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This paper begins to put together a thus-far missing picture of the dynamics between Australian public opinion, media and foreign policy responses to genocide and other mass atrocities, in the Asia-Pacific and further afield. It examines key factors likely to influence these relationships, focusing on the role and significance of normative-ideational imperatives, such as Australian values and notions of ‘good international citizenship’ in Australia's foreign policymaking. To assess the centrality of these imperatives for the public and their implications for foreign policy, an exploratory study is conducted of Australian mainstream media's coverage of the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar during 2016–2017. The findings point to striking normative omissions in the media's coverage and public and official deliberations over Australia's policy responses to the crisis. The essay discusses potential explanations for these omissions and highlights themes for further research arising from the study. These relate to the influence of political party bipartisanship on Australia's foreign policies, the importance of middle powers cooperation for international atrocity prevention, and the extent to which a focus on refugee intake and humanitarian aid might have substituted for discussions of more direct ways Australia could assist in halting the violence itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a known fact that the public depends largely on the media for information. However, such information might not have been perceived rightly as sent by the media. Hence, the objective of this study is to examine the extent to which information on the coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic containment policy flows from the government to the public through the pages of newspapers. Aside from examining how these policies were framed, it seeks to also find out if Nigerians perceived the coverage by newspapers as relevant for them to comply with them. Adopting a descriptive methodological approach which systematically differs from most previous studies because substantial studies on the subject matter use qualitative methods. Findings reveal that Newspapers' framing of COVID-19 stories does not correlate with public adherence to the government's containment policy and the volume of newspaper coverage of COVID-19 stories does not correlate with public perception of the importance of the government containment policy on the disease. The study concluded that even though advancement in technology has given rise to the use of other media such as social media, the efficacy/potency and relevance of the newspaper cannot be brushed aside despite this advancement. It is, however, recommended that further studies should be conducted to examine the challenges faced by press through Key Informant Interview (KII) in the carrying coverage on the COVID-19 pandemic in other to strike balance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to ongoing discussions in the social sciences about how to interpret the incorporation of gender equality into integration policies – is it a form of state feminism or femonationalism? Drawing upon intersectionality, we analyse how gender equality is presented, discussed and negotiated in relation to ethnicity and nationality in Sweden. Methodologically, we employ a bifocal lens that combines (1) a quantitative investigation of representations of civic orientation programmes in Swedish policy documents and mainstream media, and (2) a qualitative analysis of ethnographic data collected in six civic orientation courses – three in English and three in Arabic – in three large municipalities. Such a two-pronged approach, which connects policy and media discourses with interactions in civic orientation classes, offers a granular picture of the complex and often ambivalent intersections of ethnicity and gender in relation to migration in Sweden. Ultimately, the co-optation of feminist values brings with it the risk of warping feminism into a trait of national/ethnic distinctiveness. Crucially, femonationalism is not the prerogative of far-right parties but is already becoming institutionalised, informing both mainstream media and educational practices in a feminist state like Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politicians must navigate the complexities of social policy reform to ensure sustainable fiscal policies while considering their impact on citizens. News media play a crucial role as a source of political information, influencing public attitudes towards policy changes through selective framing of issues. This study focuses on how European news media frame the controversial policy reform of raising the retirement age, and explores factors that potentially explain variations in framing across contexts. Using a manual content analysis of newspapers in Denmark, Spain, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom over the period 2011–2020 (n = 1059 articles), we examine country-, newspaper-, and time-related factors to explain the relative presence of issue-specific diagnostic and prognostic frames in European news coverage of pension reform. While the results show that all three types of factors determine the coverage of the reform measure to some extent, in particular variations across newspapers and over time are prevalent. The most striking differences are that left-leaning newspapers emphasize frames related to inequality, and that over time, framing crystallizes into a more concentrated set of diagnostic and prognostic frames. This article sheds light on European news coverage of a much-debated policy issue and its contextual dependency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media communication makes visible the linkages between governments' actions to diplomatic events and domestic audiences' reactions. This study analyses tweets that discuss the recent diplomatic crisis between Japan and Korea. Through the detection of clusters of Twitter users and the content analysis of the tweets in the two countries, this study shows the public's interpretation of a crisis widely differs by their stances towards their country's government. The analysis finds that the clusters are aligned with their pro- and anti-stances towards the current government and that pro-government clusters tend to interpret the diplomatic crisis through a historical perspective, while anti-government clusters interpret it as a matter of present-day politics. Furthermore, we find strong negativity in the tweets discussing the opponent online groups, especially by the anti-government cluster against the pro-government online camp. These findings suggest that a diplomatic crisis may create or deepen domestic polarisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the elements that have historically contributed to a climate in which policy makers feel compelled to regulate media in the United States. It then examines which of these elements are currently in place as lawmakers consider social media and AI regulation. We argue, based on observations of children's media policy over the past 30 years, that legislative action in the US is almost inevitable. The remainder of the essay lays out the legislative "corrections" that have been proposed and what they suggest about concerns about children's social media use. We conclude with the challenging road ahead to creating meaningful policy, holding media companies accountable for implementation, and assessing whether and how new regulations make a difference for young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine the ways in which the futures of climate change and the climate change policy process are constructed as narratives—both explicitly and implicitly—in two different yet interconnected contexts that shape public climate discourse and debate: foresight‐based political decision‐making and journalism. The featured case is the National Energy and Climate Strategy of Finland for 2030. We employ and expand the Narrative Policy Framework to better understand the co‐existent, implicit narratives of the future in the contexts of policy and media. We construct two co‐existing yet contradictory underlying narratives of the future of climate change and climate policy. Our approach reveals that the prevailing master narrative of a desirable future is challenged by a co‐existing counter narrative where policies in the energy and climate strategy prioritize shorter‐term policy interests over climate change. Building on these findings, we argue that, in climate policy communication, communicators convey futures through narratives—both explicitly, as descriptions of what is perceived, hoped, and anticipated to happen, and implicitly, as the sum of the parts included and excluded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the tension between journalists' personal social media accounts and newsroom social media policies to understand how newsroom managers exacerbate journalism's labor crisis by de-professionalizing the field through restrictive policies. To analyze this tension, we conduct a critical discourse analysis of (1) managerial discourses collected from newsroom social media policies and scholarly literature and (2) journalistic discourses collected from in-depth interviews with 37 U.S. journalists. We find that newsroom social media policies require journalists to make four sacrifices in service of their organization's reputation: individuality, opinion, voice, and privacy. This leaves journalists feeling frustrated by their lack of agency when it comes to engaging with the public and pursuing social media success. We conclude that this conflict contributes to journalism's human resources crisis by limiting journalistic professionalism and autonomy, both of which are crucial for job satisfaction and journalism's democratic mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Public Service Media remains at the centre of the public sphere in Northern Ireland. Public Service Media organisations such as the BBC broadcast in a society that remains politically and culturally divided. This has been the case for decades, even if the worst of the violence in Northern Ireland has now dissipated. The Northern Ireland media system includes local media provision, along with provision from the rest of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. This article identifies Northern Ireland's media system as sharing characteristics with what Puppis (2009) defines as a small media system, under slightly different conditions. This article takes a Critical Political Economy approach to Public Service Media organisations operating in Northern Ireland, in order to argue that while there is prominence in the place of PSM in the media system, there is also vulnerability inherent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research has suggested that perceptions of bias, credibility, and influence of news media may relate to one another but there have been relatively few efforts to integrate these concepts under a coherent theoretical framework. Based on social identity theory, we examined whether political identity relates to hostile media perception (HMP), credibility, and third-person perception (TPP) and if such perceptions in tandem predict attitudes toward news media policies—restriction of news media and media literacy education, which may neutralize the influences of seemingly hostile and untrustworthy news media. Findings from two national online surveys showed that strong partisans tend to perceive stronger HMP and less credibility in news media. Additionally, progressives had greater HMP. HMP and TPP were positively associated with media restriction policy support and media literacy education support. Credibility showed negative associations with restrictive media policy support, whereas the opposite pattern was found in the relationship with media education support. Furthermore, the positive associations between HMP and media policy support were mediated by TPP. The negative associations between credibility and restrictive media policy support were also mediated by TPP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Effective communication increases support for policy measures. This article argues that a narrative that portrays a policy's target group as a hero is most effective in generating support for the given policy. The research builds on the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) to test the influence of an audience‐as‐hero narrative on the opinion about a new campfire regulation among visitors to a national park in Russia. A survey experiment with 314 visitors to the national park compares the influence of a narrative portraying the regulation's target group as a hero (a park visitor) on policy opinion and a narrative portraying another hero (a firefighter). Results show that the audience‐as‐hero narrative has more influence on policy support than a nonnarrative message and also more than a narrative portraying another hero. This indicates that audience‐as‐hero narratives are particularly effective in generating support for policies. Related Articles: Crow, Deserai A., Lydia A. Lawhon, John Berggren, Juhi Huda, Elizabeth Koebele, and Adrianne Kroepsch. 2017. "A Narrative Policy Framework Analysis of Wildfire Policy Discussions in Two Colorado Communities." Politics & Policy 45(4): 626–56. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12207. Shanahan, Elizabeth A., Mark K. McBeth, and Paul L. Hathaway. 2011. "Narrative Policy Framework: The Influence of Media Policy Narrative on Public Opinion." Politics & Policy 39(3): 373–400. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00295.x/abstract. Smith‐Walter, Aaron, Holly L. Peterson, Michael D. Jones, and Ashley Nicole Reynolds Marshall. 2016. "Gun Stories: How Evidence Shapes Firearm Policy in the United States." Politics & Policy 44: 1053–88. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12187/full. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australian public's concerns about a potential war with China has recently seen a sharp rise. This study utilizes Google Trends data to gauge the public agenda. Drawing from the Google Trends data in Australia between April 2013 and March 2023, several original conclusions are reached. Firstly, since 2017, the Australian public has strongly associated China-related war activities or threats of war with Australia. Secondly, since early 2020, the concerns of the Australian public towards a potential war with China has significantly increased. This result aligns with findings from conventional polls. Furthermore, these concerns reached its peak in March 2023. Lastly, the fluctuations in the Australian public's concerns regarding a potential war with China can be attributed to policy and media agendas, with their specific roles varying across different periods. This study contributes to the debate on Australia's China policy by introducing some novel empirical evidence and methods to academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of the Faculty of Political Science / Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of The Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent decades, certain environment-related issues have come into the public eye. This article aims to analyse socio-environmental conflicts from both a democratic and a communication policy perspective. Given that these socio-environmental conflicts are the response to public policies, this article seeks to study the role played by the media in shaping them. The study focuses on the Basque Country, where many socio-environmental conflicts arise due to the implementation of public environmental policies. The methodology includes quantitative analysis using the data obtained from conducting a press analysis, and a qualitative approach using information obtained from in-depth interviews and the analysis of documentation. The results suggest a communicational and democratic deficit in the socio-environmental conflicts analysed, since the media do not help to build public opinion in a dialogical and dialectical way. To address this, we need a more diverse field of communication beneficial for environmental issues, so that we can work on information, considering the perspectives of all actors and the main topics of discussion. Environmental issues should go beyond traditional representative policies, inviting a broader range of actors in debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The leading role of the media is very important in the new media era to build the reporting system and framework of sexual violence crimes, guide people's awareness and public opinion, and improve society's vigilance on sexual crimes. This study took People's Daily Online, a representative online media in China, as a research object to analyse the reporting of sexual crimes over the past 15 years. We conducted relevant searches for specific keywords set in the Python crawler and used IBM SPSS Statistics 19 software to analyse the frequency of relevant content. The results of the research show that, firstly, there have been significant changes in the number of news stories about sexual crimes. Second, the majority of sexual crime news stories are from mainland China. Third, the focus of the news stories and people is relatively concentrated on the perpetrators. Fourth, the People's Daily Online's coverage of sexual crimes focuses on blaming the perpetrators. Fifth, sexual crimes show that the framework is more episodic. This paper examines changes in the coverage of sexual crimes in China and captures how the media cover socially relevant issues, providing important insights for future social health, psychological awareness and diversion, and media policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As social media becomes more ingrained in political and social discourse around the world, the need for systematic measures and interpretations of online polarization grows. In this work, we introduce five major organizational forms of community-level polarization and nine subforms to support comparison of community dynamics in controversial discussions across time, platforms, languages, and domains. We propose a multi-dimensional social network analysis approach to characterize the structure within and between ideologically opposed communities and evaluate the organizational form. Through three case studies, we demonstrate applying the proposed methodology on two social media platforms (Twitter and Reddit) and levels of conflict (topic and partisanship). This work has implications for depolarization interventions and policies on social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While government regulators, the press, and academics struggle to determine who should be responsible for content on social media platforms, we know little about what the public believes about these issues. In this study, we investigate what drives Americans' opinions on whether the government, platforms, or individual users should be responsible for social media content. Using data from a nationally representative survey of over 10,000 Americans, we investigate how anti-establishment attitudes relate to who Americans believe should be responsible for content on social media. We also examine the role of beliefs in the government's role in the market, free speech beliefs, and beliefs in individual responsibility in this context. Among other findings, we show how anti-establishment beliefs and beliefs in individual responsibility may drive people to put the onus on individual users to bear the responsibility for online content. Theoretically, our study contributes to the ongoing discussion in sociology and political science that partisanship alone is not sufficient for explaining American public opinion. Practically, this study contributes to the ongoing public discussion around content moderation and related policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media is an important arena for policy contestation. Although online social media debates can yield notable power over political processes offline, little research has examined the relationship between policy actors' influence in offline policymaking and social media policy arenas. We explore the relationship between four types of influence: reputational and formal‐institutional influence offline, and broadcasting and boosting influence online. We ask (1) are influential policy actors better able than others to broadcast their own messages on social media? and (2) are they better able than others to boost the broadcasting influence of other policy actors in social media? Using exponential random graph models on survey and Twitter data from the Finnish climate policy domain, we find that actors with high reputational influence in offline policymaking are also influential online, when measuring influence as the ability to broadcast one's own message. The pattern does not hold for those with formal‐institutional influence offline. Additionally, offline influence does not translate to the ability to further shape online influence by making boosting other actors' visibility. Our results suggest that although online influence partially corresponds to influence in policymaking, influence varies across arenas of policy contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Netiquette is the term used for online etiquette or Internet etiquette. It refers to a set of guidelines, acceptable for communication. With the advent of the pandemic and online taking the major stage for discharging the majority of professional duties, proper netiquette practices among professionals are the basic necessity. Aims and Objectives: The aims and objectives of the study are to assess the knowledge regarding netiquette and its practices among health-care professionals (HCPs) and to determine the factors associated with social media engagement among doctors. Materials and Methods: A cross-sectional observational study was conducted for 2 months, consisting of a total of 64 participants. A pre-tested, semi-structured questionnaire was used to collect data on netiquette and its practices, the professional involvement of health-care personnel in delivering health care, and their encounter with online trolls and harassment. Results: On analysis, it was found that 74.3% had knowledge about netiquette and its practices, however, very few had knowledge about cyberspace usage. Around 68.3% of the participants were unaware of the American Medical Association social media policy for HCPs, guiding the Internet usage for discharging their professional duties. Only 29.7% observed proper netiquette practices to avoid being cyber-bullied. Very few of the study participants faced online troll and harassment and they chose to reply to troll by facts rather than staying quiet. An in-depth study can be done by creating an awareness program as an intervention. Conclusion: Netiquette and its practices are the key to online consultations and practices among HCPs. There is a need to create awareness among them by conducting workshops on the same. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the growing interest in the phenomenon of extreme work amongst academics, policy makers and the media, the area is characterized by different constructs, terminology, and disparate research findings on both contexts and outcomes. The aim of this positional paper, as part of a double Special Issue on extreme work and ‘working extremely’, is to provide a timely review of the field and bring some coherence to it through providing a classification of extreme work and its associated outcomes. Specifically, we use the outputs of a systematic review to capture and map the complexity of this area of research, illustrate the different contexts that influence and shape its emergence, and highlight different employee outcomes. Our typology serves as a heuristic device to categorize the 12 papers that make up this Special Issue, map potential future research questions and avenues, and identify human resource management (HRM) practice implications at multiple levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The People's Republic of China views dispatching Chinese talent to international organisations as a key global governance contribution and a means to shape these institutions from within. International posts are competitive to secure, requiring China's concerted effort to place candidates for entry‐level professional staff positions. However, less is known about how China is preparing to compete for these international civil service positions. This article examines United Nations (UN) staffing data, as well as Chinese‐language academic, policy and media reports to address this research gap and thereby understand better how China is attempting to facilitate an increase in its staffing levels within UN entities. We find China's efforts emphasise preparation of 'patriots' who can bring 'Chinese wisdom' into the UN, but that efforts to increase staff numbers are still in development. We also note that deploying patriots in the UN civil service is potentially to the detriment of securing posts: patriotism may not translate into bureaucratic skill or expertise and also attracts the attention of other states willing to counter China's staffing efforts. It remains to be seen whether staffing power shifts will be successful and, if so, the extent to which increased representation will benefit China's interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: News policy in general can be defined as a set of decisions whose framework includes all parts of the news from news packages to the way announcers are covered. Therefore, news policy is conventionally divided into six stages; 1. Goals and general policies 2. Strategies 3. Implementation of policies 4. Policy makers 5. Policy audiences 6. Policy time. Also, news policy making should be appropriate to the social, cultural, psychological characteristics of the audience. Because the purpose of communication tools is to meet the needs of different audiences in different age groups. Our target audience age group is teenagers. Because; Adolescence is one of the most important periods of human growth and development, and the transfer of cultural heritage and the creation and development of social solidarity takes place in this age period and is of special importance. In this era, teenagers have not achieved the stability of their personality and identity and they are trying to find an identity for themselves. This period, which is our sensitive period between childhood and youth, teenagers should prepare themselves to be in the society by acquiring knowledge and skills while being a child. A media policymaker should be familiar with the characteristics of this period. News and television news specific to teenagers can be one of the areas and approaches of television programs in order to socialize teenagers. Production of news specific to the adolescent audience, which is appropriate to the age and mental characteristics of this period and based on the ideals of the Islamic Revolution, in order to socialize the adolescents. In the present research, by examining the above-mentioned documents and analyzing them and the opinions of experts, we examine how to politicize the youth news based on the ideals of the Islamic Revolution. These documents are above the constitution, grand policies and approvals of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, and the policies of preparing and publishing news on television. Methods: And further, by using the in-depth interview method, we will collect data from experts and experts in the field of politics, news, and thinkers familiar with the values and ideals of the Islamic Revolution. Then, by analyzing the data, we will extract important and effective themes through theme analysis. To finally achieve news policy in the production of television news for teenagers in the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the ideals and values of the Islamic Revolution. Based on these indicators, the audience of teenagers will be receptive to Iranian Islamic society. This issue has not been investigated by any researcher with this research method. Results: By examining the upstream documents, it is possible to state the major and important goals of the Islamic Revolution in the cultural field as follows: negation of tyranny, exploitation and colonialism, creation of a holy system based on Islam with the decisive presence of the people, independence of all On the one hand, in social, political, economic and defense-security aspects, establishment and implementation of social justice, implementation of divine and Shariah laws based on pure Islam, establishment and preservation of high human values and dignity, Freedom along with the responsibility of humans before the Almighty God, creating the right environment and space for the growth of moral virtues, constant struggle against all manifestations of corruption and corruption, paying attention to the comprehensive rights of the oppressed sections of the society based on human and Islamic values, negation and constant struggle with Colonialism and foreign domination, supporting Muslims and the oppressed all over the world and trying to spread pure Islam all over the world, a comprehensive effort for the unity of Muslims in the world. Conclusions: Based on the results of the theme analysis and theories used such as: "Socialization Theory" and "Impact Theory" as well as "Traditional Media Policy Approach" in this research, the obtained data are divided in this way: Strategies for the production of television news for teenagers based on the ideals of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. 1. The presence of news for teenagers in order to develop intellectual and personal independence, along with other non-media factors, can work for the benefit of the teenage audience. 2. Youth news should be appropriate to the characteristics of youth and its recognition in line with the preparation of youth for the goals of the revolution. 3. Teen TV news by teenagers and have the first and best narration. The content requirements of television news for teenagers based on the ideals of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. 1. The content of the news should be short and understandable in today's language. 2. Teen news should be accompanied by analysis. 3. News should strengthen the identity and knowledge of teenagers with a logical flow. 4. New news styles and topics of interest to teenagers should be used in youth news. The structural necessity of television news for teenagers based on the ideals of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The appearance, form and structure of the teenager should be in accordance with the spirit of the teenager and the relationship with the teenager. Television news policies for teenagers based on the ideals of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. 1. The news should be based on psychological news principles and based on reality. 2. The news should be a happy, attractive and promising approach for teenagers. 3. The news should meet the needs of teenagers. 4. Indirect direction to the news 5. The news should be in accordance with the religious, national, intellectual and revolutionary identity. Youth television news as one of the news sub-branches of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting Organization by following the laws and statutes approved in the above documents and also by using the opinions of education and communication experts and psychologists, in the field of youth news. It is an important platform for the preparation of the new generation for the Iranian, Islamic and revolutionary society. The last word is that in the politics of youth television news, expertise is useful in the socialization of youth news along with commitment to youth news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To analyse oil, the world's most traded commodity, we combine Global Production Network (GPN) and Global Financial Network (GFN) approaches into the Global Production and Financial Network (GPFN). The combination offers a dynamic framework, as key actors and geographies in the GPFN change over time. It brings together the production and financial strands of research on oil and overcomes the physical reality v. financial fiction dichotomy in literature. Using a wide range of data on oil networks, prices, historical accounts, as well as industry, media and policy reports, we apply the GPFN to explain the evolution of oil networks, since their inception, as well as the mid- and short-term price anomalies since 2010. Our history of oil GPFN demonstrates the stability of its analytical categories and the stickiness of power wielded by some actors and geographies, while others come and go. Our account of price anomalies shows the inseparability of physical and financial factors in explaining them. As whole the GFPN is an opportunity to understand the evolving broad structures, distribution of power and price formation in markets, and as such represents a way forward for studying other products and sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent passage of the Offshore Electricity Infrastructure Act (2021) (Cth) opened up the potential for Australia to produce renewable energy at unprecedented scale. Six regions have been identified as potential locations for developing offshore wind projects, promising thousands of new local jobs to legacy industrial regions. This paper charts the regulatory framework for Australia's offshore wind industry and how it positions local economic benefits in the licencing of projects. It then draws on interviews with key stakeholders supported by media and policy analysis to examine the early development of offshore wind capability in one of the proposed regions, the Illawarra, in NSW. Here existing steelmaking capacity positions the region to play a key role in supply chains for local and potentially national projects, but considerable structural and geographical constraints in the labour market will need to be addressed. In light of overseas experience indicating that economic benefits often fall short of promises, greater attention by policy makers is required to ensure hosting communities can develop local skills in the industry and facilitate their relative supply chain capabilities. This paper also calls for careful evaluation of early projects to allow for adjustments to policy settings as the industry matures domestically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates an underappreciated political dimension of capitalism by elaborating media policy as a site for the dynamic interaction of corporate power and the state. Synthesizing Marxian analyses of monopoly capital, American political development (APD) perspectives on public policymaking, and communication studies conceptions of media systems as fields of democratic struggle, I trace the institutional mechanisms that enable corporate media interests to reinforce systemic imperatives and maintain political-economic dominance. I illustrate my argument with examples from the Telecommunications Act of 1996. My analysis sharpens APD's critical edge by defining path dependency, policy feedback, and policy drift as processes through which capital leverages structural power to fend off political challenges under changing economic, social, and technological conditions. State-sanctioned ownership and control of news outlets, communication platforms, and information networks furnish a unique mechanism for influencing the structural terms of public discourse on all issues, including media policy. This implicates corporate media power in the ongoing US political communication crisis and as a central force in the entrenchment of inegalitarian and undemocratic social relations. Lending greater theoretical coherence and empirical grounding to these material and ideological dynamics historicizes public communication and highlights contingent political openings for radical engagement with media policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant body of media research internationally involves suggestions for planned change, often as a key point of conclusion. The suggested changes or reforms are placed in the context of perceived deficits in media performance, which may be seen as longstanding or as a result of recent shifts in the broader economy, the political frame or a major disruption such as that brought about by COVID-19. Some research restricts itself to documenting the deficits with possible remedies largely implied. However, other work seeks to go further. Recommendations for change in media structures and practices differ widely in their scale, specificity and also in their level of engagement with the surrounding political, economic and social settings. These settings are the consequence of various planned and unplanned factors interacting over time. This note looks at a number of variables around ideas of planned change in the contexts of current media inquiry, including that of media historiography, taking a few illustrative examples to examine the frameworks within which they are placed. It reviews connections made with levels of the political and economic system and of public evaluations and media uses as well as with the levels of the media industries themselves and their workforces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the digital era, information consumption is predominantly channeled through online news media and disseminated on social media platforms. Understanding the complex dynamics of the news media environment and users' habits within the digital ecosystem is a challenging task that requires, at the same time, large databases and accurate methodological approaches. This study contributes to this expanding research landscape by employing network science methodologies and entropic measures to analyze the behavioral patterns of social media users sharing news pieces and dig into the diverse news consumption habits within different online social media user groups. Our analyses reveal that users are more inclined to share news classified as fake when they have previously posted conspiracy or junk science content and vice versa, creating a series of "misinformation hot streaks". To better understand these dynamics, we used three different measures of entropy to gain insights into the news media habits of each user, finding that the patterns of news consumption significantly differ among users when focusing on disinformation spreaders as opposed to accounts sharing reliable or low-risk content. Thanks to these entropic measures, we quantify the variety and the regularity of the news media diet, finding that those disseminating unreliable content exhibit a more varied and, at the same time, a more regular choice of web-domains. This quantitative insight into the nuances of news consumption behaviors exhibited by disinformation spreaders holds the potential to significantly inform the strategic formulation of more robust and adaptive social media moderation policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A substantial aim of political communication is to engage specific groups of citizens through pragmatic policies and various media channels to convey messages and gain the audience's acceptance effectively. This study investigates political communication as a form of discourse that occurs within political contexts, which involves the exchange of messages among political actors to address and resolve political issues. It is an interdisciplinary field encompassing aspects of psychology, economics, culture, society, and linguistics. This paper aims to give a satisfactory explanation for the question concerning effective communication characteristics: how might politicians utilize them in their speech to be more effective? This pragmatic study in discourse is devoted to analyzing the various effective syntactic structures that arise within political interactions according to Sperber and Wilson's Theory of Relevance. The contribution of this study is evident as guidelines for further understanding the correlation between language and cognition. The researchers find that politicians seek to cognitively take advantage of the tendency of the audience to strive for relevance. In this way, expectations and attitudes are to be recognized and met by either interlocutors. The focal point of the study is the linguistic and inferential aspects of communication (verbal and non-verbal forms), represented in explicatures and implicatures. The study's findings exhibit the politicians' efforts in crafting their utterances optimally to meet the audience's expectations of relevance, which could be used as an influential method for further studies concerning discourse and communication. This research paper aims to pragmatically exploit the effectiveness of the political interactions (extracts) in the House of Commons (UK parliamentary debates). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last three decades, there has been a significant growth in media control policies in the UK. Nonetheless, academic literature has so far failed to examine British political elites' understandings of the relationship between the media and political violence. This article makes an original contribution by conducting a historical comparison of political elites' discourses on terrorism, the media, and audiences through the analysis of key parliamentary debates in which British MPs discussed the introduction of far-reaching media control measures (i.e. the 1988 Broadcasting Ban and the 2019 Counter-terrorism and Border Security Act). Employing the concept of the "imagined audience", the analysis, based on a discourse-historical approach (DHA), demonstrates significant differences in how MPs constructed media audiences in these discussions. In 1988, British MPs consistently invoked rational, well-informed, and responsible audiences, whilst thirty years later, constructions of unknowledgeable and easily influenced audiences were discursively deployed by MPs in support of highly restrictive media control measures. The article suggests that this transformation is based on a resurgence of the media "contagion theory" and Islamophobic notions that construct certain sections of the population as vulnerable, irrational, and highly susceptible, in contrast to the intelligent and sensible audiences envisioned by MPs in 1988. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using frame analysis, the present study examined the intersections of science of reading research, media coverage, and state literacy policy to explore how Colorado policy and media documents have defined reading achievement. It also analyzed the values, assumptions, and agendas within these definitions. It identified diagnostic frames that defined a state-level problem with reading education and prognostic frames that proposed curriculum and teacher training mandates as solutions. Underlying these frames were assumptions of objectivity, agendas of top-down accountability, and a binary separation between effective and ineffective methods for the teaching of reading. Implications include the development of a critical pragmatism in which researchers, teachers, school leaders, and other practitioners can collaborate to navigate shifts required by legislation while reflecting on the ways in which such shifts are situated in larger narratives. The authors argue that such analyses are essential for implementing reading reform in ways that are equitable and responsive to local contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When governments mandated lockdowns to limit the spread of the coronavirus, the resulting reduction of face-to-face communication threatened many people's psychological well-being by fostering feelings of loneliness. Given social media's eponymous social nature, we study the relationship between people's social media usage and their loneliness during these times of physical social restrictions. We contrast literature highlighting the social value of social media with a competing logic based on the "internet paradox," according to which increased social media usage may paradoxically be associated with increasing, not decreasing, levels of loneliness. As the extant literature provides opposing correlational insights into the general relationship of social media usage and loneliness, we offer competing hypotheses and offer novel longitudinal insights into the phenomenon of interest. In the empirical context of Germany's initial lockdown, our research uses survey panel data from February 2020 (before the lockdown) and April 2020 (during the lockdown) to contribute longitudinal evidence to the matter. We find that more usage of social media in the studied lockdown setting is indeed associated with more, not less loneliness. Thus, our results suggest a "social media paradox" when physical social restrictions are mandated and caution social media users and policy makers to not consider social media as a valuable alternative for social interaction. A post-hoc analysis suggests that more communication via richer digital media which are available during physical lockdowns (e.g., video chats) softens the "social media paradox". Conclusively, this research provides deeper insights into the social value of social interactions via digital media during lockdowns and contributes novel insights into the relationship between social media and loneliness during such times when physical social interaction is heavily restricted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the European Union has been pursuing media policy for decades, its legal competence for the media sector remains limited. Since its inception in the 1980s, the EU had to base its media policy on its responsibility to enforce the internal market and the direct application of competition law, which has led to a one-sided economic perspective on the media. With references to the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, the enshrinement of European values in the EU Treaty, the rule of law mechanism, and driven by the European Parliament, the EU Commission has recently shown a new direction in its media-related activities, which acknowledge the important role of the media in democracy and increasingly place media freedom and media pluralism at the center of its media policy. The draft European Media Freedom Act presented by the Commission in autumn 2022 brings together the numerous activities aimed at protecting the freedom of the media and their independence, and at the same time seems to test the limits of the scope for its media policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how UK policy makers are redefining the value of universality in the transition from public service broadcasting (PSB) to public service media (PSM). Over the past decade, the UK's media landscape has undergone a significant transformation, driven by the economic, infrastructural and social influence exerted by global platforms. These transforming conditions have profoundly complicated the relationship between PSM and the principle of universality—in particular, the core values of universal access and universal appeal—with potential consequences for the broader legitimacy of the future public service mission. In an age of apparent media abundance, the question of how PSM can effectively reach and engage its audience remains a persistent inquiry. Presenting findings from an analysis of key and contemporary media policy and regulatory documents, this article demonstrates how universality has become a key battleground in current debates around the future of PSM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks forward, locating debates on public service broadcasting firmly within contemporary and future debates about technology regulation. Public service broadcasting has been a dominant theme in UK media policy since the creation of the BBC in 1922, aimed at delivering positive democratic and cultural outcomes. However, despite this rich heritage, and amidst widespread concerns about the social and democratic implications of 'digital dominance', the public service mission has failed fully to transcend its broadcasting origins and provide a model for a 'public service internet'. The article reviews the relationship between the for‐profit business models of the dominant technology platforms and potential civic and individual harms, past and failed attempts to reimagine 'public service' institutions in a digital age and identifies opportunities for scholars, activists and policy makers to reimagine public service alternatives for a platform society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: This article carries out a comparative review and critical analysis of the media reform proposals of seven European 'alternative' or 'critical' left forces1 from six countries (Spain, Portugal, Greece, Germany, the UK and France). Methodology: The aim is to assess the existence or possibility of common roadmaps and horizons on this issue for the European critical left. To this end, a documentary review and thematic and volumetric analysis (Krippendorff, 1990) of the most recent national electoral programs of each party was undertaken, their specific proposals and styles of formulation were compiled and classified, and a comparative analysis was carried out. Results: Up to three different and compatible taxonomies are proposed for the measures recorded. The proposals made by different parties differ markedly in both volume and approach. A categorisation of these proposals by programmatic axes, themes and sub-themes is provided, as well as a summary list of each party's proposals. Incompatibilities, common areas, and programmatic gaps are identified. Discussion: the timeliness of some programmatic formulations is discussed, and possible incorporations of interest for the case of political forces of Spanish origin are identified. Conclusions: The first research hypothesis is discarded, but the rest is validated: a certain widely shared programmatic framework already exists de facto, although it registers important blind spots. They frequently fall on different areas in each case analysed, thus proving the potential for mutual borrowing and learning between the different parties and the potential progress that this could mean in the articulation of a common programmatic framework that generates synergies towards a democratic media reform in the European sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy depends on a vivid public sphere, where ideas disseminate into the public and can be discussed – and challenged - by everyone. Journalism has contributed significantly to this social mediation by reducing complexity, providing information on salient topics and (planned) political solutions. The digital transformation of the public sphere leads to new forms of media provision, distribution, and use. Journalism has struggled to adapt to the new conditions. Journalistic news values, relevant to democracy, are being replaced by ones relevant to social media platforms' attention seeking business model. We plead for a broad public debate about the ongoing platformization and about possible policies to ensure a media system that serves and strengthens democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dominant Western narrative—now virtually obligatory within its media and foreign policy establishments—asserts that Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 was unprovoked, deriving from domestic political imperatives and messianic imperial nostalgia. Yet, while these factors must be included within a comprehensive causal argument, a deeper and more satisfactory explanation for the invasion situates the predicament of the Russian ruling class—and thus government—within the context of the systematic, decades-long project of NATO expansion and a series of specific provocative actions and decisions taken by Kyiv and Washington in the second half of 2021. The United States has consistently opposed integration between Russia and Western Europe. The key parameter of U.S. neo-imperial strategy in Europe-Asia remains embedded in Cold War geo-politics, namely that U.S. hegemony in Eurasia rests on the exclusion of Russia from European affairs and the prevention of a geo-economic axis between Berlin, Moscow and Beijing. However, even as the war may result in a final settling of accounts in the U.S.-Russia relationship and beyond, it has also thrown into increasingly sharp relief the growing conflict of class interests and complex geopolitical asymmetries and contradictions in the transatlantic relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the historical connection between stenography and racial justice in the United States. It begins by discussing the teaching of shorthand to illiterate Black individuals in Boston in 1846, highlighting the abolitionist motivations behind this practice. The article then examines how stenography evolved into a commercial tool and lost its association with liberation movements. It also explores how stenography influenced the work of African American writer Charles Waddell Chesnutt and his representation of race in his fiction. The article concludes by discussing the intersection of stenography and activism, highlighting the involvement of stenographers in cases related to racial justice. Overall, the article demonstrates the complex relationship between stenography, race, and representation in American society. [Extracted from the article]

The idea of media governance despite the growth and expansion of media in collective and social dimensions has been strengthened to the extent that it is said that in the near future, media and governance in this area will be considered the most challenging issue of the country. Therefore, the necessity of drawing an effective policy framework for dynamic media governance is emphasized. The necessity of raising this issue is also because we know that the media challenges from the enemies of the Islamic Republic of Iran system are increasing day by day, and therefore we need dynamic media governance and policy making in this field. This issue has received more attention due to the idea of media deterrence . In fact, the country of Iran has always been and is the target of attacks by the enemies, due to its religious dimensions and revolutionary inspirational framework; Especially, with the growth of media in collective and social dimensions, the extent of these attacks in this field is more visible. Therefore, with the expansion of the influence of mass and social media, the importance of management in this field is emphasized more. According to such a problem, the importance of deterrence in the field of media is raised. The media governance approach is also emphasized . However, what is being questioned from the perspective of academic and elite studies is what kind of policy framework can be imagined for media governance and also whether the media field is receptive to the concept of governance or not? From another point of view, is it possible to imagine a policy framework and model for media governance, and if so, how is this possible? Also, what challenges will there be in this path? These issue-oriented questions are becoming more frequent due to the fact that a policy framework and model for media governance has not yet been considered. In addition, conceptualization in this field has not been done due to the newness of the field. Therefore, the issue of examining the challenges of drawing a policy model in media governance is considered more. As far as the issue of media governance is raised. With the aim that if the Islamic Republic of Iran is going to experience a favorable media governance in the path of realizing the new Islamic civilization, it should have a policy model in this direction. It is obvious that there are definitely challenges in the way of realizing and formulating this model . Therefore, the purpose of this article is to emphasize the necessity and attention to media governance and examine the threats, requirements and challenges that should be considered in the political path. Therefore, in this article, an attempt has been made to answer the main question, what are the challenges in designing the political model of media governance in the country? In this regard, the qualitative method of in-depth interview and foundational data theory is used to advance the research. In order to further investigate and deepen the issue, as well as to maintain a distance and avoid prejudice, with a set of experts and professors in the field of media policy and management, in the form of an in-depth and open interview, information was obtained on the subject in question, and finally in the form of a method Ground theory was launched; It is obvious that what is meant by grounded theory is the theory derived from the data collected systematically during the research process. In fact, instead of starting the study from a preconceived theory, it is calculated from the analyzed data. The work process was such that after a lot of study and review, and benefiting from the opinions of consultants and experts in the field of media policy, an in-depth interview process was conducted with 12 of the experts; The interview with snowball sampling progressed to the point that after talking with the tenth person, the data reached the saturation stage and the interviewees did not bring up anything new. The theoretical sampling guide is the questions and comparisons that are made during the analysis. and the analysis of interviews with people were revealed and led to the discovery of appropriate categories, characteristics and dimensions . In the grounded theory method, the process of going back and forth between data and their analysis is done continuously and continues until theoretical saturation is reached. Also, before coding, the typed interview text was returned to the interviewee to review and confirm the concepts if they are correct. Also, expert supervision technique was used. Finally, coding was developed in the form of a paradigm model composed of background conditions, causal conditions and intervening conditions, processes and consequences around the central category . Based on the findings of this article, discursive, political, institutional, cultural and elite, legal and emerging phenomena components are among the challenging axes in the field under investigation.in fact, The data obtained from elite opinions indicated that 7 discursive, cultural, legal, scientific and academic, political, institutional and emerging components are known as challenges in the field of designing a political model of media governance. The opinion of the elites was also confirmed that media governance is a multifaceted category that requires the creation of effective media infrastructures and then institutions and finally strengthening the media policy cycle. To achieve this goal, experts have proposed strategies such as: strengthening the media, convergence between media policymakers, and increasing synergy between the media and the public. According to the opinion of the elites, the conditions of the policy cycle in the field of media are related to discourse, meaning and concept, which should be fluidly and purposefully strengthened. In the meantime, if we take advantage of the rich concepts and popular goals such as moving towards a new Islamic civilization, the direction of the media will be more effective and, as a result, the result will be achieved faster. In general, we need a stable and strong media for media governance, and we need good policies to model. We must consider everything that was raised in the mining challenge as a prerequisite for obtaining strong tools and a policy platform so that we can reach the field of conceptualization in the field of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the emergence and development of new media technologies based on the approach of the Critique of the Political Economy of the Media. First, a critical overview of approaches to the genesis and diffusion of technologies is given. Second, the connection between media technologies and capital accumulation is discussed. Third, the role of media technologies in capitalism as a means of investment, production, distribution, and consumption is analysed. Fourth, the connection between innovation, commodity aesthetics, and planned obsolescence is discussed. Fifth, the antagonistic character of the media system's convergence, universalisation and diversification is shown. The article shows that technological development is not autonomous but depends on and is shaped by the development of capitalist society. In capitalism, factors such as capital accumulation strategies, crises, competition, advertising and marketing, market research, the state's economic, technology and media policies, and science and engineering influence the emergence and development of new media technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This research aims to examine the gender characteristics, nationality, independence of the board of commissioners and directors in relation to green accounting policies with media exposure as a moderating variable. The population and sample of the study are mining companies listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange (BEI) during the period 2020-2022. The usable population for the research, based on the required data, consists of 29 companies with observations over three years. The analysis method employed is panel data analysis using the EViews application. The research findings demonstrate that the variables of nationality characteristics and company growth have a significant positive influence. However, gender characteristics and the independence of commissioners and directors do not affect green accounting policies. The moderating variable, media exposure, only moderates the variables of nationality characteristics and company growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]