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This article examines California Spanish-Mexican and Indigenous women's counternarratives and critiques of U.S. geopolitical conquest in the former Catholic Spanish and Mexican northwest. California women's testimonios (oral accounts) and written observations in the nineteenth century repudiated the notion that the West under Spanish and Mexican rule had not already undergone imperial projects of cultural civilization and political progress. They questioned the validity of Anglo assertions of cultural superiority, honor, and progress. While their testimonies reveal parallels between Anglo and Spanish-Mexican aims in colonizing California, these women offer unique perspectives of geopolitical conquest in the age of Manifest Destiny and U.S. imperialism. Furthermore, their accounts directly challenge Anglo American women's hagiographies of U.S. military men's exploits in California. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The myth of Manifest Destiny is predicated on the successful annexation of lands desired by U.S. territorial expansionists, particularly during the James K. Polk's presidency (1845-849). But another myth, that Polk accomplished all four of the goals for his presidency, has obscured the fact that one of the biggest prizes desired by annexationists, Cuba, remained out of reach. This essay explores the close U.S.-Cuba relationship in the 1840s, revealing why both supporters and opponents believed Cuban annexation was eminent in the 1840s, even as the U.S. fought a war against Mexico. It also suggests how a more nuanced view of the course of U.S. territorial expansionism can counter the idea of American exceptionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to understand the connection between development, marketing and transformative consumer research (TCR), with its attendant interest in promoting human well-being, this article begins by charting the links between US ‘exceptionalism’, ‘Manifest Destiny’ and modernisation theory, demonstrating the confluence of US perspectives and experiences in articulations and understandings of the contributions of marketing practice and consumer research to society. Our narrative subsequently engages with the rise of social marketing (1960s-) and finally TCR (2006-). We move beyond calls for an appreciation of paradigm plurality to encourage TCR scholars to adopt a multiple paradigmatic approach as part of a three-pronged strategy that encompasses an initial ‘provisional moral agnosticism’. As part of this stance, we argue that scholars should value the insights provided by multiple paradigms, turning each paradigmatic lens sequentially on to the issue of the relationship between marketing, development and consumer well-being. After having scrutinised these issues using multiple perspectives, scholars can then decide whether to pursue TCR-led activism. The final strategy that we identify is termed ‘critical intolerance’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the 19th century the American West played host to the colonial expansion of the United States. This period saw an attempt by the federal government to balance the westward expansion of White settlement spurred, in part, by ideas of Manifest Destiny, with what was then believed to be a humane solution to the "Indian problem." What resulted from these attempts was the reservation system, where native peoples were relocated to reservations to be kept separate from White settlement and guarded by a system of U.S. Army forts. These forts became liminal environments in which the army operated both as the oppressors and protectors of indigenous peoples and lifeways, and also as stages for the display and transmission of European American ideas of social class and personal identity. Commissioned officers at these posts played an important role as actors in the drama of colonial westward expansion, holding identities as both frontiersmen and as bastions of 19th-century American sociocultural norms of social inequality and their expression through material culture. This article examines the material expressions of class represented by artifact assemblages recovered from six commissioned officers' houses at Fort Yamhill and Fort Hoskins. The artifact assemblages from these posts suggest that these army officers not only brought the sociocultural norms of materialism and conspicuous consumption with them to the frontiers, but that they were also highly competitive individuals who were interested in displaying and affirming their identities as colonizers and as members of the sociocultural elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the background, the context and the meanings of the Continental Treaty of Santiago negotiated in 1856 by the ministers of Chile, Ecuador and Peru, taking into consideration a protocol signed by Central American representatives in Washington and the negotiating position of Brazil. Two facets of the initiative are mainly considered: a) the objective of creating a Latin American Confederation, purpose inspired in three previous efforts, and b) the Confederation's role as the first concerted action against U.S. expansionism in the 1850s. Overall, the episode of Continental Treaty substantiates the hypothesis about nineteenth-century perception of the Confederation as a balance of power device in the Western Hemisphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how the Jewish painter and daguerreotypist Solomon Nunes Carvalho produced one of the more ambiguous accounts by a photographer of the early phase of westward expansion during the mid-nineteenth century. Topics covered include Carvalho's participation in war veteran John Charles Frémont's survey of the Santa Fe route, Carvalho's boxes of supplies which he called Pandora's box, and his narrative of the expedition.

In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, board game makers depicted the West as a dangerous place and portrayed Native Americans as both violent savages and children of nature. Early game companies marketed their games by playing up the excitement of the Wild West to appeal to children, while emphasizing the historic, educational, and patriotic aspects of their games to appeal to parents. In this context, games provided a means to simplify complex ideas about manifest destiny, frontiers, identity, and violence in ways that young children could understand. The rise of Civil Rights activism in the 1960s and 1970s splintered the ways game companies portrayed Native Americans and the West. After the 1970s, game manufacturers attempted to appeal to a diverse set of markets in North America and Europe by portraying the West as a place of savage spectacles, as a place of historic interactions, and as a place devoid of conflict or violence. These competing portrayals emphasize the continued importance of the West to American conceptions of identity and the importance of game makers in creating meaningful arguments about the past that help to bridge the world of adults with the world of children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the impact of the U.S.-Mexican War on the population living in the U.S. Southern Plains in the 19th century. It presents a case study of the operation of Bent, St. Vrain & Co., a fur trading and Indian trading business, during the period. The effect of the ideology of Manifest Destiny on some residents of the region is discussed, as well as the implications of the collapse of the company for the territorial expansion.

The article talks about the 19th-century American painter Albert Bierstadt, know for his western landscape paintings. It discusses his pictorial legacy of American exceptionalism and Manifest Destiny. According to Bierstadt, the indigenous inhabitants or Indians made the West complete. His painting "The Last of the Buffalo" is also discussed.

Until recently, it was not economically feasible to install wind turbines in many locations, including in large portions of the states that border the Atlantic Ocean in the United States, due to the low wind speeds. Newer designs allow turbines to be deployed at higher hub heights (>100 m) where wind speeds are greater, and come with longer blades, allowing them to produce significantly more energy at lower wind speeds. We undertake a case study, using rural Sussex County, Delaware, US, to study their economic feasibility. We take an interdisciplinary approach, move beyond theory and general models, and consider micro-scale wind resources (the primary driver of revenue); local site geology, which influences project feasibility and foundation cost; local transmission constraints and expenses related to transmission and connection to the existing electrical grid; local values attributable to the environmental attributes of wind power; operation and maintenance costs (including insurance and replacement parts); land use and zoning considerations, including setbacks from roads, structures and airports; taxes; and rents/royalties. We find the base case levelized cost of energy (LCOE) to be ∼$70/MWh (before accounting for the federal production tax credit) based on a 25 year-life of a wind turbine. Sensitivity analyses are undertaken around project life, project finance, the discount rate, and wind speed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the U.S. President Andrew Jackson's Indian removal policy during the 1830s, U.S. President Donald J. Trump's perspective on American exceptionalism and Nazi German dictator Adolf Hitler's admiration for the U.S.'s territorial expansion during the 19th century. An overview of the relationship between race and U.S. Manifest Destiny is provided.

The article provides an overview of how Niagara function as literary topoi in American imaginaries in Edgar Allan Poe's "A Descent into the Maelström." The Maelstrom offers an early entry within the spiral imagery's archive used to conceptualize de-bordered modes of American writing. The Americanized Norwegian Maelstrom offers the vertiginous stage for the double play of Poe of an extra-national American literature which reproduces the historical expansionism of Manifest Destiny.

This article examines the Native American thinker, William Apess (Pequot), and especially his Eulogy on King Philip (1836), which argues, ironically, that King Philip—the seventeenth century Wampanoag leader who launched the bloodiest rebellion in New England’s history—ought to be embraced as an American pioneer and canonized as a founding father. Apess satirizes conventional founding narratives, even as he upholds the principles of freedom those narratives support. The effect of this irony is to interrupt and invert discourses of progressive history and American patriotism that underlie Manifest Destiny policies, in ways that open spaces for new historical accounts to surface and compete in a force field of agonistic powers. I argue that Apess’s ironic historical revisionism expresses a political theory of hope, one that I contrast with representations of hope by other nineteenth century Native American political thinkers, such as Plenty Coups (Crow). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the symbolic matrix of the North-American political discourse developed by José Vasconcelos in his essay La ra%a cósmica (1925). Vas-concelos' essay contains a paradox: The semiotic and ideological constant incidence of the North-American political discourse in his own thesis on Latinamericanism and anti-North-americanism--these thesis are summarized in Vasconcelos' concepts of misión [Mission] and destino manifiesto [Manifest Destiny], The aproppiation of this North-American Rethoric is determined by two reasons: on one hand, Vasconcelos' subaltern experience; on the other hand, Vasconcelos' strategy to get political support from the North-American community. This paradox could be explained by the notion of enunciation--as developed by E. Benveniste and re-developed under the paradigm of Post-Colonial Studies. According to my reading, in Vasconcelos' essay, under the North-American rethoric, there are two underlying motivations: Vasconcelos' symbolic Split, and the "significant double intention" of his politic enunciation. Keywords-, enunciation, symbolic split, Mission and Manifest Destiny, Latin-Americanism, post-colonialism, anti-North-Americanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As founding editor of the United States Magazine and Democratic Review, John L. O'Sullivan (1813-1895) preached a particular form of Christian nationalism that centered on expansionist fever occurring during the 1830s and 1840s. O'Sullivan's Christian nationalism was known as "Manifest Destiny". He famously coined the term in 1845 while defending the right of the United States to annex the Republic of Texas. The central argument of this essay is that Manifest Destiny, as O'Sullivan articulated it in the pages of the Democratic Review, follows the contours of the innovative and heterodox political religion developed by Elie Kedourie and expounded upon by Anthony D. Smith. O'Sullivan's Manifest Destiny was a conglomerated nationalistic paradigm consisting of elements from Protestant theology, Lyman Beecher's vision for civilizing theWest, and German idealism via George Bancroft's use of historicism in his History of the United States of America, from the Discovery of the American Continent. As a form of Christian nationalism located in the context of antebellum America, Manifest Destiny is helpful to historians as they trace both continuity and change over time in how Americans have self-identified in religious terms since their origin as a collection of colonial, and later independent, polities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the effects of the operations of myth and metaphor on law through a comparison of a United States Supreme Court decision and a novel that deal with the contested trans-racial adoption of an American Indian child. It argues that the United States founding myth of Manifest Destiny-of the divinely ordained fate of the continent to host a (white) Christian state-is determinative of the way in which legal decisions regarding American Indians are made. The myth of Manifest Destiny contains a metaphor of vanished American Indians, such that contemporary American Indians are rendered nearly invisible and whose existence is not easily absorbed into the working of the American legal system. The American Indian Child Welfare Act provides protections against assimilation for indigenous families and community, thus working at cross-purposes to the ultimate aim of Manifest Destiny. What happens in those instances when legal provisions and interpretation run counter to Manifest Destiny? Through the consideration of the situation of a contested adoption, this article reveals the heavy influence of Manifest Destiny in the Supreme Court decision, which is counter to the vision of a pluralistic culture envisioned in both the novel and the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) itself. The consequences of legal resistance to ICWA for American Indian communities and as to the operation of the legal system itself are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights how Americans used intertwined arguments about space and geography to justify and denounce different territorial configurations from the late eighteenth century through the Civil War. These arguments wove together ideas about geography (a set of physical, topographical features) and space (the human constructs that shape movement and human relations) in everything from theoretical arguments about the ideal size of republics to specific ideas about how rivers, mountains, oceans, and other features related to the proper shape of the nation. Americans evoked a variety of assumptions about how the physical landscape shaped human activity. They also made arguments about space and the ways that places were physically, and thus should be politically, connected. Highlighting an underappreciated current of manifest disunion, this article illustrates how different factions used geographic and spatial arguments not only to support and condemn varied expansionist visions, but also to justify disunion and secession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1820 and 1827 approximately 1,800 U.S. citizens immigrated to northern Mexico as part of that country's empresario program, in which the federal government granted foreigners land if they promised to develop and secure the region. Historians have long argued that these settlers, traditionally seen as the vanguard of Manifest Destiny, were attracted to Mexico for its cheap land and rich natural resources. Such interpretations have lent a tone of inevitability to events like the Texas Revolution. This article argues that the early members of these groups were attracted to Mexico for chiefly political reasons. At a time when the United States appeared to be turning away from its commitment to a weak federal government, Mexico was establishing itself on a constitution that insured local sovereignty and autonomy. Thus, the Texas Revolution was far from the result of two irreconcilable peoples and cultures. Moreover, the role that these settlers played in the United States' acquisition of not just Texas, but ultimately half of Mexico's national territory, was more paradoxical than inevitable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mid-nineteenth century territorial growth of the United States was complex and contradictory. Not only did Mexico, Britain, and Native Americans contest U.S. territorial objectives; so, too, did many within the United States and in some cases American western settlers themselves. The notion of manifest destiny reflects few of these complexities. The authors argue that manifest destiny was a partisan idea that emerged in a context of division and uncertainty intended to overawe opponents of expansion. Only in the early twentieth century, as the United States had consolidated its hold on the North American West and was extending its power into the Caribbean and Pacific, did historians begin to describe manifest destiny as something that it never was in the nineteenth century: a consensus. To a significant extent, historians continue to rely on the idea to explain U.S. expansion. The authors argue for returning a sense of context and contingency to the understanding of mid-nineteenth-century U.S. expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians have long tethered American overland migration to U.S. westward expansion, and they have presumed that Americans who left U.S. borders for Oregon and California in the early 1840s desired--and even assumed--that the United States would soon conquer the Far West. This article examines the words and actions of western migrants before U.S. expansion in 1846. It argues that, in fact, migrants left U.S. borders because their economic prospects were poor in the United States and thus that most migrants cared little whether the United States conquered the West in the near future. Indeed, some of the more ambitious migrants were even hostile to U.S. expansion, for they longed for a western republic of their own. Ultimately, Americans who traveled west did not ascribe to the idea of the United States' Manifest Destiny but instead were seeking their own individual destinies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the elegy structure in the ghost story film as of 2023. Topics covered include the film "A Ghost Story's" adaptation of the elegy as an engagement with the history of Manifest Destiny in the American West, the modern elegy's characterization of mourning as unresolved, violent and resistant to closure, and its focus on the present as it provides consolation. Also noted is elegy's presence across media in which it bridges individual and collective loss.

In the period from 1846 to 1858, opponents of Manifest Destiny brought forth a comprehensive critique of the ideology. Relying heavily upon humor, they highlighted its ethical and religious inconsistencies. In doing so, they managed to blunt the appeal ofManifest Destiny, which restrained the growth of the American empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A film criticism is presented for the Western motion pictures "Rio Bravo" directed by Howard Hawks and starring John Wayne and "Lone Star" directed by John Sayles and starring Ron Canada. Topics discussed include the portrayal of the Texas/Mexico borderlands in the films, the ways in which the films portray the concept of Manifest Destiny, and the way in which the film's deal with the concept of American empire.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including manifest destiny of the U.S. expansion, the Texas Revolution, and U.S. foreign relations with Mexico.

In the age of globalization, American Exceptionalism remains a ubiquitous subject of debate within academic circles as well as society in general. The intention of this article is to reveal the coherent narrative that accompanies the notion of exceptionalism that stretches from the 'city upon a hill' in the seventeenth century to the War on Terror in the early 2000s. Puritans like John Winthrop, historians like Alexis de Tocqueville and presidents like Woodrow Wilson embraced exceptionalism as a concept, but its most important base of support, other than political leaders and scholars, was America's working class. The premise of this article is to explore the nature of this very concept, whether we call it an ideology, myth or God-given truth and why it has become such an imperative part of the political, cultural and intellectual life of the United States. By looking at the work that has been administered in the field of American studies over the last decades, dating back to the mid-twentieth century, I wish to expose the malleability of exceptionalism, a quality that not only allows it to reject any definition but also enables it to turn into a metaconcept that will never lose its appeal, according to Donald E. Pease. I argue that the manifold qualities of this metaconcept, whether we call it a political doctrine or a national fantasy, enable the citizens of the United States to define themselves within the framework of a larger American identity. I intend to highlight the problems around the United States' self-proclaimed status as an exceptional nation in a postnational world defined by diasporic and transnational affiliations. By doing so, I will put emphasis on the punitive ideology of exclusion and demonization that surrounds the notion of American Exceptionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion was crucial to how Americans and Mexicans saw their enemies and motivated themselves to contribute to the 1846-1848 war. The very strength of religious attitudes made controlling their effects difficult. Some U.S. troops attacked Mexican Catholicism, inspiring Mexican resistance. Conversely, Mexican authorities sometimes sought to limit religiously inspired resis-tance. Furthermore, at a key moment some Mexicans felt their religious concerns required them to violently oppose their own government. Mexican negotiators gained protections for Catholics in the territory transferred by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, but anti-Catholic politicians in the U.S. Senate eliminated these protections before ratifying the treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Often considered the final conquest and ultimate summation of Manifest Destiny, California holds a unique place in the American imaginary. While the popular mythology of the Spanish fantasy has served to obscure the use of violence and racialized oppression throughout the colonization of the American Southwest, traces of such struggle remain in memories of the colonized as they continue to occupy this contested space. This paper examines Carlos Morton's ensemble-based political satire, Rancho Hollywood, and Theresa Chavez's one-woman show, L.A. Real, to navigate the dynamic experience of contemporary Southern Californian racialized identity. These two pieces diverge stylistically but share an inclusive, nuanced approach to making sense of history, exploring the material and epistemological impact of historical representation on Chicana/o identity over time. Rancho Hollywood and L.A. Real counter-identify with the Spanish-fantasy heritage by rejecting stereotyping, questioning sanitized versions of Californian history, and voicing personal narratives that resist dominant regional myths and their associated racial ascriptions. Each play stages alternative versions of history that include personal experience and cultural memory; this transformative, productive approach to identity formation articulates agency over the memory of California. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The popularization of the science of space exploration in America after World War II has its roots in the nineteenth century. Mid-twentieth-century calls to “conquer” space were reanimations of nineteenth-century exhortations to “conquer” the American West in the name of God and to fulfill America’s manifest destiny. Magazine articles, television specials, and films such as Destination Moon (1950) explicitly connected the ephemeral space frontier to the historical Western frontier. In each medium, “space proselytizers,” like artist Chesley Bonestell, engineer Wernher von Braun, and writer Willy Ley, made clear connections between the American frontiersman of the previous century and the twentieth century’s space pioneer. This link is especially apparent in a series of articles on the emerging science of space exploration that ran in Collier’s magazine from 1952 until 1954. Space is viewed as “our new frontier,” and is championed through Bonestell’s paintings and von Braun’s invocation of the material frontier. Von Braun even closes his article by explaining that Americans are ready for a journey to “man’s oldest and last frontier: the heavens themselves.” Thus, the science of space exploration—in the Collier’s articles and elsewhere—was carefully framed as an endeavor analogous to the conquering of the American West. By situating space as humankind’s “last frontier,” the effort required to build a space program could become a moral endeavor and the fulfillment of America’s new manifest destiny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, colonization has been and continues to be enacted in the take-over of Indigenous land and the subsequent conversion of agriculture from diverse food and useful crops to large-scale monoculture and c ash crops. This article uses a land education analysis to map the rise of the ideology and practices of Manifest Destiny in Virginia. Manifest Destiny is the culmination (and continuation) of material and discursive relations that serve as a cover story for the formation (and maintenance) of the settler colonial triad of settlers, Indigenous peoples, and slaves. The article theorizes the settler colonial triad, an important construct of land education that provides a lens through which to investigate political-economic and epistemological links between agriculture, settler colonialism, and environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1850s and 1860s, white settlers perpetrated genocide against California Indians. Militia and regular troops supported by the state and federal governments committed acts of genocide as defined by the United Nations. Government officials, newspaper editors, and pioneers documented the genocide. History and social science textbooks ignore or barely mention murders, rapes, kidnappings, and enslavement of California Indians during the Gold Rush era. The California State Department of Education denies the genocide and textbook companies are silent of Indian genocide in spite of overwhelming evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

While many populations have suffered unique forms of colonial oppression, what these varying populations seem to share is an understanding of the importance of community support and cultural continuity in the face of struggle. Drawing on notions of differential oppositional consciousness and decolonization, this article examines the US National Museum of the American Indian in Washington, DC in light of its efforts to represent a hemispheric indigeneity. The Our Lives gallery exhibit co-curated by the Campo Band of Kumeyaay Indians (whose aboriginal lands straddle the border between the US and Mexico) is analyzed alongside the author's personal reflections of her encounters with the NMAI as a US Chicana/Latina subject. The article urges scholars to recognize how they have been differ entially positioned against power and, furthermore, to acknowledge how and when efforts to decolonize may result in the re-colonization of another already marginalized group. This project asserts that the strength of alliances may not always be built on sameness, but perhaps can be built out of differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay introduces the concept of hemispheric regionalism as a way of understanding the expansive scales of oceanic and hemispheric perspectives. Drawing on Bruno Latour's actor-network theory, hemispheric regionalism flattens the map, and makes visible three things: (1) the different coordinates in play; (2) the importance of the sea in these relations; and (3) the vehicles that travel between different geographic regions. Genre is that vehicle; popular romance mediates the distance and differences across the sea between the US and Cuba in the long nineteenth century. In its ability to retain multiple histories on its surface, the popular romances circulating prior to the Civil War, and long before dime novels, worked to entertain and make sense of the future of US–Cuban relations. The 90-mile waterway between the coasts became the most popular site of literary experimentation in news, notices, and periodicals awash with fascination and anxiety about Cuba. Editor, publisher, and writer Maturin Murray Ballou provides unique insight into the intersection of hemispheric regionalism and the work of romance in the period. It is, ultimately, the genre's capacity to manage multiple points of time along with its broad accessibility that appealed to writers such as Ballou. Through the popular romance, Ballou skillfully negotiated the anachronism of a hemispheric South that included the US and Cuba. Finally, Ballou thrived in a booming literary marketplace making him one of the more successful editors and writers of the antebellum years. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

De Bow's Review was the leading magazine of the South during the antebellum period. This historical study examines the journal's meaning-making about Mexicans and reveals how the magazine, as the principal voice of the section's plantation, commercial, banking, and mining interests, promoted the image of a broken, degenerate Mexico and proclaimed that only the "Anglo-Saxon race" was capable of bringing progress amid the American project of empire-building. Though Mexicans' racial status was unresolved in the 1840s, De Bow's Review correspondents later assigned to them the status of non-masters unit to self-govern and, therefore, fit only to serve and to be ruled by their Anglo-American conquerors. The context of the correspondents' claims of Mexican inferiority suggests that they simultaneously engaged in an unspoken struggle to differentiate the South from the North by defining Mexican inferiority in relation to Southern values of bravery, honor, and dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even before the founding of the Republic, Americans desired to expand Westward taking with them their unique civilization across the continent. By the 1840s this idea of the United States extending its boundaries was encompassed by the phrase Manifest Destiny. Americans not only considered Westward expansion a desirable objective but an endowment from God through which they could take their democratic republicanism across North America. The purpose of this article is to explore American interpretations of Manifest Destiny in the 1840s and 1850s and its environmental impacts on the Western territories, specifically the role which democratic society, Christianity, and capitalism played in transforming the land, nature, and relationships with Native peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A critique of the 1851 essay "Walking" by Henry David Thoreau is presented. It examines the essay's treatment of the subjects of American nationhood and national culture. The author comments on Thoreau's views on expansionism and Manifest Destiny, Englishness, and the American landscape. Themes of "wildness" and "freedom" are also analyzed.

Between the 19th and the mid-20th century, the environmental movement transformed American culture, forcing a rethinking of the 'Manifest Destiny' ideology that had long dominated political thinking toward an understanding of the need to protect and restore the balance between humans and nature. In 1900, there were only a few environmental movement organizations (EMOs), but by 2000, there were over 6,000 national and regional EMOs and over 20,000 local EMOs. What drove this phenomenal growth of EMOs? We examine a 100-year time series of EMO founding, showing that, in addition to the 'legitimation-and-competition' effects of organizational density, EMO founding is facilitated by the discourse-creative activities of critical communities, objective threats in terms of air pollution, foundation giving, and powerful political allies in the presidency and Congress. Environmental discourses also legitimized and competed against one another, favoring 'early risers' and preservationist discourse. Environmental mobilization needs to be understood in terms of the creation of new discursive frames that identify environmental problems, as well as objective environmental threats, resources, and political opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resource and land frontiers have always been a significant focus of geography but have become overlooked in economics and economic history. Yet a critical driving force behind global economic development has been the response of human society to natural resource scarcity, not just through conserving scarce resources but also by obtaining and developing more of them. A handful of theories of how such classic frontier expansion has shaped economic development have been formulated, and these are discussed and reviewed. Evidence from history is cited to illustrate these effects, and the implications for resource-based development in the Contemporary Era (1950 to present) are discussed. Unlike previous eras, the pattern of frontier expansion is dualistic. This has led to less economy-wide benefits from frontier-based development in the Contemporary Era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a historical profile of the economic conditions of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania between 1846 and 1877, focusing on the role played by the expansion of the Pennsylvania Railroad on the city's economic policies. Urban growth in the city during the time period is chronicled and the impact of the concept of manifest destiny on the city's economic ventures is explored. Other topics include public funding of transportation and trade routes, economic elite in Philadelphia, and the influence of the American Civil War on the Pennsylvania Railroad.

The article discusses the legal context of the kapu, or prohibition, on prostitution in Hawaii, including the history of kidnapping women by foreign ships which helped give rise to it. The role that Hawaiian women have played in the European and American imagination, including the fantasy that Hawaiian women were waiting to become the lovers of foreign ship captains and sailors, is discussed. The book "Hawaii," by James Albert Michener and its theme of the U.S.'s manifest destiny is presented. An overview of how Hawaiian prime minister Ka'ahumanu enforced the kapu on prostitution is also discussed.

Abstract: Following a discussion of the concept of war – its definitions, historical origins, 20th–21st century examples, and immediate and legacy costs and consequences – the question of the United States as an empire is explored. The evidence indicates the United States meets all qualifications to be considered an “empire,” specifically a global empire seeking hegemonic economic, political, and cultural control of the world. This evidence includes a worldwide system of military bases, an extensive military–industrial–congressional complex that shapes domestic and foreign policies and actions, and an extensive national security system that now endangers and threatens the legal rights of its own citizens. At the core of U.S. pursuit of empire is a historic commitment to the beliefs in “manifest destiny” and American “exceptionalism.” It is proposed that the process and consequences of much of this are rooted in the existence of a U.S. “culture of war” that dominates U.S. domestic and foreign policies, and their destructive implementation across the world. A “culture of war” is an interlocking system of national meanings, beliefs, behaviors, institutions, and identities that consider violence and war necessary and justifiable in the pursuit of U.S. hegemonic global interests. Given the continuous pursuit of violence and war by the U.S. in the clear absence of security and survival threats, popular views that human beings are instinctually programmed to engage in war appears untenable. A general systems model of the socialization of a “culture of war” in the United States is presented to demonstrate the critical elements and processes involved in its development. The possibility of countering the building of a “culture of war” with building a “culture of peace” is shared in the article''s closing section. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]