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This paper shows that Locke anticipates key features of Hume's more celebrated analysis of convention. It does so by developing Lenz's account of Lockean (linguistic) convention and its normativity, as presented in Socializing Minds. Locke's account of linguistic convention shares structural features also visible in Locke's treatment of the convention of money and property. The paper shows that Locke's 'Humean' account of convention responds to a lacuna in Pufendorf's treatment of linguistic convention that Lenz argues is significant to Locke. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his 1681 Discours sur l'histoire universelle, Bossuet declared that Christianity provided the organizing thread of history, and anything that was not guided by it was irrelevant. Nine years later, in Locke's Essay Concerning Human Understanding, travel reports provided the primary source of information, above all in their demonstration of the extent of moral diversity. During the Enlightenment, reports of thoroughly "alien" worlds, notably the New World and China, began to be treated as offering wholly unprecedented perspectives on the world and our place in it. The paper surveys how interpretation of the reports changed radically between their original appearance in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and when subjected to new templates of understanding in the Enlightenment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Locke is acknowledged to be one of the theoretical founders of the separation of church and state, a distinguishing feature of modern liberal democracies. Though Locke's arguments for the merits of such separation have been subject to extensive investigation, his argument for its feasibility has remained relatively unexamined. This article argues that Locke was confident that separation of church and state can successfully be implemented in all times and places because of his epistemological and psychological insights that human beings are moved to act by unease and that separating church and state removes the unease that causes religiously based political instability. We conclude by noting that Locke's understanding of unease is foundational for his larger ambition to secure political liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Locke was a social contract theorist. He envisaged that individuals had domiciled in a state of nature, enjoying natural rights. But because of the insecurities of the natural state, individuals transitioned to the stability of civil society, guaranteed by a sovereign. There were fetters on the sovereign, however, such as passing laws for the public good. Is modern legislation to counter terrorism for the public good? Locke also expressly granted a right of resistance on the people. But is this right terrorism? Reflecting on these principles, this study examines counter-terror statutes and determines whether Locke would support them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Locke bases his moral and political philosophy on his doctrine of the 'law of nature'. Scholars have debated the content and grounding of this law and its relationship to Christian theology. The ambiguities of the Lockean natural law's content are traceable to an unclear grammatical construction in a crucial passage of the Treatises of Government, which can be resolved by following out a related set of arguments in that work. The ambiguities of the Lockean natural law's grounding can then be resolved by the hypothesis, strongly supported by textual evidence, that Locke relies tacitly on the reasoning of a parallel passage in Hobbes. Lockean natural law rests on neither atheistic nor specifically Christian premises but on a hypothetical natural theology. Locke's conclusions from that natural theology represent an attempt to follow out Hobbesian logic while also tightening it up on one important point on which Hobbes himself appears to vacillate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many literary works, the characters transform into a "new man". For example, Tom Joads in Grapes of Wrath is transformed from a selfish character who prioritizes his own survival under the social background of the Great Depression. After traveling with his family to California. Young Joads gradually become sober towards the suffering of lower class Americans, turning into a righteous man who fights for social justice. Nevertheless, I disagree with the concept "new man", because despite the ceaseless stream of time and transformative experiences we undergo, our personal essence is constant through time. Meaning that we do not form a complete new self through the transformation of time and experience. To understand this we will be examining the concepts of personal identity defined by memory and consciousness throughout the period of human life. Locke believes that experiences form a human being, and that the concept of individual consciousness will demonstrate the inherent continuity and persistence of the self that are presented through a comprehensive understanding of nature's capacity for transformation over the span of time. Therefore factors such as individual perceptions and impressions in shaping one's sense of self, along with the influence of moral development and virtue on individual identity do not alter the core of identity. Indeed, Descartes, who views the human consciousness as the only object that holds true in the universe, agrees that we are not able to perceive the objective truth. The view point we will argue is in contrast to that of Hume and his bundle theory of identity; we will, therefore, first give an exposition on Hume's critique of a stable personal identity, which it separated into qualitatively identify, and numerical identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what circumstances can people convert natural resources into private property? John Locke famously answered this question by positing what has become known as the Lockean proviso: a person has the power to unilaterally appropriate natural resources 'at least where there is enough and as good left in common for others'. This Lockean proviso has been widely embraced by right-libertarians who maintain that a relevant act appropriates only if others are not left worse off. However, this proviso is multiply ambiguous with there being various ways of specifying its distinct elements. Daniel Attas has argued that all proposed specifications render the proviso either implausible or unsatisfied. However, there are three seemingly plausible specifications that he either fails to consider or does not adequately address. This paper attempts to show that these specifications are either unacceptable, go unsatisfied, or fail to support right-libertarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jordanian Educational Journal is the property of Association of Arab Universities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Though historically important, the notion of tacit consent plays little role in contemporary discussions of political legitimacy. The idea, in fact, is often dismissed as obviously implausible. The ambition of this paper is to challenge this assumption and show that tacit consent can become a key ingredient in a theory of legitimacy. Instead of defining tacit consent through residence (where, according to John Locke or Plato's Socrates, staying in the country amounts to tacitly consenting to its system of rule), the paper explores a different strategy, delimiting tacit consent as an absence of active dissent. The basic idea starts from the fact that widespread anti-government protests and demonstrations always carry a potent delegitimating force. Political legitimacy is therefore never permanent and unchangeable, regardless of the nature of the regime, and can be undermined at all times by active dissent from the population. Having established the relationship between dissent and delegitimation of political power, even the inverted, stronger claim is defended: the absence of active dissent (i.e., tacit consent) can, under certain circumstances, serve to legitimize political power. The paper sets up and defends several conditions that need to be met for the right normative mandate to be created by the population tacitly accepting the existing power arrangements. If those are fulfilled (especially when full freedom of expression and information is granted), tacit consent can become a vital element of political legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the application of the strict scrutiny standard in the review of parental rights lawsuits in the U.S. Topics explored include the jurisdiction of the state over the welfare of children, the obligation of the state to respect the natural duty of parents to their children according to philosopher John Locke, and the historical precedent for the application of the least-restrictive-means test in parental rights cases.

The article explores the right of parents under common law in the U.S. It discussed topics such as the inclusion of parental authority in the U.S. Constitution, the distinction of parental rights from other kinds of rights according to philosopher Hugo Grotius, and the authority of parents over their children particularly during their youth acknowledged by philosopher John Locke.

Recently, scholars have begun to use network analysis to explore women's participation in correspondence networks. One such correspondence with a distinct presence of women letter-writers is that of the philosopher John Locke (1632–1704), who corresponded with thirty-five different women, including the philosopher Damaris Masham (1659–1708), and his cousin Mary Clarke (c. 1656–c. 1705). Through the lens of citation and co-citation analysis, this essay explores the reception of the women letter-writers in Locke's correspondence, arguing that shifting focus onto the reception of women facilitates a re-centering of these women's activities even at moments that their own letters are no longer extant, examining the connections between how women letter-writers represent themselves and how they are represented by the wider network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores John Locke's innovative reflections on desire and uneasiness, pleasure and pain, and investigates how Locke's considerations affect Giacomo Leopardi and his theoretical work on the same categories. To justify this filiation, I emphasize Francesco Soave's important translation of "An Essay Concerning Human Understanding" as a mediating influence for Leopardi's re-elaboration of these concepts. I firstly focus on the importance that desire and uneasiness acquire in Locke's treatise and the relevance of these categories for eighteen-century hedonism. I then turn to Leopardi's discussion of "teoria del piacere" and analyze how it dialogues with and diverges from Locke's perspective. While Locke generally assigns precedence to uneasiness, Leopardi reclaims the prominence of desire through his specific understanding of noia. Rather than coinciding with an unpleasant discomfort to remove, Leopardi's noia embodies the vibrating protension of desire toward a constitutionally unreachable infinite pleasure. By ascribing an a-dialectical character to noia, Leopardi subverts the stance shared by Locke, classic hedonism, and Romanticism with regard to desire and uneasiness, along with pleasure and pain. Indeed, Leopardi's noia corresponds to a desire that is not sublated through the consummation brought about by either the delight of pleasure or the discomfort of pain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From Debtor to Friend. How Parents Can Establish a Successful Relationship with their Adult-Children according to Aristotle and John Locke A lot of parents and children struggle to maintain a successful parent-child-relationship, once the children have grown-up. Since this struggle is not limited to the 21st century, but can be encountered throughout history, as evidenced by the remarks of Aristotle and Locke, a look at the thoughts of the aforementioned pedagogues can help us not only better understand the struggle, but also to find a practical solution to this problem. Both Locke and Aristotle provide meaningful insight to the difficulties parents face during the transition of their child from the role of being their child to the role of an independent adult, but also outline an effective method for parents to initiate the beginning of a fulfilling relationship with their adult children. A method, that can best be described as: Transforming an unequal friendship between debtor and creditor into an equal friendship between friends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to some of the past half-century's most influential critics of liberalism, John Locke is the pivotal subverter of the pre-modern ethical tradition. Locke's view of nature and of human nature, the story goes, divorced ethics from natural teleology and so set off an inevitable spiral downward into moral dissolution. This story about Locke remains influential even though the last fifty years of Locke scholarship have brought a cascade of studies treating Locke as operating within the tradition of Reformed natural law. These studies, in part because they embrace a distorted view of Locke's conception of the person, have failed to address satisfactorily the crux of the story told by the critics of liberalism. This article corrects that distortion and demonstrates how natural teleology operates within Locke's ethics. I show how Locke sought to identify the teleological ordering of human beings to the supreme good by developing a relational conception of the person, analysing the human being as embedded in and defined by a web of relationships including neighbour and God. The result is a Locke far more in continuity with pre-modern ethical approaches than has hitherto been realized, one who sought to preserve natural teleology for the modern world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the ideas of John Locke, Adam Smith, and David Ricardo in the field of political economy. It explores their perspectives on land, property, and the relationship between humans and the environment. While Locke and Smith believed that improving the earth's fertility could enhance human life and societal progress, Ricardo took a more pessimistic view, emphasizing the scarcity of land and its potential limits on economic growth. The article challenges the notion that early modern philosophers saw nature as "dead matter" and emphasizes the importance of historical context in understanding environmental ideas in political thought. [Extracted from the article]

As early as within the ancient period and the emergence of the Roman law and then also in the Middle Ages, the contract theory played an important role in establishing order. Contractualism has assumed great importance in the milieu of Christianity, Islam, and Judaism. It was primarily concerned with agreements that were intended to secure the covenants of people with God and took on the character of a normative contract as a source of law. In the field of state and law, the influence of contract theories asserted itself particularly on the threshold of the modern period in the context of the development of liberalism in its early forms. Contract theories emerge in this period in a dominant part of writers of the early liberalism, with the central motivation being to secure the protection of an individual against the arbitrary will of another individual or authority of any kind. The basic motivation of contract theories became the objective to establish a sovereign in the state. Such process of choice is accompanied by a legally unstable state of nature, which is characterized by the existence of the lex naturalis (natural law) and ius naturale (natural right). This article deals with the definition, analysis, and comparison of the concepts of natural law and natural right in the context of the three most relevant thinkers of the given period, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Hobbes, and John Locke. The aim of this paper is to highlight overlaps and differences in the way of discussing these concepts, which at the time formed the basis of what we now call the statecraft. In addition, the text is also enriched by author's criticism and analyses of problematic or content-inconsistent passages in the philosophy of individual authors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this paper is to deconstruct the Trias Politica Doctrine in the South African context, with specific reference to the influence and power of the judiciary over the other two arms of government (legislature and executive).Through utilising case study design, qualitative methods, and document analysis as data collection technique, we argue that the judiciary, through its various courts, has in numerous cases influenced the legislative and executive activities and programmes of government. We conclude that, while John Locke and Charles De Montesquieu offered, great contribution in explaining the concept of separation of powers, the judicial power and influence in South Africa over the activities of the legislature and executive suggest that separation of powers does not fully hold water in the context of this sub-Saharan African state. However, there is what should be understood as judicial Hegemony informed by the principle of constitutional supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to argue that Locke proposes a coherent theory of restorative justice regarding historical crimes. In two cases that he sets out in the Second Treatise, that of the Greek Christians living in the Ottoman Empire and Englishmen living in the wake of William I's conquest, the preliminary standard of historical redress is whether the descendants of the conquerors and conquered possess equal political rights. Conquered peoples cannot simply be subsumed or annexed into an existing political order. They must have some say in articulating or agreeing to the laws that govern them. In this respect, Locke's theory of historical redress emphasizes the redemptive power of contract to overcome historical crimes. Furthermore, the disposition a community has to reimagine its body politic, to enfranchise the dispossessed by forming one body of people, speaks to the degree to which historical injustice is likely to occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconstructs the conceptual foundations of Locke's unilateralist theory of original appropriation through a critical comparison with the rival compact theories of Grotius and Pufendorf. Much of the normative and conceptual framework of Locke's theory is common to theirs. Integrating his innovative doctrines on labour and natural self-proprietorship into this received theoretical framework logically required Locke to make several conceptual amendments. I highlight three all but overlooked revisions: (i) an unusually broad conception of labour; (ii) a reduction of mere use-rights to property rights; and (iii) a novel non-self-preservationist interpretation of the divine authorization to use natural resources in common. The reconceptualization of 'labour' is theoretically the most fundamental, underpinning the other two. My contextual reconstruction enhances our grasp of the structure of Locke's theory of original appropriation. It also reveals Locke's main objection to compact theories to be an external one, hinging on idiosyncratic conceptualizations of key notions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rather than explore personal identity from the perspective of Western philosophical traditions--which tend to regard 'persons' as human individuals endowed with reason, as the likes of Aristotle and John Locke would have it--this article will introduce personhood as a state of being that is, at once, variegated, culturally constructed, and notably interspecies. By drawing on three ethnographic case studies (North India, Papua New Guinea, and the Amazon), it will outline some of the ways in which 'persons' are shaped and reshaped through shared meaningful interactions with(in) their natural environments, hence understood differently from one culture to another. In doing so, it will show how anthropology's distinct way of accounting for and championing cultural heterogeneity (i.e., through 'intercultural-glocal glasses') can bolster religious studies, forasmuch as the former challenges Eurocentric assumptions that have beset the latter, usually expressed as dyadic categories (e.g., human- and other-than-human entities). I propose that this cross-disciplinary dialogue--seeking to heed pluri-ontological deixis, or bringing multiple voices and life-worlds to the deliberating table--is a timely methodological move for diversifying beyond the apodictic propositions held about personhood, not only in religious studies, but also in legislative frameworks more widely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ideological shift of British philosopher John Locke from absolutism to toleration between 1660 and 1667. It discusses Locke's famous work, "Letter Concerning Toleration," and his previously unpublished work, "Two Tracts on Government," which revealed a more absolutist perspective. The article examines the historical context of the Cromwellian regime and the challenges of religious toleration during that time. It also delves into Locke's experiences at Oxford University and in Kleve, Germany, and the influence of his friendship with Lord Ashley, an advocate of liberalism. The aim of the research is to provide a more comprehensive understanding of Locke's intellectual development and correct any misconceptions. [Extracted from the article]

Scholarship on Shelley's economic thought has long acknowledged his embrace of the labour theory of value. This essay offers a more probing account of the poet's investigations into the origins of economic value. Focusing on Queen Mab (1813), it situates Shelley's value theory in relation to competing theories and examines his engagement with his cited sources, including works by Jean-Jacques Rousseau and William Godwin. It argues that Shelley moves beyond this work to encompass unacknowledged sources, including John Locke's theory of property rights and Adam Smith's discussion of value in the Wealth of Nations, enabling him to formulate his own version of the pure labour theory of value. The essay thus provides a richer examination of the philosophical foundations of Shelley's early economic thought, connecting these ideas to aspects of his ethics and epistemology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of important intellectual figures often debate the influence of their thought but are not always attuned to the ways in which their writings might be re-appropriated by different individuals and groups for their own purposes. This article explores John Locke's connection with the early Quaker movement and how members of the Society of Friends made use of Locke's works to reinforce their own institutional identity. In so doing, it makes use of a letter supposedly penned by Locke to a Quaker minister, Rebecca Collier, to explore the many ways in which Locke's reputation became incorporated into the institutional memory of the movement. This letter has traditionally been regarded as spurious, and Rebecca Collier and her companion, Rachel Breckon, as fictional, yet new evidence uncovered from the minute books of the York and Scarborough Monthly Meetings—where Rebecca Collier and Rachel Breckon were, respectively, members—adds another layer of complexity to this story. Using copies of the letter and written Quaker discourse, as well as arguments drawn from Locke's philosophical and theological writings, this article unravels the many ways in which the letter had an afterlife beyond Locke and the relatively unknown female preacher to whom it was addressed. It contributes to the existing scholarship on John Locke and early Quakerism by showing the long-term reception of Locke's biblical hermeneutics, especially his views on female preaching documented in his posthumous Paraphrase and Notes , and his influence on Quaker thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Harry V. Jaffa came to argue that the proper understanding of the American founding required a blend of Aristotle and Locke. The article in which he first made this claim contains Jaffa's own criticisms of this idea. These criticisms implicate the fundamental elements of his interpretation of the founding and help us grasp Jaffa's understanding of political philosophy and its relationship to politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on exhilarated by a practice of reading to discover friends and sources of inspiration. Topics include idea of studying the history of philosophy from a standpoint of joy, pleasure, and admiration rather than suspicion, distress, and condemnation; and anti-ecological and somatophobic implications of Cartesianism, or excoriating the imperialist and colonial commitments of John Locke.

Scholarship on the American founding generally argues for a Lockean liberal republicanism as the philosophical base for American political institutions. But American founding father James Wilson rejected Locke's epistemology and moral science in favor of Thomas Reid's as a theoretical support for popular sovereignty in a large republic. This article offers a new interpretation of Wilson's writings by directly juxtaposing his and Locke's epistemology and moral science. A close and comparative reading of Locke's Essay Concerning Human Understanding and Wilson's Lectures on Law demonstrates that Wilson thinks that American political culture needed to include support for universal suffrage, understanding government's end as promoting individual happiness found in pursuing virtue rather than property, and that all citizens are responsible for the truthful reputation of being a virtuous person. Wilson uses Reid's epistemology and moral science to offer a cultural support for popular sovereignty that acts as an alternative to Lockean self-interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Teorija in Praksa is the property of Teorija in Praksa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The contemporary accumulation of environmental crises poses a radical challenge to the modern Western political imaginary and the history of political thought by unsettling its understanding of ‘nature.’ Insofar as our political notions, like labor, depend on this understanding, we cannot rely on them to orient ourselves anymore. This paper has argued a paradoxical return to Locke against Locke can help confront this predicament. The first part recovered from the critical scholarship on Locke the ways in which Lockean ideas about labor are enmeshed with assumptions about colonialism, gendered hierarchies, and nature. The second part argued no singular conceptual reconstruction of labor can do justice to its hybrid character, which the present predicament has revealed. The third part argued, by recovering what the Lockean heritage has obscured, this scholarship gives us a way into the knotty problems of the organization of labor and the structure of the political collective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to connect the dots between contemporary efforts to ban "dangerous" reading material and Western narratives about childhood innocence that rose to prominence in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Understanding these narratives is important, because they underlie common misapprehensions about how children consume and process literature. By illuminating the history of beliefs about childhood and reading that are used to justify censorship, as well as alternatives to them, this article will provide librarians with useful context for our contemporary moment and perspectives that may prove beneficial when they face book-banning efforts in their communities. By illuminating the history of beliefs about childhood and reading that are used to justify censorship, as well as alternatives to them, this article provides librarians with useful context for our contemporary moment and perspectives that may prove beneficial when they face book-banning efforts in their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Property has a ubiquitous presence in international practice, but its implications for theorizing world order are not adequately explored. I remedy this by showing how property constitutes the core concepts of anarchy and sovereignty in international relations (IR) as overlapping spaces of right-based governance. I develop my account of a property-based world order in relation to the work of John Locke. Locke is generally overlooked as a core IR thinker, with the unfortunate consequence that anarchy and sovereignty are conceptualized as polar opposites under the enduring shadow of Hobbes. Even prominent critics of Hobbesian anarchy rely on Hobbesian notions of sovereignty, resulting in minimalist conceptions of international society and international ethics. To counter these Hobbesian legacies, I turn to Locke's limited, plural, and fluid accounts of anarchy and sovereignty and show how they are grounded in a normative notion of property that mutually constitutes them. This provides an alternative to the Hobbesian absolutist conceptions of anarchy and sovereignty that many IR theorists still operate with. The result is a distinctly normative vision for IR that condemns the twin evils of conquest and tyranny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Individualists" is an intellectual history of libertarianism, focusing on the battle between radical and reactionary factions within the ideology. The authors define libertarianism as a family of political theories committed to values such as private property, skepticism of authority, and individualism. They categorize libertarians into three groups: strict libertarians, contemporary classical liberals, and neoliberals. The book explores the three eras of libertarian thought and discusses the emergence of libertarianism in Britain, France, and America. The authors also address criticisms of libertarianism and its current splintering into different factions. Overall, the book provides a comprehensive and balanced history of libertarianism. [Extracted from the article]

Citizens United has stimulated a cottage industry of legal scholarship on corruption. A prominent stream of this literature is self-consciously atheoretical and suggests that the current state of corruption jurisprudence suffers from a misconceived reliance on liberal political theories and a rejection of the public good. We argue that it is impossible to understand specific acts of corruption without a political theory explaining why such actions are wrong. We show that the current jurisprudence relies on a mistaken intellectual history of the public good and a political theory of American constitutionalism that commodifies citizenship and treats political participation as a market good. Pace Teachout, we cannot draw the bright lines many legal scholars desire without a better political theory of the primary goods we want to protect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the question of the boundaries of property rights and their significance for the concept of waste. The philosophical concepts of John Locke, Thorstein Veblen, and Jean Baudrillard are employed to reveal the possible extent of ownership as a human claim. The connections between touching, possession, and dispossession are examined, and various possible approaches to the philosophical and legal interpretation of residue are sought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While "anger" or "angry" are words often used to describe today's societies and politics, they are not the ones that commentators of Locke use when talking about his political theory. This article argues that anger is in fact very much at the heart of his political outlook, and that focusing on this passion helps us to see an important aspect of the state. Since little has been said in relation to Locke and anger, this article starts by examining how he defined, viewed, and justified anger. It shows how Locke conceptualised a problematic component of anger, revenge, in terms of retributive punishment, which, when proportionate, can be viewed positively. The article then shows how Locke placed and tamed anger in the state's hands to resolve the problems in the state of nature caused by anger. In this way, this article sheds light on the state's role as an anger manager. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Burke intervened in a very significant way at various moments in the political history of the England of his time. Although being considered by some commentators to be a utilitarian, in fact, it is Burke's fidelity to the principles of natural law that makes all his political interventions coherent. The aim of this paper is to analyze the subordination of positive law to natural law and original justice in Burke's thought, and we will achieve that by perusing his works through different periods of his career. In order to better understand his position, we will call to the conversation John Locke, from whom he departs, and Francisco de Vitoria, with whom he shares the notion of a society-dependent human nature. From the prophetic views of Burke and Tocqueville about the future, and as a kind of conclusion, we will question if the reference to natural law makes sense in present times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the fraught relationship between an English adolescent, Edward Clarke, and his father through analysis of close to two hundred letters written between 1667 and 1672, while Edward—who would grow up to be John Locke's closest friend and a Whig MP—was a student at Oxford and the Inner Temple. I focus on money and health, the two topics that preoccupied Edward and his father the most, to show how they negotiated the terms of their relationship and grappled with issues of authority, status, duty and obligation, affection, and trust as the son's condition shifted gradually from dependence toward independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This academic paper delves into the intricate evolution of Romanian presidentialism from 1974 to 2024, exploring ethical, philosophical, political, and historical dimensions. Drawing from thinkers like Locke and Hegel, it emphasizes the delicate balance between power and ethical responsibility in a democratic society. Ceaușescu's era marked the introduction of the presidency, concentrating power in a quasi-monarchical fashion, lacking checks and balances. The post-communist transition witnessed legal delimitation and depoliticization. Băsescu's presidency brought direct involvement, while Iohannis's displayed initially reserved and yet after increased participation. The study underscores the complex interplay between power, ethics, and constitutional evolution, providing valuable insights for Romania's political system future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stewart Duncan's book, "Materialism from Hobbes to Locke," provides a valuable contribution to the study of early modern materialism, specifically focusing on Hobbes and Locke in the English context. Duncan also includes chapters on anti-Hobbesian arguments by More, Cudworth, and Cavendish, as well as an epilogue on Toland and Collins. The book explores different versions of materialism in the seventeenth century and highlights the influence of other philosophers, such as More and Cudworth, on Locke's thinking. Duncan argues that Locke's work allows for a materialist account of the human mind. Overall, the book offers new insights into familiar topics and is a valuable resource for scholars of early modern philosophy. [Extracted from the article]

Locke refrained from engaging explicitly with Hobbes in any of his writings. Locke's policy of non-engagement should be interpreted, we argue, neither as evidence of his lack of interest in (or ignorance of) Hobbes's arguments, nor as an attempt to conceal from the uninitiated Locke's covert Hobbesian commitments. Locke's silence reveals rather than conceals. What it reveals is an absolute determination to "distinguish between the business of civil government and that of religion, and to mark the true bounds between them". Approached in this way, precisely because Locke's account of the "business of civil government" says nothing about ecclesiastical government, the second of Two Treatises can be read, in its entirety, as a powerful critical response to Hobbes. To see why, it is necessary to grasp that Part III of Leviathan ("Of a Christian Common-wealth") is integral to Hobbes's positive argumentative purposes in the work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early iterations of his political thought, The Elements of Law and De Cive , Hobbes proposed a new account of the nature of the people. In Section 2 I describe Pufendorf's critical response. Pufendorf's theory of the people is a neglected aspect of the political argument of the De Jure. Just as neglected is Locke's theory of the people in Two Treatises of Government , though there is better reason for neglect in Locke's case, in so far as he fails in his major work of political philosophy to present anything resembling a theory of the people at all. In Section 3 I bring Locke's thinking about the people into clearer focus. In the concluding Section 4 I explore some of the weaknesses of his position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the special issue on Hobbes and Locke: Meaning, Method, Modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the religious innatism debate in early modern Britain, specifically focusing on the intellectual change beyond John Locke's influence. The author argues that the decline in interest in religious innatism was not solely due to Locke's Essay concerning Human Understanding, but rather a complex shift in religious and philosophical thought. The debate about innatism was motivated by the fear of atheism and the need to establish the naturalness of religious belief. Over time, the focus shifted from innatism to deism, and the role of tradition and revelation became more prominent. The author emphasizes that the decline of innatism was not solely attributed to Locke and that there is more to understanding his impact on philosophical and religious culture. [Extracted from the article]

When he comes to reflect on personal identity, Leibniz engages in a direct dialogue with Locke, to whom he intends to demonstrate that consciousness, as it is defined by Descartes, isn't the only criterion of human personality. In this dialogue, Hobbes plays a decisive part : first, because his theory of the natural person helps to distinguish between the metaphysical question of individualizing a substance and the moral issue of what constitutes the moral identity of a person ; second, because his theory of human mortality allows him to refute the principle of a metaphysical identity of man, that is, the idea of a substantial human immortality; finally, because he furnishes Leibniz with a concept of consciousness which is used by the latter as a means of criticizing the idea that the Cartesian conception of consciousness is a proper criteria for personal identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]