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This paper considers Eoin McNamee's Resurrection Man (1994) as a Troubles novel acutely interested in the ways violence is transcribed into text. It argues McNamee's depictions of the media satirise their attempt to contain historical explanations of the Troubles exclusively within the inherent sectarianism of the region. Instead, McNamee creates discursive encounters between Ulster and different trouble spots around the world, summoning the spectres of British imperialism. Through a discussion of decolonisation, memory and the legacies of Empire, the paper engages with the ways the local and the international intersect to interrogate nationalisms, borders, identities and historical representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits Burns's reactions to the French Revolution and its implications for British domestic reform through review of three crucial contexts which shaped his responses: the character and trajectory of Scottish reform politics in the early 1790s; loyalist volunteering in the mid-1790s; and the town of Dumfries where Burns came to live in late 1791. It re-examines and sheds new light on the tricky political balancing act in which Burns was compelled to engage in order to keep his post in the Excise service and avert potential local hostility to someone who clearly privately stood well outside the prevailing political consensus in Dumfries after late 1792. Closer attention to these contexts and the character of political rhetoric and discourses in the 1790s brings into sharper focus Burns's likely political views at this moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of how Syria’s Baathist regime has managed to maintain its domination or hegemony over much of the country’s populace under conditions of extended violence is an ongoing one. Its influence is evident in the apparently uncoerced public demonstrations of support for Bashar al-Assad that have regularly occurred over the decade since the outbreak of the conflict in 2011. In this article I focus on the ideological aspects of this loyalist support and present an analysis that emphasises masculinism as a central aspect of the regime’s strategy to consolidate and maintain political power. While other analyses have described the influence of sectarianism, regional rivalries, patronage networks and securitisation as contributing factors in authoritarian survival in Syria, the gendered dimensions of Bashar al-Assad’s hold on power have received less scrutiny. The broader study of links between militarisation, nationalism and masculinism has much to offer in expanding our understanding of the persistence of Syrian Baathist loyalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the rearguard action fought by the clergyman and writer Richard Polwhele against what he saw as the threat of Anglican Evangelicalism and Methodism in Cornwall during the French Revolutionary period, highlighting the connections between religious experience, rhetorical performance and politics. Whether it be through his theorizing of pulpit oratory, his rows with those he considered Enthusiasts or his understanding of ordination oaths, Polwhele maintained that religious belief should be regulated by rhetorical distance. Explaining this stance, the article shows how Polwhele's theological and ecclesiological opposition to the Enthusiasm he regarded as dangerously inherent in Evangelical Protestantism also led him to address shortcomings within the governance of the Church of England itself. This danger was embodied in Polwhele's eyes by the failure of too much pulpit oratory, particularly in the provinces, to engage through its language, content and tone with its popular audience. By focusing on the neglected figure of Polwhele, the article brings together and adds to current work on regional identity, Loyalism, Romantic religion and the sermon as a performative literary form in the eighteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 21 April 1798 the Morning Post printed a speech, given the night before, by the Foxite politician Richard Brinsley Sheridan. Sheridan had sought to rouse the nation against threatened French invasion. The French must be resisted at all costs, he insisted, and he explained why: "What is it they want? Ships, commerce, manufactures, cash, capital, and credit; or, in other words, they only want the sinews, bones, marrow, and heart'sblood of Great Britain." Such passionate rhetoric contained a change of argument. Sheridan had previously opposed British warmongering and had maintained a liberal sympathy for France and the cause of reform. The Morning Post's account of Sheridan's speech confirms its importance to a liberal audience, but what is equally remarkable is that several other newspapers carried similarly extensive but politically different versions of what Sheridan had said. By confronting this contested mediascape, this article examines Sheridan's speech, analysing his arguments and rhetoric but also appraising the competing ways in which the speech was reported. The article thereby raises broader questions about the status of printed transcriptions of parliamentary speeches, the dissemination process and the methodological problems of studying different versions of a famous speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This group of essays explores the ways in which Scottish loyalists shaped and contributed to the British Atlantic world in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Once thought of as a narrow and defensive conservative reaction to political change and external military threat, historians have recently recast loyalism as the embodiment of a disparate and multifaced identity embraced by those of different ethnicities, religions, and political persuasions, touching even those who claimed neutrality. By adopting an expanded geographical and chronological range, these essays investigate examples of loyalism and popular royalism carried by Scots at home and in the British Atlantic world, at the time of the Revolutionary War, and in the decades that followed. As these essays demonstrate, loyalism was a patriotism born out of the messiness of the political, social, and economic transformation of this world, one that was entwined with the expansion of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Loyalism has a long history in the British Atlantic world, running much deeper than the years comprising the American Revolution. These stories, however, have often been pushed to the margins of our understanding of the era. In North Carolina, categorising colonial residents into the binaries of "rebel" or "loyalist" is problematic. This is further complicated by the introduction of gender as a factor, given the lack of access to and engagement with the public sphere that women experienced. While greater attention is being given to women in the Revolution, southern women's stories are often marginalised in favour of the "hotbeds" of revolution, like Boston, Philadelphia, or New York. By studying Scottish women loyalists in early North Carolina, Sherman argues, we may come to understand better the influence of gender, ethnicity, and region on the experiences of those in Revolutionary America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Loyalism was a potent force in the Trans-Appalachian West during the American Revolution. However, the experiences of western Loyalists differed from those elsewhere and provide a broader understanding of the forces affecting Loyalism in the British Empire. There were few reasons for western Loyalists to declare their sympathies and even fewer opportunities to seek assistance from the British. Geography meant that western Loyalists were isolated and could not cooperate effectively with the British government and army, while the threat of Indian attack also gave Loyalists and Whigs a common cause. Consequently, they lacked a clear identity, especially as most westerners were, to some degree, disaffected. Indeed, many frontier "patriots," from George Rogers Clark to Daniel Boone, were associated with disaffection, if not outright Loyalism. Finally, the reintegration of Loyalists into western society after the Revolution meant that memories of Loyalism were written out of family and local histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Those who continued with its cause into the late Victorian age, framed loyalism as a principled challenge to the constitutional settlement that culminated in the Anglo-Scottish Union of 1707. The case for restoring the House of Stuart, the focal point of their efforts, had become a distinctive strand within British loyalism but in many respects remained tangential to the movement for home rule in Scotland. Restoration of the Stuarts necessitated the acts of Settlement and Union be set aside and thus represented a more fundamental challenge to the Imperial parliament than the constitutional reform sought by home rulers. The article examines those late Victorian loyalists who recast the home rule cause to advance the tenets of loyalism as their forebears in revolutionary America had done – within the day's foremost democratic debate on rights, freedoms, and the limits of governmental power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Jacobite rising of 1745–1746 saw several thousand Scots rebel against the British crown. Yet it also provided opportunities for Scots to demonstrate their loyalty to the crown. After the rising was over, a brutal pacification was accompanied by significant legislative and institutional changes which sought to inculcate long-term loyalty in the Highlands. Once again, numerous Scots participated in the framing and implementation of these changes, which eventually also provided an opportunity for the disloyal to enter the imperial fold. This article examines the roles of loyalist Scots during and after the rising. In doing so it demonstrates understandings of loyalty, neutrality, and disloyalty during this transformative period and illustrates the important role of Scots in inculcating loyalty in the Highlands. It argues that the experiences of Scots, and the British more generally, in this domestic setting influenced the British imperial state's attempts to actively craft loyalty elsewhere in the British Atlantic World, particularly in North America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1840s, a monumental cairn was built on an island in the St Lawrence River by the Glengarry Highlanders Militia who were stationed in eastern Upper Canada and western Lower Canada during the Rebellions of 1837–1838. The cairn was officially raised to commemorate the Glengarry Highlanders' supreme commanding officer, Sir John Colborne and to acknowledge the role the Glengarry Highlanders played in supressing the Rebellion. However, as a product of early Victorian Highlandism and its association with three generations of a transatlantic Highland regiment, the cairn was also a physical representation of the historic Highland Scottish military contributions to the British imperial project in the Atlantic world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines the case for progressive unionism in Northern Ireland today. The paper locates the progressive currents within unionism and explains the forces that have frustrated their development. It contends that analysis of the leadership provided by unionists in civil society and the attitudinal profile of the pro-union electorate nonetheless signals the existence of space to cultivate more progressive forms of unionism. This challenges the largely negative appraisals of unionism in popular discourse. Unionism is shown to possess a diversity and potential that is often unrecognised. The paper therefore promotes a more sophisticated understanding of unionism and its possible political futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Troubles in Northern Ireland, particularly between the end of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s, the urban landscape of certain Catholic districts took on the colours of the Palestinian flag. Whether painted on murals, hung on buildings or waved at demonstrations, the flags reflected an identification with the Palestinian cause that, like the Northern Ireland conflict, was read through the prism of the colonial question and partition. In addition, the experiences of incarceration, administrative detention and hunger strike provided fertile ground for transnational solidarity links to flourish between certain armed groups such as the Irish Republican Army or the Irish National Liberation Army and the Palestine Liberation Organisation. These links of solidarity between certain Northern Irish republican factions and certain Palestinian organisations took the form of exchanges of weapons, ammunition and knowledge of explosives. Much later, in the early 2000s, after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement and the start of the second Intifada, Palestinian flags once again made a very visible appearance at republican demonstrations, such as the annual Bloody Sunday commemorations. Israeli flags also appeared in some Protestant neighbourhoods in Northern Ireland, notably on the initiative of the Ulster Defence Association, highlighting a discourse based on the obsidional mentality of the Unionist community, and often nourished by religious beliefs. While peace was signed in Northern Ireland, and the violence gradually subsided, the conflict shifted to the symbolic level, suggesting that the reconciliation process was not entirely successful. Through a study of primary sources (interviews, activist press, grey literature, general press) this essay sheds light on the origins of the republican identification with the Palestinian cause, its implications and its use by the Sinn Féin republican party for pragmatic purposes. It also looks at unionist demonstrations in support of Israel, trying to identify political and religious affinities. This support for the belligerents in the Middle East conflict allows us to question the unfinished nature of the peace process in Northern Ireland, and the divisions that persist « in hearts and minds », in the words of John Hume.

This essay explores how Britishness was performed in the streets of eighteenth-century Britain during the festive spectacles associated with the "majesty" that Linda Colley has powerfully identified as an agent of national identity in Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837. I examine the significance of patriotic illuminations as performances of national identity. Throughout the eighteenth century, the revelry surrounding illuminations was a persistent feature of British political and popular culture. Illuminations, I argue, were complicated instances of local and national celebration that divided communities in as many ways as they united them. Teasing out this relationship is central to our understanding of how Britishness was navigated in a socially stratified society. Drawing primarily on the newspapers of the period, this essay explores the contexts of royal illuminations, the nature of the disorders that often accompanied illuminations, and the content of the devices used in illuminations in order to unpack the significance of this important, but relatively neglected social practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the representation of Northern Irish unionists in British and Irish cinema by investigating a dominant way that the community has been portrayed in fiction films: as prison officers and orderlies. Specifically, Northern Irish unionists have been portrayed as prison officers and orderlies employed in the Maze and Armagh prisons during the period of republican unrest which culminated in hunger strikes in 1981, and a mass prison escape in 1983. The films that depict, to varying degrees, these characters as belonging to the Northern Irish unionist community include Some Mother's Son (1996), H3 (2001), Silent Grace (2001), Hunger (2008) and Maze (2017). In these films, the typical representation of Northern Irish unionists reflects both the community's general 'othering' in cinema and the film-makers' primary interest in Irish nationalism when depicting Northern Ireland. Thus, unionist characters are usually depicted abjectly and feature only as adjuncts to narratives that are principally about Irish nationalists. This study aims to build upon a range of critical work in this area and to add to broader debates that have identified this cinematic deficit whereby Northern Irish unionists are depicted more critically and less frequently than Irish nationalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural events can mask latent potential for a resurgence of violence following negotiated settlement, building sectarian identities and support through otherwise-legitimate forms of expression. This article examines this phenomenon in Northern Ireland, investigating how Loyalists utilize Eleventh Night bonfires. It is argued that, in becoming more professional in construction and more sectarian in imagery, bonfires build and maintain paramilitary power, generate political capital within Unionism, and reinforce boundaries between groups. Bonfires are a key part of the culture war which has developed in Northern Ireland, raising vital questions about the role of culture following negotiated settlement in deeply-divided societies more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The loyalist painter Gong Kai (1222–1307) utilized the historical literary trope of the ji 驥 horse, the fine steed capable of covering one thousand li in a day, as an essential part of his artistic rhetoric in response to the violent Song-Yuan dynastic turn. Drawing literary forebears of Gong's equine art into the field of investigation reveals the mechanics of his utilization of the equine trope and his stance within the broad spectrum of Song loyalism. Standing against passive sympathizers of the loyalist cause, Gong embraced the poetics of Daoxue (Learning of the Way) to uphold moral rigor and masculine heroics, couched metaphorically in the suffering ji horse, which was at once physiognomically ideal and metaphysically meaningful. The polysemy and ambiguity of Gong's art invited his colleagues to interiorize equine imagery, thus helping reconstitute an ideal moral image of themselves. Gong's equine art brought forth interactive responses from its viewers and thus served as an improvised memorial to Song loyalists, both living and deceased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1925, the Southern Irish Loyalists Relief Association (SILRA), originally founded for the relief of southern Irish loyalist refugees in Britain, created a fund for ex-servicemen resident in the Irish Free State (IFS). Populated primarily from among the 'diehard' right of the British Conservative Party, SILRA's charitable work was inevitably influenced by the world view of its membership and their audience. But it also had a Dublin sub-committee that operated in very different circumstances in the IFS. This study of SILRA's efforts to provide welfare to southern Irish veterans of the First World War highlights the extent to which conditions in Ireland -- real or perceived -- continued to animate British Conservatives long after the Irish Revolution (1916--23). It also adds to the growing literature on ex-servicemen in post-revolutionary Ireland through the lens of SILRA's lobbying and fundraising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationships between personal and collective memory, especially transgenerational memory, within a Protestant, loyalist family in Northern Ireland in Christina Reid's My Name, Shall I Tell You My Name?. Forgetting plays a vital role in the communal memory of loyalism and unionism within the world of the play. The female protagonist, Andrea, actively unsettles that forgetting by challenging the mainstream loyalist commemoration exemplified by her grandfather Andy via alternative narratives and commemoration. The ongoing contestation over the collective memory of the Battle of the Somme, one of the pivotal historical events in loyalist remembrance culture, reveals the peculiar temporality of loyalist memory and uncovers problems inherent to the eternal cycle of loyalist memory and its oblivion. Through its treatment of these themes, I suggest that My Name conveys an ethical imperative to remember for the future instead of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No Chinese dynasty of the lengthy imperial era surpasses the Song in the amassed volume of oracular literature composed during its span that addresses its own predicted downfall. Much of what we now possess of this store of literature, which we can assume constitutes but a fraction of all that once circulated, derives from oral tradition. Most of this literature consists of prose anecdotes in the "brush jottings" (biji 筆記) vein and, through these as well as other sources, we can discern the outlines of at least three key contours of noteworthy consistency. First and foremost, we may observe that a preponderance of these oracular anecdotes foreshadowing the fall of Song either center on or otherwise involve the person and actions of a single individual—Huizong 徽宗 (r. 1100–1126), the ill-fated de facto last of the early or Northern Song (960–1127) emperors, who himself was physically transferred as a hostage and icon into enemy Jurchen captivity. Second, to the extent that they are really at all datable, most of these anecdotes postdate the extinction of the initial Song, suggesting of course that they are constructions composed after the fact as opposed to having ever been in any way definitively predictive. Third and finally, especially when contrasted with the comparatively fewer examples that augur the destruction of the Southern Song (1127–1279), this subgenre of predictive literature sheds valuable light even as it raises intriguing questions about how Chinese conceptions of sedition against and loyalism toward state and sovereign might have evolved between the distinctive times of the "two Songs." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the forgotten prospect of an industrial revolution in mid-Ulster to examine the nature of the Unionist administration and deploys 'history from below' to examine and understand the tensions and contradictions at the intersection between class and sectarianism. The analysis centres on the 'Coalisland Miracle', when Unionist insider, Sir Samuel Kelly, purchased a coal mine and various other local businesses in East Tyrone during the consolidation of James Craig's Protestant Parliament. Ultimately, Unionist dreams of a new industrial revolution resembled fevered delusions as the new polity endured precarious finances and interminable economic decline. The article also analyses how complex issues of class and sectarianism played out on the ground when Ulster's leading capitalist confronted a majority nationalist workforce in an area whose constitutional future appeared to hang in the balance, demonstrating how workers struggled to secure their meagre slice of the pie, while employers, managers and the state strove to defeat organised labour. An analysis of four labour disputes linked to Kelly's scheme reveals how sectarianism worked in employment practices, a subject much talked about but seldom supported by hard evidence. The article concludes by examining an extraordinary lockout at the Tyrone Colliery itself and a subsequent and unprecedented display of working-class solidarity in 1926, when Protestant and Catholic workers united after the much-heralded Coalisland miracle turned out to be little more than pie in the sky. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article begins by arguing that the UK race riots of August 2024 had their own distinct – and especially worrisome – sociological dynamics when it came to the disorder that occurred in Northern Ireland. The upsurge in race hate and racism has to be viewed in the context of the continuing existence of loyalist paramilitary groups and most especially the enduring sectarian division which is shown to have not been adequately addressed in the years since the Belfast Agreement of 1998. Most importantly, it is advanced that what lies at the heart of such social problems that beset Northern Ireland is a particular form of systemic racism: ‘systemic sectarianism’. It is the web of systemic sectarianism which ensures that sectarian division endures and operates to reproduce inequality and social injustice. Against this, it is asserted that there is a need to advance a social transformation agenda that enables people to develop a political vision and agenda that transcends race hate, racism and sectarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tsai Ing-wen has consistently referred to the nation that she governs as 中華民國台灣 (The Republic of China Taiwan), the term representing a major rhetorical feature of her administration. Breaking from the exclusively Taiwan-centered discourse which traditionally defined DPP politics, Tsai has seemingly created an entirely new name for the state she governs. This article examines both the discursive potentials, but also the occlusions, of this newly coined neologism. It argues that the term is defined by a lack of materialist critique, in which essential questions regarding labor exploitation and private property regimes remain unaddressed. While Tsai has successfully combined the ROC’s old Cold War raison d'etre (Chinese humanism as anti-Communism) with the Taiwanese independence movement’s desire for global recognition through the nation-state form, what has been lost is any real commitment to a politics of working-class empowerment, which is reflected in the Tsai administration’s abandonment of progressive labor law reform in 2018, as well as increasing trade liberalization policies with the US introduced in 2020. Returning to the roots of Taiwanese socialist discourse, this article will examine the possibility that “ROC-Taiwan” as a political project could still have a socialist future, despite its markedly capitalist past and present.

Satire and libel have always been closely linked, but in the anxious political climate of the Romantic period, the relationship came under new pressure. This article examines the fraught connection between satire and libel through a case study: a quarrel between the Irish radical Peter Finnerty and George Manners, editor of the loyalist Satirist, or Monthly Meteor. In February 1809, Finnerty brought an action for libel against the magazine, known for its scurrilous articles. Surprisingly he won his case, but received a pittance in damages. The dispute points to the fluidity between the law courts and the press in this period; indeed, Manners considered satire a necessary supplement to legislative authority in correcting social deviance. With Manners' scurrilous magazine an embarrassment to more respectable Tories, the two men's argument sheds light on the uncomfortably close proximity of the figures of the 'satirist' and the 'libeller' in the early nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that, at a tactical level, loyalist terrorism in the Irish border region between 1972 and 1974 worked. Cross-border attacks including bombings in Irish towns prompted the Irish government to reinforce security along the border—a long-standing loyalist demand. The loyalist campaign led to the IRA embarking on an effort to punish those who were believed to have passed information to loyalists, resulting in the killing of an Irish Protestant senator and widespread condemnation of the organization in the Republic of Ireland. However, short-term gains were outweighed by a growing perception among nationalists that the British state tolerated or even colluded in such attacks, undermining the British Army's campaign to gain trust (and information) within the Catholic population of Northern Ireland. The article also contends that middle-class loyalists played an important role in mobilizing and equipping loyalist paramilitary organizations. It concludes that the British Army showed an excessive tolerance of loyalists with political capital or ties to the security forces, despite evidence that such individuals were directly supporting the activities of loyalist paramilitaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Malcolm Chase’s magisterial 1820: Disorder and Stability in the United Kingdom provided a powerful and richly contextualised account of the complex interactions of high and popular politics in a year of crisis. This article explores the ways in which conspiracy had been a key component of the politics of both governors and governed over the preceding decade and examines its rhetorical and tactical uses by radicals and by ministers. It ends by suggesting that 1820 may have been the high-water mark of conspiracy in British politics–another way in which the crucial period between the Peterloo massacre and the Queen Caroline crisis was an important turning point.

Although Catholics were marginalized and strongly associated with Jacobitism under the early Hanoverians, the reign of George III saw a gradual assimilation of Catholics into mainstream political culture. The Vicars Apostolic of Great Britain played a key role in this process by emphasizing passivity and loyalty. The bishop who most strongly personified this Jacobite to loyalist transition was George Hay (1729-1811). A convert to Catholicism from the Scottish Episcopalian faith, Hay served the Jacobite Army as a medic in 1745 and was imprisoned following that conflict. After his conversion and subsequent ordination, Hay became coadjutor of the Lowland District of Scotland in 1769 and was promoted to the Apostolic Vicarate in 1778. Hay actively engaged with many high-profile statesmen and political thinkers, including Edmund Burke. Most notably, he constructively utilized Jacobite political theology to criticise revolutionary ideology. His public involvement in politics was most remarkable during the American and French Revolutions, when he confidently deployed the full force of counterrevolutionary doctrines that formerly alienated Catholics from the Hanoverian state. However, since the Age of Revolution presented a stark duality between monarchy and republicanism, Hay's expressions of passive obedience and non-resistance endeared him and the Catholic Church to the British establishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the individuals who came to London in order to lobby the imperial authorities in favour of the expansion of French-Canadian rights from the 1763 Treaty of Paris to the 1840 Act of Union and who were delegated by a significant body or institution within French Canada. Early efforts were centred on the expansion of religious rights and the perpetuation of Quebec’s legal and social institutions, including French civil law and the seigneurial system. Religious affairs remained an important facet of French-Canadian lobbying throughout the British regime, though the issue of political reform, which came to the fore in the 1780s, soon came to dominate lobbying efforts. These efforts were predicated on ideas of loyalty, as delegates sought to negotiate a place within the British Empire for French Canada. They lobbied London to allow French Canadians to fully participate in civic life within the framework of British political institutions while also allowing Quebec to retain its particular religious and social institutions. Delegates experienced some success, especially when they enjoyed the support of the colonial authorities at Quebec, but often failed to achieve their goals because they ran counter to British policy or because their English-speaking opponents had greater access to Whitehall.

The focus of this article is on the Salafiyya - Madkhaliyya in Indonesia, which takes its name from Saudi scholar Rabīʿ al-Madkhalī. After an account of how they emerged and developed in Indonesia, the relationship of the Madkhalīs with the state, which is based on a " fiqh of obedience", is analyzed. It is argued that, while this legal underpinning necessitates that they give total loyalty to the ruler (walī l-amr , or ūlū l-amr), the Indonesian Madkhalīs are unable to entirely follow this principle. The Madkhalīs have had to come to terms with the fact that Indonesia follows a democratic system, which, in fact, prevents the comprehensive accommodation of their Salafī principles. The resulting ambiguities prove difficult to solve. It is argued here that the negotiation between Madkhalī Salafīs and the Indonesian state is characterized by the constant efforts of the former to tackle those ambiguities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]