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Attacks by the Houthis, an Iran-backed armed group from northwest Yemen and now its de facto governing authority, pose a significant threat to commercial shipping in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, and therefore to the global economy. Washington faces a range of unpalatable options to deal with this threat. The current approach of limited American and British airstrikes is flawed, but the alternatives – no airstrikes or more airstrikes – are arguably worse. Under a more ambitious strategy, the United States would through diplomacy help rebuild the internationally recognised government of Yemen, which nominally brings together anti-Houthi factions but is in fact fragmented and weak. Only this option has a realistic prospect of modifying the balance of power inside Yemen and containing the Houthis' regional threat. Otherwise, the Houthis are likely to consolidate power, which would be a tragedy for the Yemeni people given the brutality of Houthi rule, and present a perennial danger to regional security given their ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Europe’s approach to minilateralism in the security sector and how it influences its Indo-Pacific security policy. It argues that Europe has an ad hoc bottom-up approach to minilaterals in the sense that groups of states take initiatives to address new challenges that are informally coordinated with EU institutions and then tested in practice. If successful in attracting additional member state participation and achieving objectives, these minilaterals are transformed into EU policies. This approach has not only been used within Europe to establish initiatives such as Permanent Structured Cooperation in defense, but also in the Indo-Pacific with France and Britain initiating freedom of navigation operations in the mid-2010s to create a maritime security footprint for Europe that is now formally recognised as part of the EUs Indo-Pacific strategy. It is argued that the European approach is effective in testing the viability of a new policy on a small scale and then slowly build a constituency of supporters that is large enough to obtain approval at EU level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although grey zone and hybrid threats, such as cyberattacks, information campaigns, and sabotage against critical infrastructure, are becoming increasingly common in the contemporary world, relatively little attention has been directed to similar threats in the maritime environment. The recent global pandemic, Russian aggression against Ukraine, the Nord Stream sabotage in 2022, the sabotage of the Finnish-Baltic pipeline in 2023 in the Baltic Sea, as well as drone attacks on shipping in the Persian Gulf are but a few examples that illustrate the fragility of international maritime communications. The present article explores the topic of grey zone and hybrid threats within the maritime environment. Based on an analysis of recent security events, particularly hybrid threats in the maritime environment, the article proposes that it is essential to seek a broader role for naval forces in supporting national sovereignty and international law and order regarding the Open Seas. The article aims to conceptualize and explore the foundations of maritime grey zone threats and the new roles of naval forces operating within this new context, asking whether the UN, through the International Maritime Organization, NATO, and the European Union, suffer from "sea blindness" concerning how they are preparing for the new world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For long India has aspired to take leadership in the Indian Ocean region and emerge as, firstly the regional ‘net security provider’ and later as the ‘preferred security partner’ for regional states. But it seems to have fallen short of expectations by not asserting itself as a major naval power, perhaps overshadowed by a large presence of the US Navy which has been traditionally seen as the underwriter of regional security. However, this may no longer be the case as recent maritime developments indicate that the Indian Navy has now emerged as not just the most preferred security partner for most regional states but also the ‘go to’ navy for extra-regional navies. This paper looks at how India’s view of the Indian Ocean has evolved since independence from a vocal advocate of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace leading to its transformation under the current BJP-led Modi government that we now witness as the ‘guardian of the Indian Ocean’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maritime transport is crucial for global trade, as over 80% of goods are transported by sea. Recent conflicts have exposed the vulnerability of shipping routes to disruptions. Therefore, devising an optimal plan for naval escort operations is critical to ensure that ships are safely escorted. This study addresses the naval escort operation problem by constructing a mixed-integer programming model that integrates escort scheduling of the warship with the speed optimization of liner ships, aiming to minimize overall cargo delay and fuel consumption costs while ensuring the protection of all ships. The results indicate that as the number of container ships increases, ships wait longer before departure with the warship, leading to a higher average delay cost per ship. For instances with a single ship type, ships have similar sailing speeds on different legs. The proposed model balances cargo delivery timeliness with carbon emission reduction, enhancing economic viability and environmental sustainability in crisis-prone maritime scenarios. Future research should explore real-time data integration and adaptive strategies to improve naval escort operations' robustness and responsiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relevance. The relevance of the ongoing scientific work is due to the need to develop reasonable proposals to improve the legal regulation of international cooperation in the field of emergency prevention and response in the Arctic. Purpose. The article is devoted to the activities of international organizations in the Arctic region in order to establish and justify ways to harmonize international interstate interaction and develop an international legal framework for cooperation and mutual assistance in the sphere of prevention and response to emergency situations in the Arctic. Methodology. The basis of the research are general scientific methods, and also the methods of formal legal and comparative legal analysis. Results. The analysis of 7 international organizations operating in the sphere of prevention and response to emergency situations in the Arctic region was done. The research of activities of the above organizations in the sphere of interstate interaction indicates the readiness of the Arctic states to jointly confront emergency situations and their consequences. It is unacceptable to make issues of this interaction dependent on geopolitical and other interests. Scientifically based proposals have been formulated to improve the legal regulation of international cooperation within the framework of international organizations in the sphere of prevention and response to emergency situations in the Arctic region. Conclusions. It seems that constant work is needed to improve the activities of international organizations and their legal regulation both at the global level and in the specialized spheres of emergency prevention and response. Practical implications. The results of the research can be applied in the spheres of international politics and international law.

The increase in the threat of crime in the Sulu and Sulawesi Seas in recent years has caused the countries bordering the two seas, namely Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines, to agree to form a trilateral cooperation called INDOMALPHI in 2016. The 2017 attack on Marawi City, Philippines, by a group affiliated with an international terrorist network has added to the security vulnerabilities in the Sulawesi and Sulu Seas. Despite being constrained by the COVID-19 pandemic, trilateral cooperation continues with all its limitations, namely through online meetings. Until 2022, through the Ministry of Defense, the three countries will strengthen the trilateral cooperation agreed in Malaysia again. This study uses a maritime insecurity concept framework with a qualitative approach that uses a literature study data collection method consisting of books, journal articles, official ASEAN websites, and online news sites. The results of the study show that there are still threats that cause maritime insecurity, which encourages the strengthening of trilateral cooperation by Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines in 2022 in order to realize maritime security in the Sulu and Sulawesi Sea regions.

Objective: To explain the indicators and components affecting the military dimension of the maritime security of the IRIran in the Caspian Sea and its sub-goals, to explain the challenges of the maritime security of the IRIran in the Caspian Sea and to identify the most important military factors affecting the maritime security IRIran in the Caspian Sea and determining the relationships between indicators and components affecting the military dimension of maritime security IRIran is in the Caspian Sea.Methodology:The type of applied research and its approach is mixed and descriptive-analytical and content analysis. The statistical population of this research is 90 people. Qualitative data analysis with the method (data classification, processing and judgment) and quantitative data with descriptive analysis method and inferential analysis of the collected data using the test Chi2 and using software SPSS has been evaluated.Findings:One of the important findings is that the significant presence of the AJA Navy in the Caspian Sea, as well as the special attention of the relevant authorities to international relations and the development of maritime defense diplomacy in order to strengthen the maritime security of the IRIran in the Caspian Sea. Results: By calculating the inferential values in the three military and security dimensions, the economic dimension and the political and legal dimension and comparing with the critical values, all indicators and components related to the three dimensions have been confirmed. According to the calculated agreement coefficient, the relationship of all indicators with components and dimensions was confirmed.

INTRODUCTION. In modern international and domestic maritime law, regional fragmentation of legal regulation is becoming more and more noticeable, which, in turn, objectifies and actualizes the formation of complex arrays of legal norms, united by the consistency of the political and legal positions of the contracting states that have national interests in the relevant water area, primarily-coastal states extending their state sovereignty to certain areas of maritime space. In this context, the Greater Mediterranean region should be considered as one of the most important in the world merchant shipping and naval support of international peace and security, as a basin that optimally connects the Atlantic and Indian Oceans from the point of view of logistics, which requires the formation of an appropriate scientific and methodological basis for full implementation of the fundamental principle of international cooperation in the maritime policy of the states of the region.MATERIALS AND METHODS. To substantiate the expediency of singling out the Greater Mediterranean as an independent object of legal regulation, general and special international legal treaties, the domestic legislation of the Mediterranean states, as well as political and legal documents indicating the existence of certain disputes and situations around certain zones of the Mediterranean water area, primarily – in the Eastern Mediterranean region. To obtain reliable and substantiated results of the study, methods of scientific knowledge were used: formal-legal, logical, historical-legal, system-structural analysis. Thus, the formal legal method made it possible to clarify the content and meaning of international legal treaties concluded at different times and aimed at regulating public relations in the maritime sphere. The logical method made it possible to substantiate the need for comprehensive international cooperation of the coastal states of the Greater Mediterranean. With the help of the historical and legal method, an overview was made of both the world, Soviet and Russian practice of applying the norms of domestic and international law on issues related to ensuring international law and order in the Greater Mediterranean region. The logical method made it possible to build the necessary connections and patterns of development of international legal regulation in the Greater Mediterranean region in the general context of ongoing universal and regional political and legal processes and transformations. Using the method of system-structural analysis, it was possible to display a holistic picture of law-making and law enforcement of the Mediterranean states, aimed at the formation of unified principles and norms for the exercise of the sovereign rights of coastal states.RESEARCH RESULTS. International maritime merchant shipping seems to be a very complex area of public relations with a large number of entities that have different legal status and, accordingly, are related to each other in a very different way.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. This work is devoted to the study of the main trends in the development of the Greater Mediterranean region in terms of formulating key international legal guidelines and rules of conduct for its constituent states. The object of the study is the legal relations carried out in the maritime spaces of the Greater Mediterranean as one of the key regions, which, along with its economic and political significance, is an integral zone for the implementation of the national interests of the Russian Federation, extending to the entire World Ocean.

Maritime security is an essential component of national security, and the effective maintenance of China's maritime security urgently needs a complete guarantee of the rule of law. Since the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the construction of domestic law on maritime security has undergone three phases: slow development, formation and refinement. Although the rule of law in the seas has been constantly improved, it has provided essential safeguards for maintaining China's maritime sovereignty, security, and rights and interests. It has facilitated the development of maritime undertakings. However, it still faces problems such as the lack of an explicit constitutional basis, the law of the sea is not an independent departmental law, the absence of the fundamental law of the sea, the lack of operability of marine legislation, and the existence of some gaps in marine laws. Given the problems with the current domestic law on maritime security, it is necessary to make improvements in the following areas: adding marine provisions to the Constitution, formulating the fundamental law of the sea and other marine laws, improving local marine laws, and introducing implementing regulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines four major naval battles (1656, 1657, 1807, and 1915) that took place in the Dardanelles during the Ottoman Empire period. The study analyzes the historical context, causes, course, and consequences of these battles, emphasizing the strategic importance of the Dardanelles. Furthermore, in light of the lessons drawn from these historical events, the article offers recommendations for modern Turkey's maritime security policies. By highlighting the importance of strait defense, naval power, technological superiority, and international cooperation, the article aims to contribute to Turkey's future maritime security strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unmanned vehicles (UVs) have become increasingly important in various scenarios of civil and military operations. The present work aims at the conceptual design of a modular Amphibious Unmanned Ground Vehicle (A-UGV) that can be easily adapted for different types of land and/or water missions with low monetary cost (EUR < 5 k, without sensors). Basing the design on the needs highlighted in the 2021 review of the Strategic Directive of the Portuguese Navy, the necessary specifications and requirements are established for two mission scenarios. Then, a market research analysis focused on vehicles currently available and their technological advances is conducted to identify existing UV solutions and respective characteristics/capabilities of interest to the current work. To study and define the geometry of the hull and the configuration of the A-UGV itself, preliminary computational structural and fluid analyses are carried out to ensure it complies with the specifications initially established. As a result, one obtains a fully electric vehicle with approximate dimensions of 1050 × 670 × 450 mm (length–width–height), enabled with 6 × 6 traction capable of reaching 20 km/h on land, which possesses amphibious capabilities of independent propulsion in water up to 8 kts and an estimated autonomy of over 60 min. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Southeast Asian states are frequently viewed as jealously guarding their sovereignty and unwilling to delegate authority to multilateral organisations or private actors. In the contemporary response to regional piracy and armed robbery at sea (PAR), however, insurers and shippers have come to occupy a central governance role while the fortunes of private security actors (PSAs) have declined. Why? This paper conducts a qualitative case study analysis examining the evolving role of shipping and insurance companies and PSAs in the development and implementation of anti-PAR policies in Southeast Asia today. It argues that while the role of PSAs has diminished due to growing regional governance capacities, regional countries and multilateral regulatory frameworks have enlisted insurers and shippers as governance stakeholders, elevating them from beneficiaries of good order at sea to active shapers of this maritime order. The diverging experiences of PSAs and insurers/shippers demonstrate that the regulatory power relationship between states and private actors is not necessarily zero-sum as the role of insurers and shippers has grown even as state capacities have expanded. Ultimately, the paper illustrates the need to go beyond state- and PSA-centric analyses of maritime governance mechanisms in contemporary Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Subsea infrastructure is typically out of sight, but in recent times, seldom out of mind. The sabotage of the Nord Stream pipelines in October 2022 has magnified the vulnerability and critical importance of subsea infrastructure. It also exposed a lack of understanding on how subsea networks operate, how they are regulated, who controls them and how they are protected. Ireland matters in this context. Despite its official policy of neutrality, Ireland occupies an important strategic position in terms of transatlantic telecommunications cables between the United States, Britain and continental Europe. The conflict in Ukraine has amplified tensions in this context in terms of the increased threat of grey-zone/hybrid warfare activity. This article will consider for the first time how a global connectivity hub on the western periphery of Europe governs critical underwater infrastructure. It will discuss the context and agencies involved in subsea cable governance in Ireland and identify the gaps in this protection before formulating suggestions for the long-term improvement of Ireland's maritime security capacity. The Irish case is important as it can help inform defence policy and security practice in other island states with large maritime jurisdictions and in particular states with small navies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maritime security governance is crucial for Indonesia, the world's largest archipelago spread across a vast water area about the size of the United States. The existence of several law enforcement institutions to uphold Indonesian laws made governance and authority fractured and weak. Consequently, BAKAMLA was established to improve Indonesian maritime security governance by synergising and monitoring law enforcement at sea. Despite being supported politically by Indonesian President Joko Widodo, institutionally, BAKAMLA remains underperforming. This article discusses whether the existence of BAKAMLA fulfils Indonesia's political and security needs to have an integrated coast guard institution. The article considers relevant literature and the research phase employed in-depth interviews with stakeholders of Indonesia's law enforcement officers at sea. This article concludes that BAKAMLA is still relevant if significant adjustments are made to institutional empowerment by revising and harmonising relevant laws. Such revision reflects the aspirations of political support and will from the Indonesian government to BAKAMLA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study was done because there are more national, cross-border, and foreign threats at South Africa's Maritime Ports of Entry. The goal of the study was to make South Africa's Maritime Ports of Entry more secure. Two Maritime Ports of Entry, which will henceforth be referred to as Port of Entry 'A' and Port of Entry 'B', were purposively sampled for this study, based on specific criteria. Online interviews were used to collect data for this study. Data was analysed and interpreted using the thematic analysis process. Because of the pre-existing threats, vulnerabilities and security risks, it has been difficult for marine port of entry security personnel to reduce threats, prevent vulnerabilities and eliminate security risks. The study recommended enhancing human resources and physical protection systems (PPS) and establishing a centre for processing security information and intelligence to reduce the current security threats, prevent vulnerabilities and mitigate the risks at Maritime Ports of Entry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the maritime security pillar of India's Indo-Pacific Outlook Initiative (IPOI) in Southeast Asia and its far-reaching impact on Vietnam. The study utilizes the analytical framework of neorealism, liberalism, and constructivism to examine the objectives and intentions of India's IPOI and ASEAN's AOIP in the context of strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific. The author's findings reveal a significant convergence of strategic interests between IPOI and AOIP, which brings numerous and tremendous benefits to Vietnam, such as fostering the Vietnam-India comprehensive strategic partnership and equipping Vietnam to tackle challenges from the rise of China. The rise of China, strategic competition among major powers, and the increasing significance of the Indo-Pacific have spurred India and ASEAN to develop their visions to adapt to the Indo-Pacific concept. However, the implementation of IPOI in Southeast Asia still faces several limitations, primarily due to the divergent understanding and goals of IPOI, which places a premium on maritime security, and AOIP, which is more focused on naval cooperation. Furthermore, differences in the perceptions of India and ASEAN on maritime security also contribute to these limitations, highlighting the need for further research and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Second World War, the United States has been the pre-eminent naval power and ultimate guarantor of global maritime security. It has also been one of the primary beneficiaries of the global maritime economic system, which in turn resourced its naval strength and increased the incentive to use that strength to protect the freedom of the seas. But a number of global changes, all likely beyond the United States’ control, are driving new dynamics in both security and economics in the maritime domain. These challenges include the return of great power competition at sea, the maritime consequences of climate change, increased pollution, the rapid rise of illicit trade and resource exploitation, and the erosion of maritime governance.These challenges are dynamic and inter-related—a change in one will often drive second and third order changes in the others. The United States has proven historically to be resilient and adaptive in the face of great challenges, and the maritime community has traditionally been a leader in innovation, collaboration, and positive-sum solutions. To meet the challenges of today and tomorrow, the United States should double down on those strengths, and work with allies to maintain and strengthen the rules-based international maritime system. Moreover, the United States should be a leader in envisioning changes to that system that will ensure it equitably meets the needs of all, accounts for the changes being driven by climate change and pollution, and anticipates a near-term future where autonomous systems will play a major role in the ecosystem.

This article revisits the traditional definition and concept of seaworthiness against the backdrop of technological developments in maritime transport and maritime law. These developments in the maritime industry, coupled with the increasing volume of maritime commerce, have affected the traditional doctrine of seaworthiness and necessitate its redefinition. Of the many developments, this article focuses on maritime security generally and cyber-risk and hence cyber-worthiness in particular. The article argues that cyber risk management, as a part of maritime safety and security standards, should be reflected in the modern doctrine of seaworthiness. It is problematic to provide a generally acceptable uniform definition for seaworthiness in maritime law, because the concept is both relative and technical. Furthermore, and considering the components of a seaworthy ship, the need to assess new systems related to technology used in ships and safety in navigation, and to determine whether a ship can be deemed “cyber-secure” has become essential.

More than 80 percent of world trade is transported by sea. Maritime piracy negatively affects international maritime transport and trade. The aim of the study is to analyze maritime piracy attacks between 2015-2022 and during the coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) period. In the study, a literature review, main reasons and statistics for piracy and armed robbery attacks, international efforts to combat maritime piracy were examined and maritime piracy attacks were analyzed in 2015-2022 and the COVID-19 period. The results of the main findings are as follows; the most piracy attacks occurred in 2015, the most attacks were occurred in March-April-May majority of attacks occurred between the hours 24: 00-04: 00, the most attacks occurred in South East Asia, the most types of attacks against to ships was boarded. Marshall Islands-flagged ships were the most attacked. There is a weak statistical relationship between the piracy attacks by months and regions and between the piracy attacks by years and type of attacks. There is no statistical relationship between other variables.

The purpose of this study is not solely to shed light on the maritime cooperation between Pakistan and Turkey but also to analyse whether it has any impact on regional peace. Ergo, this research deals with a crucial question, what effect does Pakistan-Turkey maritime cooperation have on regional peace? In order to answer this question, this study uses the balance of power theory. Pakistan ought to balance its naval power with that of its rival India in order to accomplish peace and prosperity in the region. At present, the two countries are asymmetrical in terms of military power. Since 1947, they have fought four wars, which have seriously affected the peace of the entire region. To acquire regional peace and prosperity, Islamabad and Ankara have gone beyond religious, political, and cultural relations and turned to maritime cooperation. Turkey has become Pakistan's second-largest arms export partner, exporting modern submarines, frigates, destroyers, and other equipment over the past 20 years. Since 9/11, they have held numerous bilateral and multilateral naval exercises to deal with any form of maritime security threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey is labelled an emerging middle power and aspiring to play a more visible role in world affairs with Africa as one prominent region where Turkey expanded its diplomatic presence. Turkey's growing presence in Africa unfolds along hard and soft diplomatic endeavours with each avenue featuring its own objectives and set of policy instruments to pursue Turkish foreign policy goals. Overall, the countries featuring within Turkey's Africa policy drive include several coastal states like Sudan, Somalia, Eritrea, Nigeria, and Libya. While Libya represents an aggressive Turkish response, other coastal states like Somalia, Sudan and Eritrea receive security sector support encased in softer capacity building terms. On balance, demarcating and describing the maritime and naval avenues of Turkey's diplomacy and how Africa features in this shift are underplayed in the growing body of literature on Turkey's African agenda. To this end, Turkey's security objectives, the use of its military assets, and mixing soft and hard diplomatic instruments offer scope to also explore the maritime security, and naval diplomacy avenues of Turkey's interests in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent maritime cybersecurity accidents reveal that shipping is facing increased exposure to cyber threats, especially due to the fast-growing digitalisation of the sector, leaving vessels and their onboard systems vulnerable to cyberattacks. This research aims at evaluating the relationship among the critical dimensions influencing cybersecurity performance in the maritime industry. To achieve this, six critical dimensions related to cybersecurity preparedness are first identified through literature review, namely 'regulations', 'company procedures' from a managerial perspective and 'shipboard systems readiness', 'training and awareness', 'human factor' and 'compliance monitoring' at an operation level. A Likert-scale questionnaire is designed and used to collect empirical data from 133 seafarers and shore-based staff. Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) is applied to examine the causal relationships between the six dimensions and shipboard cybersecurity performance. The results show that 'regulations' positively influence shipping companies' cybersecurity-related 'procedures', which in turn positively affects 'shipboard systems readiness', 'training and awareness', and 'monitoring'. Further, 'training and awareness' positively influences the cybersecurity performance of ships. The results have profound implications for the shipping industry on how to strengthen their cyber practices in order to improve their cybersecurity performance. Recommendations for future academic research related to maritime cybersecurity are also provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The port of Gwadar is the backbone of the CPEC project. This research posits the geo-economics and geopolitical significance of Gwadar port for China and Pakistan. A qualitative research approach is used to analyze Gwadar port in the changing maritime scenario. This research has adopted a unique geo-economics theory approach to comprehensively examine Gwadar port's significance in China and Pakistan's economic and political relations. The study is based on geopolitical, and economic determinants for the geo-economics, geopolitical, and maritime security significance of Gwadar port. Official reports and government documents are used for data analysis. The findings show that Gwadar port could be a solution to the economic security targets of China and Pakistan. China will gain economic, energy, and maritime security by finding an alternate, more secure route for the supply of oil and export of goods and better access to markets of Central Asia, Europe, and the USA. Moreover, Pakistan is expected to observe a significant rise in maritime trade capacity to support the dwindling economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines hybrid threats to maritime transportation systems and their governance responses; focusing on the congested Straits of Malacca and Singapore (SOMS) as an illustrative case study. The methodology combines secondary sources with primary data from 42 expert interviews, a 28 respondent survey, and two maritime security roundtables. Key findings were that ships' critical systems are increasingly interconnected, yet aging IT infrastructure and minimal cybersecurity awareness among crews heighten risks. Meanwhile, regional terrorist groups have previously targeted shipping and shown considerable skill in exploiting online tools, aligning with broader calls for jihadist violence. Furthermore, opportunistic piracy persists in the SOMS with the potential to disrupt shipping. Experts confirmed that maritime cybersecurity lags behind other critical infrastructure sectors and needs updated governance. Initial International Maritime Organization (IMO) guidelines lack specificity but revisions and updated IMO guidance are in process, while Port state implementation of maritime cybersecurity standards varies. Crucially, information sharing remains inadequate, even as recorded attacks increase. Findings underscore that although major hybrid incidents have not occurred, simulations and threat actors' capabilities demonstrate potential for catastrophic collisions or cascading disruption in congested waterways. Mitigating factors like redundancy and crew training are deficient currently. Some alignment between SOMS states on maritime security cooperation exists, but not on cyber threats specifically. Key recommendations include an anonymous cyber attack reporting system, reinforced training and shipboard systems, and consolidated regional frameworks. Until these priorities are addressed, the analysis concludes that hybrid vulnerabilities in this vital global chokepoint remain a serious concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employee performance has been a critical theme which has received global attention in the mainstream literature of public sector governance. In developing countries, the need for employee performance is backed up by public dismay on declining public sector performance. Some of the causes attributed to low performance are the meagre resources allocated to the public sector and the existing formal rules and regulations which mould the behaviour of employees. So far, the existing informal social rules which also regulate the behaviour of employees have received little attention. This article is therefore set to explore the relationship between the formal institutional framework, the informal social rules and the availability of resources on one hand, and employee performance within Tanzania's maritime sector on the other. Accordingly, the study adopted a mixed approach with a case study of the Tanzania Port Authority in Dar es Salaam. To this end, a stratified simple random sampling technique was used to get a sample of 318 respondents for a questionnaire and a purposeful sampling technique was used to get a sample of 30 respondents for in-depth interviews. Quantitative data were analysed through descriptive statistics of employee performance variables and interviews were analysed through a thematic approach to get in-depth information concerning the influence of formal and informal institutions and resources on employee performance. The study found that employees' performance behaviour at Dar es Salaam port authority is regulated by formal system such as the Open Performance Review and Appraisal System and informal channels of communication. The formal rules define the targets to be reached by each employee but the informal social rules and the resources provide the conditions to achieve the predetermined target. Points for practitioners: Public managers should be aware that employee performance in the public sector is a function not only of formal rules and regulations in place but also of the availability of resources and the informal social rules which set the conditions and influence the way public officials perform their daily duties and responsibilities in the public office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Quad has formulated repeated statements confirming their shared interests and common commitment to maritime issues and highlighting the South China Sea as an area of strategic priority. However, beyond diplomatic declarations, the Quad has taken few actions in the maritime domain and none to influence the dynamics of the South China Sea disputes. Why words have not been translated into action is the central question of this article. Comparative analysis involving three variables – interests, stakes and power projection capacity – shows that the members' primary divergence is related to India's deemphasising the preservation of the status quo rules-based maritime order. India is also the member preventing the Quad from moving into coordinated activities, as can be seen by the regularly coordinated diplomatic stances and naval actions conducted trilaterally among the others in the South China Sea. This will sustain the Quad as a secondary actor in the South China Sea disputes. Furthermore, it suggests that whereas Australia and Japan are responding to the evolving geopolitical structure by finding common cause with the United States-led order, India is behaving as a rising power seeking to manage the challenge posed by China while growing into its own great power status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the dynamic scene of naval operations, constant adaptation and innovation are imperative to meeting the challenges and opportunities of technological advances, geopolitical changes and environmental considerations. This article aims to explore the multidimensional landscape of the naval operational environment, offering original insights and solutions to enhance naval capabilities and cooperation on a regional and global scale. From the forefront of technological innovation, onboard unmanned systems integration and artificial intelligence-based decision-making, to strategic adaptability in response to geopolitical dynamics, the study explores the complex interplay between naval strategy and emerging trends, with environmental considerations taking centre stage. The article argues for a collaborative global naval framework, highlighting the importance of international cooperation in addressing common maritime challenges. This framework envisages the creation of alliances, initiatives and partnerships to foster collective security, promote environmental protection and ensure the peaceful use of the world’s oceans. The main objective is to highlight the intersections between technological advances, strategic flexibility, environmental factors and international cooperation in shaping the future of naval operations. Overall, the study aims to engage a diverse audience comprising policymakers, maritime military leaders, researchers, academics and stakeholders involved in maritime security, defence and environmental protection.

Indonesia is a country with enormous water areas with maritime security threats that require high security in their territorial waters including by using submarines, but the number of fleets is not optimal yet because Indonesia is required to have 12 submarines to protect their waters from threats of law violations. Indonesia took steps to build a strong defense posture by procuring submarines technology transfer cooperation with South Korea, this decision was made by Indonesia because of their limited knowledge and ability to design and produce submarines. This study is about a policy review of the effectiveness of the submarine technology transfer roadmap between PT PAL Indonesia and DSME Korea. This study aims to analyze the policy effectiveness of submarine technology transfer policies within the framework of Indonesia's maritime defense and security. Data obtained from interviews and literature were then analyzed using qualitative analysis methods. The research's results show first the batch submarine technology transfer policy had been implemented ineffective in supporting Indonesia's ability to produce its submarines, and there was a gap between the target to be achieved and the technology transfer knowledge that had been obtained, the effectiveness of technology transfer could be increased by improvements in the next cooperation contract to maximize the quality of the submarine. This research concludes that the knowledge of the submarine transfer of technology in the firstbatch is ineffective in supporting the ability to produce submarines, it is necessary to continue technology transfer to the second batch to support Indonesia's target in the ability to build its submarines with still consider the evaluation of the 1st batch to improvements in the next batch of transfer technology and also engage the educational institution, Indonesia Defense University as a knowledge base thus facilitate better output in future technology transfer cooperation.

Maritime transport is crucial for global trade, as over 80% of goods are transported by sea. Recent conflicts have exposed the vulnerability of shipping routes to disruptions. Therefore, devising an optimal plan for naval escort operations is critical to ensure that ships are safely escorted. This study addresses the naval escort operation problem by constructing a mixed-integer programming model that integrates escort scheduling of the warship with the speed optimization of liner ships, aiming to minimize overall cargo delay and fuel consumption costs while ensuring the protection of all ships. The results indicate that as the number of container ships increases, ships wait longer before departure with the warship, leading to a higher average delay cost per ship. For instances with a single ship type, ships have similar sailing speeds on different legs. The proposed model balances cargo delivery timeliness with carbon emission reduction, enhancing economic viability and environmental sustainability in crisis-prone maritime scenarios. Future research should explore real-time data integration and adaptive strategies to improve naval escort operations’ robustness and responsiveness.