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The study employs a postcolonial critique of the media coverage during the Russian invasion of Ukraine. By using literature on whiteness and Islamophobia and the need for a postcolonial critique, the author analyzes the hegemonic rhetoric surrounding the Ukrainian refugee crisis in comparison to coverage of violence directed toward brown bodies. The study also juxtaposes a postcolonial critique against vernacular readings of how social media users reacted to the attacks. Thus, the goal is to present trajectories for future studies of whiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countries such as Russia have a distinct advantage in international propaganda because their domestic and international propaganda techniques are not in conflict. Wars end, but propaganda survives and evolves. In more recent wars, countries have solved this propaganda conundrum by learning how to inspire their domestic audiences with patriotic messaging about foreign wars. Trump's surprise election in 2016 and his refusal to follow democratic rules demonstrate how propaganda can infiltrate and damage a libertarian media system. [Extracted from the article]

This essay explores Marshall McLuhan's argument in War and Peace in the Global Village that 'the first television war' of Vietnam was staged in a new technological 'medium' that reduced viewers' capacity for critical distance, blurred divisions between civilians and soldiers, undercutting the war's domestic legitimacy and painfully shattering the 'old image' of national identity. Considering postcolonial critiques of McLuhan's reliance on ethnopsychiatrist, J.C. Carothers, I explore the critical potential of his textual citations of Fanon, Joyce's Finnegans Wake, J.K. Galbraith, and the satirical hoax, Report from Iron Mountain, and of Quentin Fiore's graphic designs. Extending McLuhan's arguments to the US military's 2003 Iraq war media embedding programme, I argue that although they sought to avoid the uncontrolled media reporting of Vietnam, the war planners were nevertheless subject to the same destabilising 'invisible environments of technological innovation'. McLuhan's discussion of the ways technological innovation destabilises identities and promotes a violent quest to recover 'old images' of personal and national identity thus suggests that post-Vietnam war planners may have drastically overestimated the power of metaphorical and narrative framing when applied to media spectacle of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study highlights the peril of Indian media’s insinuation of war with Pakistan in the aftermath of Uri incident of September 18, 2016. Uri was a violent expression of Kashmiri right of self-determination; but Indian media became a source of arousing anti-Pakistan hysteria for Indian public. The war frenzy created by the media, pressured Indian decision makers into making the claim of carrying out surgical strikes across the Line of Control (LoC). In this way, Indian media became a source of fomenting war between the two nuclear armed states. The study uses Indian sources to evidence the jingoistic frenzy of the Indian TV news channels. Importance of having responsible media in nuclear armed states has been underscored by Indian media’s dangerous handling of Uri crisis. This study raises awareness about the responsibility of media in sustaining peace between the nuclear rivals, particularly during crisis situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the "path of crazy paving" of Percy A. Brown, a British working-class carpenter, figure skater, photo correspondent, and magazine journalist, who covered the twentieth century's first mass media war. Brown—who is not yet a household name in terms of British war correspondents—would go on to become an international reporter, successful author, and Fleet Street personality. His personal history and biography exemplify at once the demands of war correspondents and photographers, and the professional and personal challenges that mediated these experiences. Brown's story shows how the First World War (1914–1918) affected people's lives, not just on the battlefields and trenches, but also those covering the conflict. By backtracking this journalist's nontraditional career, this article focuses on Brown's coverage of the Western Front, his time in the Ruhleben prison camp, and his work at the Paris Peace Conference. The historical analysis rests on primary sources and Percy Brown's collection of pictures, news clippings, correspondence, and notes located at the Hoover Institution and Archives at Stanford University. Brown's journalism and his personal writings all communicate the immediacy with which he wrote, reported, and lived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interrogates the well‐known phenomenon of western broadcasting to the Soviet Union from the little‐known vantage point of the audience's sonic experience and expression. I use the example of the BBC's main popular music program in the late USSR, Rok posevy, with its remarkable presenter, Seva Novgorodsev, to explore fundamental questions about the who, how, and why of listening to the so‐called "enemy voices." The popularity of Novgorodsev's show, I argue, is best understood in the context of the Soviet soundscape and, in particular, of longstanding Soviet media practices, including radio jamming and Soviet ideologies of the voice. Novgorodsev's Rok posevy presented listeners with a powerful alternative sociocultural space, one that promoted models of authority and community very different from Soviet norms and, indeed, antithetical to Soviet norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role and influence of French periodicals and newspapers, specialized in sports, in promoting the development of soccer in the French Army from 1914 to 1918. It discusses the relationship between sports and the media in 1914 and several periodicals including "Auto," "Sporting," and "Vie au Grand Air," which were published during World War I and promoted sports and patriotism and provided moral support to soldiers. Topics include the actions of the media in promoting the legitimacy of sports in the French Army, the media's reference to British soldiers as role models, and the media's involvement in sending soccer balls to French soldiers at the battlefront.

The article presents a forum on the First Battle of Bull Run during the U.S. Civil War. Participants include historians John Hennessy, Ethan Rafuse, and Harry Smeltzer. Topics discussed include misconceptions regarding the significance of the battle, the command of Union officer Irvin McDowell, the role of the press, and the historical legacy of the battle's outcome.

Wilfred A. Burchett was perhaps the most controversial foreign correspondent of the Cold War era. An Australian by birth, he wrote for British and French newspapers, but spent much of his career reporting from the other side of the "bamboo curtain." Although his dispatches often had a propagandist purpose, his account of the U.S. Army's media relations during the protracted Korean armistice negotiations continues to exert a significant influence over the academic literature. This article looks at the reasons for this influence and critically examines Burchett's claim that the U.S. military engaged in a concerted effort to mislead the public by lying about, and sometimes suppressing, what was really happening in the truce talks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author discusses the alleged lies, misinformation, manipulations, and fake news by the mainstream media in the U.S. to cover up the bombardment by the Israeli military in Gaza, Palestine. Also cited are how media outlets like the Washington Post were complicit with the genocidal acts by Israel, and how the U.S. allegedly used media imperialism in its war, militarism, and imperialist campaigns.

The following USAFA cadet Capstone project from spring 2017 won the Best Undergraduate Class Paper Award from the national Political Science honor society, Pi Sigma Alpha. The article appears, below, as submitted, with allowances for Space & Defense formatting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sport/war metaphors during the Persian Gulf War were crucial rhetorical resources for mobilizing the patriarchal values that construct, mediate, and maintain hegemonic forms of masculinity. Theory is grounded in an analysis of the language used during coverage of the war in electronic and print news media, as well as discourse in the sport industry and sport media. Various usages of the sport/war metaphor are discussed. It is argued that sport/war metaphors reflected and reinforced the multiple systems of domination that rationalized the war and strengthened the ideological hegemony of white Western male elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the expansive literature on military casualties and support for war, we know very little about public reactions to foreign civilian casualties. This article, based on representative sample surveys in the United States and Britain, reports four survey experiments weaving information about civilian casualties into vignettes about Western military action. These produce consistent evidence of civilian casualty aversion: where death tolls were higher, support for force was invariably and significantly lower. Casualty effects were moderate in size but robust across our two cases and across different scenarios. They were also strikingly resistant to moderation by other factors manipulated in the experiments, such as the framing of casualties or their religious affiliation. The importance of numbers over even strongly humanizing frames points toward a utilitarian rather than a social psychological model of casualty aversion. Either way, civilian casualties deserve a more prominent place in the literature on public support for war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The third Gaza War between Israel and the Palestinian resistance erupted on the 7th of July 2014 and lasted for 51 days leaving behind thousands of victims between deceased and wounded, the majority of whom were Palestinians. The focus of this study is the coverage of the media gatekeeper for 2014 Gaza War; the Hebrew online newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth as a case study. The study is testing Gatekeeping Theory using quantitative methodology and content analysis as data collection technique. The main findings include the use of interesting frame for the presentation of information by Yedioth Ahronoth, the focus of the newspaper is to show the Israeli issues, perspective, and to ignore the Palestinian sources of news and to depend on the Israeli sources instead. This also included the provision of justifications for Israel, portraying it as a victim of war, and ignoring the Palestinian losses. Thus, Yedioth Ahronoth was biased to the Israeli side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the study of relationship between American media, advertising, and the construction of a postwar American identity. Topics discussed include information on concern with postwar consumer identity; impact of mass media and advertising regarding postwar on the U.S. consumerism; and effect of American consumer identity on U.S. economy.

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This article intends to provide responses to some of the many unanswered questions about the making and the transformation of the uprising in Syria by exploring a new avenue of research: media development aid. Most academic interest has been oriented towards the role that the new media played at the time of the uprising; insufficient interest, by contrast, has been directed to the development of the sector in the years predating it. What emerges from this article is that the Syrian media landscape was strongly supported by international development aid during the years prior to the outbreak of the uprising of 2011. By looking at the complex structure of media aid architecture and investigating the practices and programmes implemented by some representative organisations, this article reflects on the field of media development as a new modus operandi of the West (the EU and US especially), to promote democracy through alternative and non-collateral, bottom-up support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Battle that took place near the small town of Luetzen in the vicinity of Leipzig in Saxony on 6 November 1632 has often been described as one of the main battles of the Thirty Years War. It pitted a Protestant Swedish Army commanded by King Gustavus Adolphus against the Catholic Imperial forces led by Albrecht von Wallenstein, Duke of Friedland. Considering its immediate and its long-term military-political consequences this battle may not have been one of the decisive events of the Thirty Years War. But it can, nonetheless, be considered as one of the key events in this war. It was the resonance, which it found in the contemporary media and the symbolic-political importance accorded to it by contemporaries, that made the battle of Luetzen of special importance. This extraordinary resonance was to a great extent due to a dramatic personal moment, the death of the Swedish king on the battlefield and the public echo which the death of this leading figure of the protestant cause found in the media. But this media echo deserves attention beyond the personal factor. It was the pressure of time which the event exerted on its printed reporting in the news media ,some of which were in the stage of first formation, which gave it its special and long-lasting historical significance. The post-event publicity in many different kinds of media, from personal accounts, avisos and newssheets to sermons, pamphlets, printed images and first works of contemporary history and the interrelationships between them is investigated in this essay. One of the central figures emerging in this media dynamic is the Francfort copper etcher, publisher and entrepreneur Matthaeus Merian the Elder and the persons working for him or competing with him on the market for public attention in difficult times. A close reading of the description of the battle in Merian’s new serial publication “Theatrum Europaeum, which started publication a few months after the battle, and a close inspection of the panoramic copper etching provided by this master artist (cumentrepreneur)for the first publication of his serial afford some micro-historical insights into the media dynamic unleashed by this event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Eastern Ukraine is happening on the battlefield as well as in the informational realm. The two sides of this military conflict, Russia and Ukraine, are trying to shape public opinion in their own countries as well as abroad. Depending on the leaning of a media outlet, its audiences see very different pictures of this crisis. This study examined a year’s worth of coverage dealing with the Eastern Ukraine military conflict in major Russian, Ukrainian, and American newscasts. The analysis revealed significant differences in the choice of on-camera sources, reporting of civilian and military fatalities, and framing of the different sides of this conflict in these media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using aggregate-level data, this study compares instances of intrastate political conflict that occurred in both nonviolent and violent forms. Specifically, analyses presented in this study examine the relationships that exist between diffusion rates of emerging media and enhanced press freedoms in countries that experienced differing types of conflicts from 1990 through 2006. Through a series of analytic models, the results observed here indicate that higher levels of emerging media and press freedoms are better predictors of nonviolent—as opposed to violent—conflict. Findings from this study thus bridge an important gap in the literature between communication and political science research in establishing linkages between emerging media technologies and press freedoms and their interconnections with nonviolent and violent political conflict. Implications for related interdisciplinary fields are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on the mediatization of war point to attempts of governments to regulate the visual representation of their involvements in armed conflict – the most notable example being the practice of ‘embedded reporting’ in Iraq and Afghanistan. This article focuses on a different strategy of visual meaning-making, namely, the publication of images on social media by armed forces themselves. Specifically, we argue that the mediatization of war literature could profit from an increased engagement with feminist research, both within Critical Security/Critical Military Studies and within Science and Technology Studies that highlight the close connection between masculinity, technology and control. The article examines the German military mission in Afghanistan as represented on the German armed forces’ official Facebook page. Germany constitutes an interesting, and largely neglected, case for the growing literature on the mediatization of war: its strong antimilitarist political culture makes the representation of war particularly delicate. The article examines specific representational patterns of Germany’s involvement in Afghanistan and discusses the implications which arise from what is placed inside the frame of visibility and what remains out of its view. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This is a reply to: Shim, David and Stengel, Frank A. 2017. “Social media, gender and the mediatization of war: exploring the German armed forces’ visual representation of the Afghanistan operation on Facebook.”Global Discourse. 7 (2–3): 330–347.https://doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2017.1337982 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, we explore various forms of travel writing, media reporting, diplomatic record, policy-making, truth claims and expert accounts in which different narrative perspectives on the Balkan wars, both old (1912-1913) and new (1991-1999), have been most evident. We argue that the ways in which these perspectives are rooted in different temporalities and historicisations and have resulted in the construction of commonplace and time-worn representations. In practical terms, we take issue with several patterns of narratives that have led to the sensationalism of media industry and the essentialisation of collective memory. Taken together as a common feature of contemporary policy and analysis in the dominant international opinion, politics and scholarship, these narrative patterns show that historical knowledge is conveyed in ways that make present and represent the accounts of another past, and the ways in which beliefs collectively held by actors in international society are constructed as media events and public hegemonic representations. The aim is to show how certain moments of rupture are historicised, and subsequently used and misused to construct an anachronistic representation of Southeast Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay I consider the current logics of crisis in American media cultures and politics. I argue that "crisis" has become a counterrevolutionary idiom in the twenty-first century, a means of stabilizing an existing condition rather than minimizing forms of violence across militarism, economy, and the environment. Assessing nuclear danger and climate danger, I critique and theorize the current standing of existential crisis as a mode of political mobilization and posit the contemporary terms for generating nonutopian but positive futurities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reporters covering the Middle East are often confronted with situations where information is notoriously hard to verify and where confrontations with witnesses’ harsh realities can be extraordinarily intense. How does one deal with claims that there are no chemical weapons in Syria, for instance, if no foreign visitors are allowed to enter the neighbourhoods where the attacks allegedly took place? And how far does one go in adopting or contextualizing the story of a crying little girl blaming ‘terrorists’ for destroying her life if you are taken to her by a regime official, who considers every form of opposition an act of terror? Under such conditions, reporters can hardly rely upon seemingly self-evident routines, nor can they simply revert to general values such as impartiality or bearing witness without much further ado. Instead, they find themselves forced to make judgements on particular situations time and time again. Based on 14 in-depth interviews with Dutch and Flemish reporters covering Syria, this article sets out to identify, first, the challenging situations with which these journalists have been confronted, and second, how they have responded to these challenges through the use of particular professional strategies. To explore these challenges and strategies, the article develops a theoretical and methodological approach centred around situated value judgements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article claims that the visual image contributes to, reflects and supports the dominant discourse of two powerful armed groups that have operated in Iraq: the US military and the Islamic State. The article claims that in the current postmodern climate of mass media and Internet communications, the visual image - allied to oral communication - has transcended the power of the mere spoken or written word: as a result of its emotional impact. This article explores three crucial insights into the ideological power of the visual image - the framing or interpretation of responsibilities and violence in media production, the power of the image as spectatorship based on emotion and spectacle, and the sublime or transcendental nature of the visual image - concluding that Islamic State recruitment clips and news reports best capture the concept of the sublime, drowning the audience in mystery, horror and guilt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan's war in China contributed to the growth of Japanese-produced newsreels, but shortages and rations caused by the war also lead to calls in the late 1930s to merge the newsreel operations of Japan's major metropolitan newspapers - the Asahi Shinbun, the Mainichi Shinbun and the Yomiuri Shinbun - and the Dōmei News Agency into a single company. Some of those calling for the merger were from the news industry, and the creation of the Nippon Newsreel Company [Nihon nyūsueiga-sha] in 1940 demonstrates that oversight of wartime media was not necessarily carried out through heavy-handed government mandates. Moreover, the merger was delayed for nearly two years due to disagreements within the news industry itself. Opposition to the merger was not in the name of 'freedom of the press'. Proponents of the merger felt that news should be used for the national good while the opponents saw the loss of newsreel operations in economic terms. This debate was the consequence of the rivalry between Furuno Inosuke, president of the Dōmei News Agency, and Shōriki Matsutarō, president of the Yomiuri Shinbun. These two men represented different views of the role of the Japanese news industry. Furuno was a long-time advocate of news for the good of the nation and pushed for the creation of Japan's first national news agency. Shōriki, on the other hand, also supported the national well-being, but seems to be more concern about the financial health of his newspaper. Their disagreement reveals that despite the war, the initiation and execution news media policies were subjected to personal and professional rivalries and ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Syrian uprising in 2011 was accompanied by the birth of a new generation of media outlets seeking to offer alternative narratives to those of the regime. After the Kurds gained a certain level of autonomy from the Syrian regime and opposition forces, areas historically inhabited by Kurds (Rojava) have also seen the emergence of local media: for example, the television station Ronahi, magazines and newspapers such as Welat, Buyer and Shar, radio stations such as Arta fm and Welat and the ara News agency. Indeed, for the first time in their history, Syrian Kurds have the opportunity to have an independent voice in the media landscape. In this paper we map the field of emerging Kurdish media in Syria and analyze some of the main features of these outlets, while situating them in the larger context of emerging Syrian media. Moreover, the paper explores their relationship in the current political context of the Syrian uprising and, especially, of Rojava. In doing so, we analyze the political identity that these media tend to project and address how they position themselves toward the issue of the Kurdish identity in general and in Syria in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Syrian civil war has been, without doubt, the war most widely covered by international media in this millennium. Having engaged in an armed combat against the Islamic State (is), Kurdish military troops, especially the female battalion, have received considerable international media attention. This study examines the gender dimension of national media representations of female Kurdish combatants belonging to the Protection Units (ypj) in Syria. How have the female combatants been framed in British and French media? To what extent are these representations gendered? The overall data consists of news articles from national media outlets in France and in the United Kingdom between 2014 and 2015, and is analyzed with frame analysis. The results show that the juxtaposition of female combatants with is fighters allows the depiction of the participation of the former as exceptional and heroic and as one that deconstructs the masculinity of its adversary. The role of female combatants in the ongoing conflict is represented in the British and French media through the construction of sexualized and modern-day heroine figures that are largely glorified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the experiences and practices of Palestinian journalists working for Palestinian media outlets during the 2014 Gaza war. Our findings, based on data gathered from 10 in-depth interviews, indicate that the practices of Palestinian reporters and editors who covered the 2014 Gaza war were shaped by their personal experiences during the war and by a strong motivation to represent the Palestinian narrative, perspective, and suffering in the conflict with Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Based on Galtung’s concept of peace/war journalism, this exploratory work attempts to advance an empirical method to develop a survey instrument for a reliable and valid assessment of journalists’ attitudes toward peace/war performance. The authors propose a measurement index of conflict reporting which combines several practices linked to peace/war journalism. The usefulness of the approach is then demonstrated by quantitative and qualitative evidence from a pilot study based on a survey of worldwide members of The Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting. Benefits of the approach and implications for future peace/war survey research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The news coverage of the Turkish and Syrian jet planes that were hit by Turkey’s and Syria’s armies is being researched in Turkish newspapers. Stories about the Turkish jet that was hit by the Syrian army in June 2012 and the Syrian jet that was hit by Turkish army in March 2014 have been analysed as a peace journalism model. This study utilizes framing analysis to examine how Turkish newspapers covered two events (jet planes) and identify what frames ‘they’ tend to use. The general tendency of the Turkish press is towards accusation, blame and the creation of suspicion of the ‘other’ side. In this study, we find that the Turkish press is strongly affected by ownership structure, political pressure, regulations, mainstream news values and market conditions. All these factors determine journalists’ usage of dominant frames on their front pages in conflict situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]