured to support conclusions about growth and poverty reduction? Should