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The article examines the implications of algorithmic audience modeling on the issues of race and media scholarship. Topics discussed include the reason behind the failure of algorithmic processing and prediction to consider race and ethnicity, threat posed by algorithm to African American television audiences, and elements of a research agenda capable of addressing the dangers posed by algorithmic audience data analysis such as proposing alternative algorithmic practices.

Scholars have previously conceptualized the Black press as print publications that are owned and managed by African Americans, targeting a Black audience and advocating for the Black community. This study investigates how online producers of Black news are troubling previous definitions of the Black press. Websites that target African American readers but are owned by White media companies and Black-targeted websites that primarily produce entertainment news create ambiguity. I conclude that African American ownership and advocacy are no longer requirements for the Black press and that entertainment content is often a relevant and important component of the digital Black press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is announcing a commitment to diversity enough to activate attitudes toward diversity initiatives? And what are the spillover effects of these programs? To address these questions, we conduct an experiment imbedded in a nationally representative survey of non-Hispanic White Americans (n = 1,519). We inform respondents that the White actor who plays Captain America will be replaced, while varying whether there is a reference to a diversity initiative and whether the replacement is White or Black. We find that reference to diversity initiatives on its own has no effect but the action of displaying diversity affects marketplace preferences and attitudes toward diversity initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study provides a clearer understanding of how audience members' race influences their media choices. It finds that in today's overwhelmingly negative media environment, people prefer reading negative stories about persons in their own racial group over stories about racial out-group members. This suggests social movements seeking to change the attitudes of people of different races using media (e.g., Black Lives Matter) might not be as successful as those in the past (e.g., Civil Rights Movement). Today, people tend to ignore such news when there is other bad news that affects people in their own racial group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well documented that news media's coverage of social unrest is sensationalized; however, our knowledge is limited in understanding how the intersection of race with depictions of social unrest influences emotional responses to this content. By applying assumptions from the protest paradigm and intergroup emotions theory, the current set of studies experimentally examines this relationship. Results indicate that racialized news images of dramatized social unrest provoke heightened, complex group-based affective responses that vary based on aspects of psychological group identification among audiences. These outcomes suggest that journalistic practices, whether or not intentionally, may exacerbate race relations regarding social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Kennetta Hammond Perry, founding director of the Stephen Lawrence Research Centre and a Reader in History at De Montford University is presented, wherein she talks about the her book "London Is the Place for Me: Black Britons, Citizenship and the Politics of Race," how media narratives continue to shape ideas about race, immigration and belonging since the book's publication, and the intersections of race, immigration and media in post-World War II Britain.

Marketers who pioneered advertising in which blacks and whites appear together in more or less socially intimate situations took a number of risks. This article reports a study of why advertisers use integrated advertisements and how some black consumers are reacting to these ads. The study has implications for message strategy and suggests directions for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Events in Ferguson (MO), the Eric Garner incident, and most recently Chicago (IL), have again brought perceptions of race to the forefront of the public’s conscience. Often perceptions of racially charged events are split along racial lines with Whites often siding with law enforcement and Blacks seeing a miscarriage of justice. Bifurcated perceptions along racial lines are nothing new, dating back to the early 1900s. Despite this schism, few analyses have examined the genesis of this difference in perceptions on racial issues. This analysis looks to fill that gap. Specifically, we examine the role media frames and people’s preexisting attitudes and motivations play in determining what they think of contentious race issues and the people involved in them. Using the Jena Six incident as a case study, we find that people with less egalitarian racial attitudes—and low motivation to hide those attitudes—are less likely to blame race-related problems on mitigating cultural factors. They are also more likely judge news stories about a racial issue as being low quality. However, thematically framed stories that include discussion of the cultural aspects of the event may help to reduce this process. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author discusses the role of racism in media studies. She examines an episode of "The Patty Duke Show" in which an African American young woman appeared and comments how this became the starting point of her research into mass media and racism, particularly the role of young African American women.

When scholar Ann Morning found herself fielding media calls about a certain (and certainly notorious) former NAACP chapter president, she wanted to know more. So she asked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the image of Brazilian Indigenous minority groups as a figurehead in media discourse, which is based on racializing logics that celebrate historical performances of Indigeneity but minimize attention to the political activity and grassroots movements of the existing population. Using cultural studies as a starting point, this study draws on Diana Taylor's understanding of identity and on postcolonial thinker Homi Bhabha's theorizing on nation to conduct a reading of discourses and performances of Indigeneity as part of cultural memory. I propose an analysis of the limited scenarios allowed in this construction of a nation in Brazilian media outlets, which often claim there is political motivation for identity and are incapable of dealing with contemporary Indigenous groups. Overall, this analysis highlights the need to rethink the way we discuss ethnic identity so as to foster a larger dialogue about identity, heritage, and minority cultures in such a way that we avoid falling into a paradigm of modernization and acculturation when discussing ethnicity, and to promote better understanding of the different ongoing political and cultural movements in contemporary Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Entertainment consumption is often shared with others, whether friends or strangers. Whereas most co-viewing scholarship has examined parent–child viewing, few have examined viewing among in-group and out-group members. The present study explores in-group and out-group responses to racial comedy featuring disparaging information about the in-group. Findings suggest that Blacks report a more positive attitude, greater perceived similarity, and identification when viewing racially charged comedy with Black in-group members than when viewing with White out-group members. White viewers display no differences in their responses to television comedy based on whether they were viewing with in-group members or out-group members. Implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In everything from the policies that regulate media industries to the practices of the organizations that produce the messages to the usage patterns of the consumers that choose them, mass media are implicated in real-world interracial/ethnic dynamics. Yet, despite the obvious associations between media and issues of race and ethnicity, a comprehensive effort aimed at documenting and addressing these links has not been undertaken. The current issue, Media Representations of Race and Ethnicity: Implications for Identity, Intergroup Relations, and Public Policy, endeavors to do just that. The merits of such an effort are articulated in this introduction to the volume alongside a review of the current state of the research in this domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of research on media counter-stereotyping of race/ethnicity has tended to employ positive portrayals or counter-stereotypical exemplars as a primary strategy in eliciting positive attitudes among White participants. In contrast, this article reports the results of an experiment on the unique role of affective responses to media messages as a mechanism in inducing greater feelings of connectedness with a diversity of racial/ethnic groups. Our focus is on the affective response of elevation specifically, which refers to feelings of being moved, touched, and inspired by images of people engaged in morally beautiful acts such as love, generosity, and kindness. Results show that the experience of elevation in response to inspiring videos was associated with heightened feelings of overlap between the self and humanity, with this overlap associated with greater feelings of connectedness with those from a diversity of racial/ethnic groups. This connection was also associated with more favorable attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study contributes to the limited literature on race and crime in a multicultural Asian context. Based on a survey in Singapore, where multiracialism is a fundamental political pillar and yet discourse about race is mostly shunned, the findings suggest a relationship between media consumption and racial perceptions. Respondents who consume more race-specific media have less negative racial perceptions of their own race, and more negative racial perceptions about other races. Respondents who consume more crime-related media content on TV, newspapers, and social networking sites tend to be more racially prejudiced against other races. Those who pay more attention to crime-related media content hold more negative racial perceptions of other races, and have harsher criminal culpability judgments of other races while holding a diminished culpability judgment of one’s own race. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

On June 17, 2012, journalists reported the death of Rodney King, the black motorist whose 1991 beating by several white Los Angeles police officers was captured on video by citizen journalist George Holliday. This essay argues that journalistic mythologizing of Rodney King as a victim of circumstance and journalism as simultaneous hero echoed existing narratives of civil rights history that largely strip black people of agency. In so doing, journalists proffered a larger cultural narrative of racial reconciliation and progress, while recoding King’s life in accordance with other pre-existing, racialized scripts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing from the work of cultural memory and racial formation theory (Omi and Winant 1994) we explore the ascension of Barack Obama as an illustration of how ‘race’ is understood and remembered. This article focuses on the public media discourse of the 2012 Obama re-election to illustrate how the narrative morphed racially from 2008 to 2012. Our findings suggest that the public discourse about ascension and re-election of Barack Obama drew from racial and post-racial narratives to describe his re-election. We contend that attention given to the public construction of Barack Obama in the present is vitally important to how the narrative arc of ‘race’ in the US will be understood in schools and society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article evaluates, through eight main areas, the publications that make the relations between racial otherness and the Nation in Colombia problematic. These areas are: 1) Pioneer Articles (1989- 1994) which tende to reduce racial discourses to exclusively racist strategies, 2) Works focused on standardization practices, 3) Publications focused on the political and intellectual debates about these practices, 4) Research on the interactions between race and Nation in the nineteenth century, 5 ) Publications dealing with the link between discursive and territorial practices about population differences; 6) Research that has focused on the tension between the homogenization and differentiation project in national states, from a perspective attentive to the regional and local , 7) Works linking racial otherness and the past; 8) Finally, the article presents and outline of some unexplored investigative possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the third international conference on "media and social responsibility" in the Muslim world sponsored by the World Muslim League and the Ministry of Religious Affairs (MORA) of the Republic of Indonesia held in Jakarta, Indonesia on December 3-5, 2013. Topics discussed at the event including the world media on ethical dimensions, Islamic vision of relationship between media and society, and media in Muslim society.

From an extended contact hypothesis ( ECH) framework, mass-media portrayals of interracial relationships may encourage positive attitudes toward such relationships. Caucasian participants ( N = 218) indicated examples of media portrayals of Black- White interracial relationships, attitudes toward Blacks, attitudes toward interracial relationships, degree of identification with Whites, and the degree to which Blacks are included in self-representations. Supporting our hypotheses, extended contact with Black- White relationships via media portrayals was associated with more positive attitudes toward Blacks and interracial relationships. These relationships were mediated by the degree to which Blacks are included in self-representations. This study furthers understanding of ECH by including representations of dyadic relationships and suggests an avenue for the creation of interventions for improving attitudes toward interracial relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several studies show media messages activate or exacerbate racial stereotypes. This analysis, however, may be the first to examine which types of information--those that directly contradict media messages (i.e., crime-related) or general news (i.e., non-crime-related)--are most effective in abating stereotypes. Its findings suggest fear of crime is becoming more a human fear, not just a racial one. Furthermore, it suggests that for younger Americans, the concomitant dyad of the black criminal stereotype---race and crime--is fueled more by crime than by race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens when jokes, particularly those that originated in an in-group context, become mass mediated and consumed by white audiences? This article seeks to illustrate the ways that psychoanalysis can inform the study of African American humor. Specifically, I argue that the appropriation and subsequent trivialization of Dave Chappelle or Chris Rock's humor arises out of a desire to denigrate the social and political commentary that underlies African American humor. Beyond the ability of psychoanalysis to help us understand the fetishistic consumption of blackness, this article proposes that rather than reifying hegemonic definitions of blackness, many black comics are actively trying to interrogate such constructs; however, the historical realities of imperialism and slavery have made such a task difficult at best. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of our article is to examine how current East European migration to the UK has been racialized in immigration policy and tabloid journalism. The state’s immigration policy, we argue, exhibits features of institutionalized racism that implicitly invokes shared whiteness as a basis of racialized inclusion. The tabloids, in contrast, tend toward cultural racism in their coverage of these migrations by explicitly invoking cultural difference as a basis of racialized exclusion. Our analysis focuses on two cohorts of migrants: Hungarians, representing the larger 2004 entrants, and Romanians, representing the smaller 2007 entrants. The processes of racialization we examine in this article reveal degrees of whiteness that give ‘race’ continued currency as an idiom for making sense of these migrations and the migrants that people them. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses conservative radio host Rush Limbaugh's views on race. The author describes Limbaugh's October 2011 claims that the liberals were racist in response to allegations of sexual harassment against African-American Republican U.S. presidential candidate Herman Cain. The author traces Limbaugh's career as a radio host and describes his criticism of American liberalism. The author suggests that Limbaugh subscribes to a policy of "color blindness" while claiming that it is inspired by the 1960s civil rights movement and that liberals are racist. The author also describes Limbaugh's connections to prominent African American conservatives such as Supreme Court justice Clarence Thomas.

The mainstream press frequently characterized the election of President Barack Obama the first African American US President as the realization of Martin Luther King's dream, thus crafting a postracial narrative of national transcendence. I argue that this routine characterization of Obama's election functions as a site for the production of selective amnesia, a form of remembrance that routinely negates and silences those who would contest hegemonic narratives of national progress and unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a profile of the African American boxer Harry Wills, focusing on his career as a heavyweight fighter and examining how race played a role in his public image. The article contrasts how the mass media portrayed the ethical character of Wills to former African American boxing champion Jack Johnson and discusses how sports journalists used Wills' as a representation of the difficulties faced by African American athletes due to racial discrimination. Wills' efforts to enter championship bouts, which were denied due to his race, with white boxers Jack Dempsey and Gene Tunney are chronicled and popular culture images and portrayals of African American boxers such as Wills, Johnson, and Joe Louis are highlighted.

This article examines television and housing as sites of struggle over segregation in postwar Philadelphia. WFIL-TV, which was part of Walter Annenberg’s media empire, broadcast to a four state region it called “WFIL-adelphia,” and emphasized the station’s ability to help advertisers reach millions of these regional consumers in parts of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland. At the same time, however, the racial tensions around WFIL’s West Philadelphia studio threatened to scare off advertisers. Just steps from the station’s front door, for example, black families seeking to move into West Philadelphia faced organized resistance from white homeowners associations. Scared of offending local and regional viewers and advertisers, WFIL implemented racial discriminatory admissions policies in its most popular show, the teenage dance program Bandstand (which became American Bandstand). I argue that, in working to maintain segregated spaces, both WFIL-TV and white homeowners associations practiced overlapping and reinforcing versions of defensive localism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 2006, millions of immigrants protested against H.R. 4437, a new bill in Congress that threatened to treat undocumented immigrants as felons. Content analysis of news coverage of the bill reveals that frames of the restrictionist legislation varied based on race and geography of the surrounding community. These results suggest that geo-ethnic context, which has been studied in terms of communication infrastructure within communities, should be taken into account when trying to understand how an issue is framed, particularly when trying to explain and predict why and when certain frames might occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article compares local and national news media coverage of the 1998 murder of James Byrd, an African American man, in Jasper, Texas. Particular focus is given to the periodicals the "Jasper Newsboy," the "New York Times," the "Los Angeles Times," and "USA Today". According to the author, local and national coverage differed dramatically in the early stages of the case but converged as the elite national publications gained a better understanding of the political and cultural context of the murder. It is suggested that elite publications' preconceived ideas about culture and race relations in East Texas were responsible for the initial differences. Topics discussed include racism, the white supremacist terrorist organization the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), and African American civic leaders.

This article proposes a critical race theoretical approach to news discourse to counter the erasure of race in Canadian public discourse, using media coverage of the Suaad Hagi Mohamud affair as a case study. Between May and August2009, Mohamud, a Canadian of Somali origin, was stranded in Nairobi, Kenya, because Canadian authorities voided her passport on the erroneous grounds that she was an impostor and consequently procured her prosecution by Kenyan authorities. While Mohamud's case received extensive media coverage in Canada, much of the coverage failed to interrogate the possibility that her experience was racially motivated, despite facts that should have raised such concerns. Consequently, this article adopts a critical race perspective in discussing mainstream media coverage of the case and suggests alternative media discourses that engage with the race question in relevant cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media development and the rise of communication studies in institutions of higher learning in Nigeria are directly related in two ways. If expanding media institutions and practice stimulated the need for further professional training at the university level, media output also provoked concern and intellectual curiosity that universities needed to respond to or engage with. Thus, intellectuals in communication studies in Nigerian universities trained and produced the personnel required to work in the growing media sector. At the same time they kept a curious eye and searchlight on the role of media in society that the present article is addressing. This article addresses domination as a key concern of Nigerian media scholars between the 1970s and 1990s. It addresses the theoretical and empirical bases of the debate at the time and raises issues with the conspiratorial silence among Nigerian intellectuals on the subject in the period since 1990. The article will argue, among other things, that while the silence is not haphazard it has coincided with developments in certain circles in western social theory that attempt to reject or obfuscate the notion of hegemony or domination in international media relations and its substitution with notions of indigenization and hybridization that appear to mask and conceal rather than illuminate hegemony inherent in the globalization project. The article will borrow from Gramsci's notion of hegemony to explain previous and contemporary cultural flow of media content to Nigeria and within Nigeria. The article will conclude, among others, that the silence of Nigerian intellectuals on the domination debate is both acquiescence and a functional cause to imperialism in its various manifestations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study used a controlled experiment to investigate the effects of a story subjects race on black journalism students' ethical reasoning by changing only the race of the people in the photographs. Contrary to what in-group and identification theories would predict, these black students did not show preference to people of their own race in ethical dilemmas; instead they treated both blacks and whites as equals. Seeing photographs also had an effect on ethical reasoning; those who saw photographs, regardless of race, made significantly better ethical decisions than those who did not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the role of race, class, and sexuality in media representations of transsexuality. It analyzes media narratives of three white transwomen, Christine Jorgensen, Charlotte McLeod, and Tamara Rees, and three transwomen of color, Marta Olmos Ramiro, Laverne Peterson, and Delisa Newton, during the 1950s and 1960s. According to the author, the transwomen of color were seen as less authentic than their white counterparts because of their race, and were denigrated and ridiculed.

The issue of racist violence appeared in the Australian media and politics in mid-2009 following a spate of attacks on international students in Melbourne and Sydney. The racist aspect of these attacks was downplayed, authorities describing them as ‘opportunistic’ and a ‘regrettable fact of urban life’. The denial of racism is a familiar hallmark of contemporary racism; for some scholars, it is a defining criterion of what has been called the ‘new racism’. But the denial of racism around the attacks on Indian international students also had an economic imperative. Negative media coverage within India posed a substantial threat to the AUS$18.6 billion international education export market, with potential students and sponsors becoming concerned about their security should they elect to study in Australia. Data from the Challenging Racism project provide compelling evidence on the racist context of the attacks. The Indian media and politicians maintained an outraged position on the attacks, affecting student interest in Australia. And as the substantial economic costs became clearer, Australian governments came to more openly acknowledge a racist element to the attacks, also hinting at structural issues regarding community relations and attitudes which required policy attention. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We outline the role of race, racial resentment, and attentiveness to news in structuring public opinion toward the prosecution of the Jena Six, the name given to six African-American high school students who beat a white student, five of whom were subsequently charged with attempted second-degree murder. We rely on a telephone survey of 428 registered voters collected in the aftermath of the protests in Jena, Louisiana. Public reactions were heavily filtered by race and associated with measures of racial resentment. African Americans followed news about the protests more closely, believed race was the most important consideration in the decision to prosecute, and believed the decision to prosecute was the wrong decision. Racially conservative white respondents were less likely to believe race was the most important consideration in the decision to prosecute and were more likely to believe that the decision to prosecute was the right decision. Consistent with theories of agenda setting and framing, attentiveness to the news influenced perceptions regarding the importance of race in the decision to prosecute but not whether the decision was the right decision. At least within the context of the Deep South, race and racial attitudes continue to be an important predictor of public reactions to racially charged events. Attentiveness to the news influenced the lens through which events were interpreted, but not perceptions of whether the outcome was the right decision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay I argue that the mediated responses to the Haiti earthquake reflect the racialization of pity and the privileging of a white view of the dark world as dysfunctional, childlike and dependent. This racialization has been cultivated and affirmed by mediated representations of disasters and their aftermath, particularly through the development of a narrative that places the fate of the dark world in the hands of a benevolent white one. I argue that the mediated discourse of pity exposes the subtle power relations existing between whites and blacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay traces a tradition in civil rights that begins with the NAACP's media campaign to fight unjust racial violence between 1909 and 1925, instead of with the education desegregation litigation of the 1950s and 1960s. I recover this earlier period by analyzing the activities of the NAACP's anti-lynching and mob violence reduction campaign during the first quarter of the 20th century. The organization's effort to secure African American equality centered on changing public opinion as the NAACP maintained that lynching could be stopped when it 'reached the heart and conscience of the American people.' In order to wage a battle against negative public perceptions, this essay describes how the NAACP executed a three-pronged media strategy focused on writing newspaper articles, publishing pamphlets, and printing its own magazine, The Crisis. By articulating the terror of lynching and broadcasting it to a wider audience through these different channels, the NAACP achieved considerable success in reframing the debate concerning African American criminality and American justice in a period overlooked by most scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]