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The increasing influence of private interests in public policy has been facilitated by a growth in sources of "alternative" information and expertise. In education, teachers and schools are often the targets of these sources. This has been associated with a new political economy where private interests advance reform agendas largely through funding new information sources that ignore long-standing empirical evidence on factors shaping school outcomes in favor of anecdotes and misunderstandings about issues in education. This manuscript argues "information pollution" relative to U.S. politics and policy is presently at crisis levels, and that it is particularly acute relative to education policy. In this policy area, we show how special interests are using (mis)information strategies to purportedly elevate parent voices but are in effect promoting the interests of private actors and de-professionalizing both expertise and educators. We seek to understand this major issue, placing it within a broader sociopolitical context. The concluding discussion considers what might be required to move in a healthier direction that would bring U.S. education policy and practice into closer alignment with evidence and expertise.

School choice research has provided some initial understandings of how parents choose schools. Parents' school options are bounded to differentiated choice sets--the menu of school options that parents construct when making school selections. The geographical location where families live and schools are located and families' race and class differences appear to play a role shaping the constriction of choice sets. In this article, we describe a theoretical framework to address two limitations of research on school choice sets: limited attention to students with disabilities and dichotomization of space and place. We advance a framework that fuses critical notions of space with critical notions of disability and race. This framework allows theorizing on how the construction of school choice sets is shaped by structural and individual factors related to the interactions of students' race and disability and geographical location.

The growth of school choice options such as charter schools is often understood as a way to meet the needs of under-represented communities, but concerns have been raised as to the diversity of those promoting and leading such options, as well as for the voices of those whose schooling is being reformed. Garrett Wilson and Christopher Lubienski examined governing boards in one of the most popular chains of charter schools, finding that public school boards are often smaller and more diverse with broader racial and female membership. They explore reasons for these patterns and discuss implications for democratic governance of public education.

In recent decades, policymakers around the globe have adopted market mechanisms such as consumer-style choice, provider autonomy and competition. Such policies may improve educational equity since families can choose options outside of their assigned local school. Yet research from multiple countries is finding a link between greater use of such policies and increases in social segregation in schooling. This comprehensive analysis is a first step in examining the specific policies and institutional and contextual factors that may alleviate or exacerbate different types of student sorting. Rather than focus only on the question of causation, we instead examine the potential pathways through which market mechanisms might impact student sorting, and highlight the role of incentives in shaping these pathways. In specifying several such pathways, we then present a framework through which further research might conceptualize and theorize the relationship between market mechanisms and student opportunity.

In this article, we map the expansion of geographic approaches in education policy scholarship in the last two decades. Our main objective is to trace key contributions, illuminating moments and turns from multiple epistemological perspectives within the scholarship of education policy and from the field of (human) geography. In doing so, we discuss how different types of methodological frameworks have developed, contributing to new and innovative geospatial methodologies in recent years. Following that, we note the extent to which the reassertion of critical perspectives into geospatial analyses has affected and could affect education policy and scholarship.

National philanthropies have recently played a prominent role in spending on U.S. urban school board elections, largely seeking to promote candidates who support charter schools. In Atlanta in 2017, 30 candidates competed for nine open school board seats. One practice has been to fund intermediary organisations (IOs) (e.g. advocacy groups, foundations) that disseminate information and research in an effort to shape public opinion. This paper analyses the role of IOs in the 2017 school board race in Atlanta. Drawing on 12 interviews with policymakers and IO representatives, analysis of campaign literature, and media accounts, the authors contrast the ways in which the intermediary and philanthropic sectors attempted to influence leaders’ framing of educational policy issues. Findings reveal a nascent capacity for IOs in Atlanta for shaping support for pro-charter board candidates. The paper discusses implications for understanding the role that IOs may play in the politics of urban education.

This discussion offers an overview of the articles and themes developed by the papers in this special issue on Chicago school reform, and also some critical comments on such scholarship. It highlights how these reforms are not organic, as they are often portrayed, but are instead a result of strategic efforts by policymakers and special interests. As the authors of these articles show, these reforms essentially experiment with education "innovations" on poor and minority children in a context where segregation appears to be increasingly accepted. But while the efforts of equity-minded researchers in addressing these issues should be lauded, this discussion goes further and offers some critical commentary on researchers' use of language, arguing that we too often alienate ourselves from both the policymakers we seek to influence and from the people we seek to help. By adopting exclusive language common in critical theory's attack on "neoliberalism," scholars may try to enhance their own credibility by demonstrating familiarity with obscure terminology, but in doing so, may be creating another echo-chamber which excludes them from policy discussions that can effect substantive change.

The normalization of school choice in the education system is purported to provide more schooling options for all families, particularly those who do not have the means to move into affluent areas with "better" schools. Nonetheless, it is still unclear to what extent the policy of school choice has been effective in achieving the goal of providing more choices for marginalized families. This paper aims to fill this gap by examining the K-12 school choice practices and patterns of marginalized urban families, with a focus on their spatial positions and dispositions, in what is arguably one of the most rapidly diversifying and polarizing cities in the world, Vancouver, Canada. An innovative mixed-methods critical geographic approach is used to better understand the families' school choice participation and related mobility patterns "geospatially," while exploring their choices "phenomenologically."

A growing body of research investigates how intermediary organizations (IOs) and their networks navigate, promote, and produce evidence on social media. To date, scholars have underexplored blogs, an important milieu in which IOs produce and disseminate information. In this analysis, we broaden the emerging scholarship on evidence brokering by examining how IOs and individual and independent bloggers broker knowledge via education policy blogs on charter schools and related education policy. Although blogging can potentially enhance knowledge production and dissemination, our findings demonstrate that bloggers often promote research evidence of uneven quality and scientific rigor.

Background: Extant literature has consistently indicated that access to charter school markets is shaped by social geography. Given interest in location shown by charter schools and parents, estimating potential spatial access to charter schools has become instrumental in understanding equal opportunities for charter school enrollment in metropolitan areas with preexisting residential segregation. Purpose: By considering the increasing significance of sociogeography, this article asks whether students have equal opportunities for potential spatial access to charter schools across communities and how disparities in charter school access are related to housing patterns. Setting: This study focuses on 122 charter schools in the New York metropolitan region, a highly segregated metropolitan area in the United States where charter schools are a primary component of education reform. Research Design: The first part of this study illustrates patterns of spatial accessibility of the area's charter schools, within a 20-minute commuting time, to students aged 5-13 years by employing the enhanced two-step floating catchment area method using a Gaussian function. The next part of the study tests the hypothesis that students are able to access charter schools equitably and irrespective of their place of residence. The spatial lag regression model is used to compare distributions of potential spatial accessibility with 15 demographic and socioeconomic variables. Findings: Even after controlling for disproportionate population sizes by census tract, the potential need for charter schools is matched inequitably with the supply of educational service providers. The spatial lag regression results indicate that children in areas less accessible to charter schools within a convenient travel period tend to be exposed to communities with more populations of color, higher unemployed groups, and less expensive housing. Conclusions: The findings offer empirical evidence that access to charter school differs depending on demographic and socioeconomic attributes, in significant combination with geography, illuminating charter school location strategies in real-world contexts. Though charter schools have been promoted as a vehicle to offer significant equity advantages across politically designed and strictly operated school attendance boundaries, charter schools in metropolitan New York exercise a distinct and profound form of pseudo-zoning by use of location strategies to exclude certain children who may be considered less desirable.

The primary justification for school voucher programs in the United States has revolved around questions of efficacy, especially relative to student achievement outcomes. More recently, however, a series of studies revealed sizable negative impacts on students enrolled in voucher programs. Collectively, these studies presented an evidentiary sea-change and undercut voucher advocates' traditional claims regarding achievement impacts, presenting an opportunity for us to examine the strategies used to advance evidence on vouchers in new and traditional media. We identify several such strategies, including highlighting limitations of student achievement measures; explaining negative results through program particulars (e.g. overregulation or inadequate funding); demonizing opponents; and changing the conversation (e.g. switching to normative claims). We note voucher opponents' activities becoming more frequent and otherwise evolving -- e.g. becoming bolder and combining achievement results with other ideas and arguments to oppose voucher programs. Media coverage of voucher programs and research, more generally, fluctuated significantly according to broader political events. These findings reveal how research evidence can be leveraged in policy discussions and advocacy -- what we call 'strategic dissembling' -- whereby advocates and policymakers adjust in real time to changing empirical conditions as part of their long-term efforts to advance a particular policy agenda.

The increasing involvement of philanthropists in education policy has contributed to the emergence of a dynamic sector of intermediary organizations (IOs), entities that serve a number of functions in school reform, including advocacy, consultation, policy design, alternative teacher and leadership preparation, and research. In recent years, many IOs have converged into coalitions that are pushing for incentivist educational policies like "parent trigger" laws, charter schools, vouchers, and teacher merit pay or sanctions often tied to value added metrics of teacher performance. This article draws on data from a mixed-methods, multiyear study of research use and dissemination. In this article, we examine the role of foundations in a broader advocacy coalition in Denver, Colorado, a key site for various incentivist reforms, including teacher pay-for-performance and charter schools. We find that IOs and their affiliated networks broker the production and use of research evidence, often targeting government and education policymakers, journalists, and increasingly, influential bloggers and social media communities. This brokering function positions foundations as the "hub" of research production, promotion, and utilization.

New conceptions of public governance across nations have taken hold globally. In this article, we explore the involvement and expansion of a broad range of actors in public services delivery, beyond the remit of traditional government. While there are common features of this trend, variations reflect the significance of context-sensitive policy, which consider national, state/provincial, and local factors, including governance structures. We report findings from our critical comparative policy analysis, which examines civil society actors as funders of public schooling in Toronto, Canada; Melbourne, Australia; and New Orleans, USA. Specifically, we identify the actors contributing financially to schools in these cities, and the policies that encourage and enable them to take on this new funding role. We highlight similarities and variations between practices and policies in the sites and present factors that give rise to them. We discuss implications of these actors' participation as funders and implications for democratic education.

This study treats Indiana (2010-2018) as a case in which to examine media-based coverage, deliberation, and ethical and empirical framings as school choice reforms were being taken up and as they evolved and accelerated. Within this time-frame, Indiana transformed into a leading state in school choice reforms. Both repetitive and shifting justifications were noted, with these patterning roughly into three main phases. Arguments were much more frequently ideological than empirical in nature, and advocates generally (and especially in the first two phases) were observed as holding the upper hand, successfully using the media to frame the debate using their terms.

This study examines the factors that shape secondary schools' offerings of academic curricula. While academic curricula provide many benefits to individuals and the larger society, inequalities in opportunities to study these subjects may exist between schools, even in comprehensive secondary education systems. We examine the Australian case as a vehicle for developing a theoretical framework about the causes of stratified and unequal access to academic curricula in comprehensive secondary education systems. We interviewed 17 school leaders from a range of secondary schools about their curricular offerings. All school leaders reported that curricular offerings are based on student choice and that subjects with sufficient demand are financially sustainable. But regardless of student choices, some schools offered academic curricula to maintain their reputation and competitive advantage in the education marketplace. School leaders of low socioeconomic public schools reported the most resource constraints in offering academic curricula, and all school leaders acknowledged systemic constraints related to the large number of curricula that could be offered. The findings highlight how marketisation dynamics combine with curriculum policies to shape schools' curricular offerings in ways that provide unequal access for different types of students.

Locally and globally among policymakers and edupreneurs, what constitutes "good teaching and learning" is highly contested, and prototypes that seem to embody "what works" are highly valued. In the United States, many accept Teach For America (TFA) as an exemplar of "what works." As its U.S. operations continue to grow, TFA has recalibrated and expanded into Teach for All, an international organization with extensive reach. Teach For All not only finds historic roots in TFA, but it reflects TFA's intentional expansion of its theory of change and implementation on a global scale. This exploratory essay investigates the linkages between TFA and TFAll, focusing on theory and implementation of education reform by comparing domestic TFA ideology and practices with those of TFAll. Also, we conceptualize the dimensions and anatomy of a global network of IOs engaged in global education reform. In addition to providing insight on TFAll, our broader goal is to build the knowledge base around what we are calling global Intermediary Organization Networks (IONs).

The efforts of many advocacy organizations to advance their preferred policies despite conflicting evidence of the effectiveness of these policies raise questions about factors that shape successful policy promotion. While many may like to think that expertise on an issue in question is an essential prerequisite for influence in public policy discussions, there is a traditional disconnect between research evidence and policymaking in many fields, including education. Moreover, the efforts of many policy advocates suggest that they see advantages in other factors besides research expertise in advancing their interpretation of evidence for use in policymaking processes. We hypothesize that some of the most influential education-focused organizations are advancing their agendas by engaging media and drawing on individuals who possess substantial media acumen, yet may not possess traditionally defined educational expertise. Thus, we hypothesize that media impact is loosely coupled with educational expertise. In fact, in analyzing various indicators of expertise and media penetration, we find a weak relationship between expertise and media impact, but find significantly elevated media penetration for individuals working at a sub-sample of organizations promoting what we term "incentivist" education reforms, in spite of their generally lower levels of expertise. We find these organizations are particularly effective in engaging new media forms by going directly to their audience. We consider the policy implications in the concluding discussion.

Neoliberalism as a concept, ideology, or theoretical lens has emerged in the last couple of decades as a monolithic presence in education research, and the social sciences more broadly. We bring two aims to this Special Issue: to critique the rigour of neoliberalism as a theoretical framework utilised within education research; and second, to explore and propose an alternative to neoliberalism as a critical frame of analysis. This paper will postulate three-waves of neoliberalism, specifically ordo-liberalism, radical liberalism, and post-neoliberalism. We challenge 'big-N' neoliberalism; conceptualisations of neoliberalism as homogenous and monolithic; and, demonstrate how neoliberalism interacts with particular milieus of time and space. In reflection of Williams but also Foucault's tracing of 'discursive formations', neoliberalism as a keyword points to a genealogy of power which requires further excavation. The notion of an assemblage, enabling mutations and contra configurations, may offer a way forward.

This study focuses on the evolving ethical claims and empirical evidence being advanced within U.S. media relating to voucher-style programs. As such, the research seeks to better understand how and why these policies proliferate, despite scant evidence recommending them. Our specific media focus reflects the recognition that issues, problems, and solutions are defined and set within 'ethical' frameworks through the media, often in efforts to influence the polity. Framed by the concept of 'neoliberalization', the analysis notes dominant discourses and activities by both advocates and opponents around the issue. Specifically, the research reveals shifting ethical assertions. Media-based 'choice for all' advocacy, and support of generalized parent choice/empowerment via voucher reforms, have become more prominent, while advocacy related to expanding choice for the disadvantaged has receded (though with certain high-profile exceptions). Meanwhile, opponents engage in what sometimes appears as more reactionary, though still active, media participation in seeking to challenge such reforms.

Purpose: Much justification for third sector involvement in education advances from the notion that attributes from business and non-profit fields could benefit state-run public schools. The purpose of this paper is to explore this issue by examining theoretical underpinnings and expectations for third sector participation in public education systems, particularly with respect to educational innovations and improvements, and the structural opportunities, incentives, and impediments for such innovation. Design/methodology/approach: The question is how third sector participation shapes the rate, nature, and types of innovations in education as schools interact in response to competitive pressures. This conceptual analysis of the third sector examines the political-economic features and structures of the sector in fostering innovation, with reference to the US sector that was specifically positioned to enhance the innovative capacity of publicly funded education. Findings: The analysis indicates that educational innovations are not necessarily more prevalent in or because of the third sector, and that there are obstacles to their creation and diffusion. Moreover, schools often respond to competitive incentives in ways unanticipated by policymakers, such as school marketing rather than instructional improvement, sometimes in ways detrimental to goals set out for public education, such as social sorting. In fact, instead of the third sector simply developing or incentivizing innovations, there is evidence that this sector has adopted innovations developed in the state sector. Originality/value: The analysis suggests that a third sector based more on a professional, as opposed to a competitive, model may better facilitate the development of innovative capacity in education.

School choice is intended to leverage competition between schools to produce better educational opportunities for disadvantaged students. Yet we know very little about how competition impacts entire populations of schools of different types in distributing educational options across segregated social landscapes. We draw on theories from the literatures on institutional environment, organizational behavior, and positioning strategies to investigate how different types of schools (public, private, and charters) respond to market competition within Metropolitan Detroit's highly competitive and segregated environment. Mapping illustrates patterns of school types that have opened, relocated, and closed relative to socioeconomic and demographic neighborhood contexts. Our analysis explores the location incentive of high vacancy rate as proxy for affordable spaces suitable for new schools. Findings suggest that competitive incentives have similar effects on different types of organizations. (Contains 4 maps, 1 table, and 5 footnotes.)

This paper reviews a number of approaches to considering how policy transfers through advocacy networks, focusing on education issues in general, and market-based policies in particular. While policymakers and private funders are demanding evidence on the effectiveness of proposed interventions in education, it is not at all clear that they themselves consider evidence in promoting particular policies. Instead, as is apparent with policy proposals for market-based reforms, quite often it is not rigorous research that advances policies, but effective advocacy. Indeed, evidence indicates that an infrastructure of rapid production and dissemination of data has emerged through advocacy organizations and networks, often to obscure or produce alternative evidence. While critical theorists have noted for some time the expansion of neoliberal reform models in education, those analyses offer little in terms of understanding the mechanisms behind the expansion and proliferation of such policies, much less effective ways to challenge their growth. The paper highlights limitations of one of the most popular theoretical perspectives for understanding such networks, and notes how, in the marketplace of ideas represented by new policy advocacy networks, critical scholars are poor at packaging their message, especially compared to intermediary organizations. The paper concludes by introducing a framework of economic transaction for understanding policy transfer. In doing so, it offers a challenge for critical scholars hoping to influence education policymaking.

This paper suggests that synergies can be produced by using geospatial analyses as a bridge between traditional qualitative-quantitative distinctions in education research. While mapping tools have been effective for informing education policy studies, especially in terms of educational access and choice, they have also been underutilized and underdeveloped. This paper focuses on the potential benefits of expanding geospatial analysis, which has traditionally been heavily quantitative in its orientation, by incorporating qualitative research, including the accounts of lived experiences and perceptions that guide and shape institutional and individual behaviors and decisions. To that end, the paper proposes an agenda for mixed-methods research by drawing on new advances in the fields of human and critical geography.

This analysis aims to measure the impact of school choice policy on secondary school students' enrolment patterns within the social geography of Vancouver, an increasingly polarized global city. The rationale for the study is to examine the impact of "education market" reforms on the socio-economic composition of schools in a Canadian context, where a social welfare commitment to educational equality is being replaced by market-oriented policies and increasing social inequality. Our study is guided by Bourdieu's theory of site in considering whether growing inequality and polarization of wealth in a city are correlated with the ways families choose schools. We apply a geographical methodology (Geographic Information System) to delineate spatial patterns of choosing schools. Our analysis shows that those who opt out of the under-subscribed schools come from the neighborhoods with relatively higher capital than those who remain in their assigned schools. Also, those who opt into the over-subscribed schools in the affluent areas come from the neighborhoods with above-average levels of capital in Vancouver. Overall, we find that the spatial inequality in school choice generally follows the uneven distribution of capital/wealth across the city. The pattern of student mobility indicates an increasing level of segregation.

Drawing upon a long-term study of venture philanthropy and public schools in Australia, this paper focuses on Teach For Australia (TFA) as a major component of a venture philanthropic network, one that builds critical infrastructures and connections between non-government organisations and the state, creating a product pipeline into public schools. Utilising interviews with staff from Teach For Australia and venture philanthropic organisations, comprehensive and rigorous financial data, reviews, reports and website data, the analysis aims to identify the major philanthropic funders, individual actors and private foundations that leverage Teach For Australia, illustrating how this network develops for-profit pathways into public schools. In pushing a deficit framing of public schools, these networks incur privatisation effects, including flows of money, resources and key decision-making. They compromise the democratic principles upon which public schools are ideally based, in that the most disadvantaged public schools are opened up to 'entrepreneurial' and risk-taking corporate behaviour to test out teachers, products and services. By examining streams of revenue, partnerships and networks, we show how the purportedly non-profit Teach For Australia develops for-profit opportunities and business partnerships nested in corporate philanthropy, resulting in a privatisation effect on public schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Market theory positions the consumer as a rational choice actor, making informed schooling choices on the basis of "hard" evidence of relative school effectiveness. Yet there are concerns that parents simply choose schools based on socio-demographic characteristics, thus leading to greater social segregation and undercutting the potential of choice to drive quality improvements. In this paper, we explore segregation by examining catchment areas for a range of public high schools in a specific middle-class urban area. We focus on socio-demographic characteristics, including levels of income, country of birth and religion affiliation, in order to explore residential segregation according to public high school catchment areas. Our data suggest distinct residential segregation between catchment areas for each public school within our data-set, particularly for the schools deemed to be popular and rejected, that may pose risks for broader equity concerns. We argue that, in contrast to market theory, even more affluent and active choosers are not equipped with information on the programmatic quality of their different school options, but instead may be relying on socio-demographic characteristics of schools--through surrogate information about the urban spaces that the schools occupy--in order to choose peer groups, if not programmes, for their children.

Recent advances in conceptualizing structures of influence in education policymaking have emphasized the role of nongovernmental actors working in networks to promote their agendas. These useful insights have allowed researchers to consider the evolution from "government" to "governance" in education policymaking, broadening the analytical scope for scholars to understand patterns of power and influence. The scholarly quest to map these actors and networks often neglects the political contexts in which these networks operate. The authors of this article write that they have found from their multiyear (2011-2014), cross-case study of research use in education policymaking that analysis of the political policy landscape is critical for developing a useful theoretical understanding of how these networks are formed, structured, and operate, and how evidence on educational policies is produced, promoted and utilized within and across networks. This article extends the authors' work on intermediary organizations (IOs) operating in advocacy networks, particularly in advocating around "incentivist" policies-that is, policies such as charter schools or merit pay for teachers that seek to capitalize on incentives to increase the effectiveness of individuals and organizations. The authors explain that IOs can take a number of forms, including think tanks, foundations, media outfits (including new media such as bloggers), and other advocacy organizations (Figure 1 shows their conception of the scope of definition of IOs). The key feature that unites these disparate organizational types is their common role in the space between research producers and users, where they often serve the function of brokering transactions around research evidence to be used (or not) in advocating for particular policy changes.

This study examines the impact of school closures on the sociospatial distribution of equitable access to schooling following the school closure policy pursued by the Chicago Public Schools in 2013. By examining access in terms of proximity between students and schools, the study estimates the changes in accessibility before and after school closings. The change in accessibility is compared with density maps constructed around a number of variables, including population aged 5 through 14 by race and ethnicity, proportion of families with children younger than 18 years old below the poverty level, and crime incidence during the previous 12 months. The overall results suggest that school closing may cause sociogeographic inequality in access to education.

This paper addresses the rise and consequences of an emerging global education industry (GEI), which represents new forms of private, for profit involvement in education across the globe. The paper explores the emergence within the GEI of new and varied, largely transnational, markets in education by focusing on three examples of the GEI at work. The first example addresses the issue of Charter Schools, what they have come to represent, how they have been implemented, and, especially, the impact they have had on public schooling more broadly. While they have taken different forms in different places, they have succeeded in installing the idea of quasi-markets in education, which has been directly instrumental in opening up opportunities for private investment in education. The second example concerns the ways that the increasingly global standardisation of education policies, provision and practices, presents lucrative opportunities for investment and profit. The forms and consequences of such standardisation are described in the contrasting cases of Qatar, Mongolia and Indonesia. The third example concerns low-fee private schools in the Global South. Far from such schools being seen as local initiatives, the paper shows how they have become a major opportunity for profitable investment by international corporations.