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While recent scholarship has investigated the role of money politics in Indonesia, much less has been said about the part played by sentiments of identity. We argue here that ethnicity and religion remain crucial to an understanding of the processes of local politics and electioneering. We have coined the term ethnicity and religion based organization (ERBO) and used it as a basis for an examination of ethnicity and religion based identity politics in Lampung, the southernmost province of Sumatra. Ethnic identity dovetails largely with religious identity and is a dominant force in the local politics of Lampung, a province that, while multi-ethnic, has a population consisting overwhelmingly of migrants who relocated from the island of Java primarily as a result of the transmigration programme. ERBOs are the vehicle used by local leaders to channel ethnic sentiment and translate it into votes; they are often instrumental in selecting and campaigning for candidates, ensuring voter turnout and arranging rewards. Reflecting ethnic sensitivities, however, some ERBOs refrain from entering the political domain and direct their energies to social and cultural spheres. In presenting this evidence, we seek to qualify recent claims that ethnicity no longer plays an important part in Indonesian politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses local contestation of data centres in the Dutch province of North Holland. I explore why and how local councillors and citizen groups mobilized against data centres and demanded democratization of decision-making processes about digital infrastructure. This analysis is used as a vantage point to problematize existing policy and academic narratives on digital sovereignty in Europe. I show, first, that most debates on digital sovereignty so far have overlooked the sub-national level, which is especially relevant for decision making on digital infrastructure. Second, I insist that what matters is not only where digital sovereignty lies, that is, who has the power to decide over digital infrastructural projects: for example, corporations, states, regions, or municipalities. What matters is also how power is exercised. Emphasizing the popular democratic dimension of sovereignty, I argue for a comprehensive democratization of digital sovereignty policies. Democratization in this context is conceived as a multimodal multi-level process, including parliaments, civil society and citizens at the national, regional and local levels alike. The shape of the cloud should be citizens' to decide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first field experiments to encourage participation in local civic bodies, I examine whether outreach can reduce inequalities in who participates in city council meetings. Renter participation in local politics lags that of home owners, who often participate to oppose housing growth. A total of 19,951 renter households received randomly assigned emails encouraging them to comment at their city council meetings and support housing growth. Opening a message highlighting potential costs of abstention from local politics increased public comments by 1.4 percentage points versus a placebo. These effects are substantively large: treatment-induced comments represented 8% of total comments and 46% of pro-housing comments across all targeted meetings. The results suggest that even low-cost outreach strategies can meaningfully increase participation in lesser known settings like city councils and make these bodies more reflective of the general public. Further, increasing the perception that abstention is costly appears to be an effective motivator of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

County sheriffs hold a great deal of discretionary power at the county level; however, little is known about the decision-making of sheriffs. One key role they hold is overseeing county jails. In this role, county sheriffs choose how often to cooperate with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) when they make a detainer request of the county. This study investigates the factors influencing sheriffs' decision making, specifically whether sheriffs make discretionary decisions based on the will of the people. Using ICE data about cooperation with county jails, and Cooperative Congregational Election Study (CCES) data, we assess if sheriff cooperation with ICE is politically motivated, in congruence with preferences of the voters countywide, or are other factors potentially influencing sheriffs. We find that sheriffs' decision to cooperate with ICE is influenced by the demographics and economy of their county rather than their own political affiliation or their county's ideological stance on immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does partisanship reduce the importance of self-interest in local political decision-making? I examined the case of homeowners and their preferences for lower property taxes, as well as their evaluations of zoning and development policy, to answer this question. Relying on data from a conjoint survey experiment (n = 2036), I found that homeowners were more likely to select a candidate who supported lower property taxes than non-homeowners, on average. However, homeowners did not express stronger preferences for lower property taxes when evaluating candidates from the opposing party, or making decisions in elections that featured two-party competition. I supplemented my experimental data with survey data from the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), which asked respondents to evaluate zoning and development in their area, as well as their mayor. I found that homeowners were more likely than non-homeowners to credit their mayor for favorable evaluations of zoning and development regardless of their mayor's partisanship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, researchers working on the nexus between migration and politics in countries of origin have started to pay more attention to the local level, but important empirical and theoretical gaps remain. By drawing upon semi-structured interviews, field observation and documentary research, this paper presents the exploratory case study of the 2012 local elections in Borșa, Romania, when an emigrant became mayor due to the mass mobilisation of the diaspora. Our analysis makes a three-fold contribution to the emerging literature on the impact of migration on local politics. First, it provides fresh empirical evidence from the largely underexplored context of intra-EU mobility. Second, it proposes an inductive classification of the factors and mechanisms at micro-, meso- and macro-level that allowed for the political change in Borșa in 2012, thus providing the basis for a framework of the prerequisites for migrant-led political change at the local level. This includes recognising ad hoc transnational mobility as a distinct mechanism of migrant political mobilisation. Third, by identifying also some of the post-election challenges faced by the migrant political actors, we extend Danielson’s (2017) framework of ‘acceptance’, ‘rejection’ and ‘integration' by proposing the category of ‘negotiated political integration’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work proposes a study of media narratives concerning local politics during election campaigns. The study focuses on the case of the 2021 municipal elections for the City of Naples and starts from the hypothesis that the relationship between political actors and media outlets constitutes a dual connection, wherein the former use the latter as a sounding board, and the latter confer centrality to politicians in agenda-setting. The empirical part of the study follows a mixed methods design to examine the self-presentation strategies of mayoral candidates and analyze their corresponding media coverage. The objective is to provide an in-depth description of the political-press relationship to identify and understand the advantages obtainable by the actors involved in this relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recognising the increasingly urban character of Southeast Asian politics, our introduction to this special issue explores the varied patterns of government–business relations found across the region. In some urban centres, businesses form collusive rent-seeking relations with mayors and other politicians; in others, they support governance reform and urban renewal. In beginning to unpick this variation, we briefly highlight what we can learn from literatures on national-level government–business relations and subnational politics – emphasising that local-level government–business relations commonly diverge in significant ways from those at the national level. Next, we survey the articles that follow through three themes: relative strengths of local government and business across distinct urban settings; changes over time in the presence and efficacy of development coalitions spanning government and business; and recent innovations in government–business ties in certain cities. We end by calling for increased research into this important but poorly understood topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the nature of business–government relations shape the capacity of local governments to accomplish their development objectives? How do different patterns of business–government interaction affect the quantity and quality of public services and the ability of citizens to hold policymakers accountable for their performance? This article attempts to answer these questions in the context of one municipality in Thailand, Khon Kaen City. We argue that the political economy of business–government relationships in Khon Kaen can be divided into three eras, each defined by a different model of business–government interaction: the government-led model, the contracting model, and the public–private partnership model. We describe how the character of business–government relationships has changed across these different models, focusing on three dimensions: (1) the degree to which ties are formalised or institutionalised, (2) the extent to which local businesses coordinate, cooperate, or collude amongst themselves, and (3) the distribution of power between the local government and businesses. We also analyse the drivers behind the shift from one model to another and consider the implications of each for local development and service provision, patterns of rent-seeking, and levels of accountability and participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Reformation era in Indonesia has resulted in changes in local politics, particularly in relation to ethnic-based groups or adat politics. However, previous studies that have focused on the rise of adat or tradition in local politics have paid limited attention to the dynamics of cultural expression and representation. This article aims to shed light on the reconstruction of ethnic identity among the Belunguh people in Lampung within multiethnic society. To achieve this, an ethnographic inquiry was conducted with the Belunguh people of the Lampung Sai Batin sub-ethnic group, specifically exploring their marriage patterns and rituals. The data collection methods consisted of interview, focus group discussions (FGD), and observation involving twelve informants from traditional leaders (penyimbang adat). The findings of the study highlight the significance of marriage systems and rituals in the construction of Belunguh ethnic identity. While intra-ethnic relations are shaped by marriage practices and rituals of semanda and metudau, the practice of tekhang emerges to facilitate inter-ethnic marriages, particularly with the Javanese. The Belunguh people strive to enhance their awareness of identity by modifying marriage rituals, which reflect their social status, hierarchy, and cultural adaptation in a multiethnic society.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el desarrollo y la gestión de las políticas culturales locales, con un enfoque específico en la red de Bibliotecas Públicas de Barcelona. Esta nueva mirada en la política cultural busca integrar la cultura local y movilizar comunidades, impulsada por la priorización de la gobernanza del sistema cultural. Dentro de este contexto, entre las iniciativas que abrazan esta nueva perspectiva, se destaca el papel que desempeñan las bibliotecas como espacios privilegiados para fomentar una “cultura común”, fortaleciendo la cohesión social y generando valor en el ámbito social. El desafío que implica para estas instituciones adaptarse a nuevos roles, como centros de “hacedores de cultura” y promotores del consumo digital, es esencial. Para el análisis, se plantean dos enfoques principales. Primero, se examina el valor social de las bibliotecas desde la perspectiva de su gestión directiva, explorando cómo este concepto se integra en su día a día y su relevancia como puntos de encuentro comunitario en Barcelona. Segundo, se evalúa el impacto de las políticas institucionales y las demandas laborales en el funcionamiento de estas bibliotecas, considerando su aplicación en el contexto específico de estas instituciones culturales. Para llevar a cabo este análisis, se emplea una perspectiva cualitativa. Como resultado, se ha podido concluir que la política pública de bibliotecas en Barcelona debe contar con una participación ciudadana activa y real para ser efectiva, entendiendo que la democratización cultural implica no solo el acceso físico, sino también un compromiso activo de la comunidad. Se observa que la administración pública implementa una política “top down” muy marcada, contrastando con el trabajo cotidiano de gestión de las bibliotecas. A pesar de los esfuerzos para fortalecer el valor social de estos equipamientos, surgen desafíos, como la precariedad en presupuesto y recursos humanos, que limitan el desarrollo efectivo de la política. Los bibliotecarios desempeñan un papel vital como mediadores culturales, pero la brecha entre la proyección pública y la realidad operativa destaca la necesidad de abordar los desafíos laborales y sociales que enfrentan las bibliotecas en su funcionamiento diario = This article aims to analyze the development and management of local cultural policies, with a specific focus on the Public Libraries network in Barcelona. This new look at cultural policies seeks to integrate local culture and mobilize communities, driven by the prioritization of the governance of the cultural system. Within this context, among the initiatives that embrace this new perspective, the role of libraries as privileged spaces for fostering a “common culture”, strengthening social cohesion, and generating value in the social sphere stands out. The challenge for these institutions to adapt to new roles, such as being centers of “culture makers” and promoters of digital consumption, is essential. For the analysis, two main approaches are considered. First, the social value of libraries is examined from the perspective of their management, exploring how this concept is integrated into their day-to-day work and their relevance as community meeting points in Barcelona. Second, it assesses the impact of institutional policies and labor demands on the functioning of these libraries, considering their application in the specific context of these cultural institutions. In order to carry out this analysis, a qualitative perspective is used. As a result, it has been possible to conclude that the public policy of libraries in Barcelona must have an active and real citizen participation to be effective, understanding that cultural democratization implies not only physical access, but also an active commitment of the community. It is observed that the public administration implements a very marked “top down” policy, contrasting with the daily work of library management. Despite efforts to strengthen the social value of these facilities, challenges arise, such as the precariousness of the budget and human resources, which limit the effective development of the policy. Librarians play a vital role as cultural mediators, but the gap between public projection and operational reality highlights the need to address the labor and social challenges faced by libraries in their daily operations.

Since decentralization was reinforced in 1999, local politicians have exploited local policies to enhance their popularity and electability. In this study, I describe the implementation of a food security policy to demonstrate how the local arena had undergone massive political dynamics through unintegrated food governance demonstrated by local governments in Makassar City. This article aims to analyze the dynamic of urban food policy implemented by the municipality from 2013 to 2023. A qualitative approach had been employed through a case study of the implementation of food security policy. Data were collected by snowball method to eminent informants. Also, focus group discussions were employed in certain community groups. This study found that food policy in Makassar City during the study period had shown a political mobilization rather than a pure food security policy to help the community. In the policy planning, the failure was found in the limited technical analysis. The people who dwell in this city were not prepared for agricultural activities, including planting, maintaining the plants, and soil treatment. Also, the typical vegetables that were planted were not suitable for the climatic characteristics of this city. This study also found that media framing was massively exploited to escalate the positive framing of the ‘inclusivity’ of the leadership and attract the people to engage beyond food diversification. On the other side, as this policy was funded through a discretionary approach, massive negative sentiment had emerged, particularly from the legislative. They felt like an abandoned partner. Consequently, the government should create an alternative mechanism through shadow bureaucrats, designed by the mayor.

Debates over the development and density of housing have gained visibility in recent years as housing costs have skyrocketed in many metropolitan areas. With those who seek to limit development (NIMBYs) on one side and those who seek to promote it (YIMBYs) on the other, scholarly attention has turned to understanding preferences and power in the politics of development. This article reviews scholarship relating to the politics of land use. After discussing the history of land use regulation, we describe who the important actors are (and, generally, what they want) in the politics of land use; we explain the distribution of power and inequality in the politics of land use; and we briefly review how land use regulation affects other societal outcomes. We end with a set of unanswered political questions that could push the field forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the political economy of local politicians' residential neighborhoods. We use Swedish data on the location of all politicians' and citizens' homes and their socioeconomic traits. A descriptive analysis shows that politicians live in neighborhoods with more socioeconomically advantaged residents and more of their own party's voters. Next, we analyze whether having politicians in a neighborhood reduces the likelihood that new buildings are placed there, since these projects often generate local opposition. This analysis compares the neighborhoods of politicians with different degrees of political power and is restricted to close elections. We find that the presence of more politicians with governing power reduces the neighborhood's proportion of new approved building permits for multifamily homes but not for single-family homes. The result is most likely explained by undue favoritism. We conclude that spatial political representation matters and that unequal spatial representation can increase geographic economic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a three-dimensional approach to party political conflict at the local level, drawing from an anti-elitism dimension, the left-right dimension and a localism dimension. More than 4500 parties participating in the 2014 and 2018 Dutch municipal elections are placed on these dimensions on the basis of their manifestos using quantitative textual analysis. A three-pronged approach is used to justify this three-dimensional model. The three dimensions are shown to be empirically distinctive. They are revealed to reflect meaningful differences between parties that are also visible in their names; and finally, these dimensions are shown to predict participation in local executive coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do natural disasters affect election results? Some studies have shown that natural disasters negatively impact subsequent elections, while others do not. This study investigated the link between natural disasters and local elections using data from the Japanese prefectural governor elections for the years 1985–2015. A rich data set is available for prefectural governor elections in Japan that includes information on who won, the vote shares of all candidates, and when the election was held, among others. We found empirical evidence that the number of days between an election and most recent disaster before election positively impacted the vote share of the incumbent/successor. In other words, an incumbent/successor is likely to have less support in the election immediately following a disaster by the constituencies, but can get more support as time passes after the disaster. Moreover, political alignment with the central ruling parties positively affects the vote share of an incumbent/successor over time between an election and the most recent disaster. These results suggest a possibility that politicians seek popularity not through the implementation of proper disaster recovery policies but by taking advantage of their connection with central ruling parties, which may harm citizens' welfare in the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patterns in candidate emergence affect who voters can choose from, and thus the quality of representative democracy. Despite extensive work considering factors that contribute to political ambition and factors that contribute to candidate emergence separately, we know less about the transition from the former to the latter. We investigate the role of motives using a novel dataset of over 10,000 open-ended statements of interest collected by Run for Something, a progressive non-profit that encourages political amateurs to run for state and local office. We find that politically ambitious future candidates talk about their interest in running differently than politically ambitious future non-candidates, suggesting that stated motives provide meaningful signals of likely candidate emergence. Respondents who articulated their motives in terms of general political interest, core values, and personal background were less likely to run than respondents who emphasized specific issues, political opportunity, or progressive populist sentiments, respectively. We further find that white and male respondents were likelier to articulate their interest in terms negatively associated with candidate emergence, consistent with prior work showing that members of underrepresented groups wait longer, until they are more qualified, before expressing their interest in running for office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the development and management of local cultural policies, with a specific focus on the Public Libraries network in Barcelona. This new look at cultural policies seeks to integrate local culture and mobilize communities, driven by the prioritization of the governance of the cultural system. Within this context, among the initiatives that embrace this new perspective, the role of libraries as privileged spaces for fostering a "common culture", strengthening social cohesion, and generating value in the social sphere stands out. The challenge for these institutions to adapt to new roles, such as being centers of "culture makers" and promoters of digital consumption, is essential. For the analysis, two main approaches are considered. First, the social value of libraries is examined from the perspective of their management, exploring how this concept is integrated into their day-to-day work and their relevance as community meeting points in Barcelona. Second, it assesses the impact of institutional policies and labor demands on the functioning of these libraries, considering their application in the specific context of these cultural institutions. In order to carry out this analysis, a qualitative perspective is used. As a result, it has been possible to conclude that the public policy of libraries in Barcelona must have an active and real citizen participation to be effective, understanding that cultural democratization implies not only physical access, but also an active commitment of the community. It is observed that the public administration implements a very marked "top down" policy, contrasting with the daily work of library management. Despite efforts to strengthen the social value of these facilities, challenges arise, such as the precariousness of the budget and human resources, which limit the effective development of the policy. Librarians play a vital role as cultural mediators, but the gap between public projection and operational reality highlights the need to address the labor and social challenges faced by libraries in their daily operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Scholars have charted a dramatic rise in the use of preemption both at the federal and state levels since the 1970s, with courts and politicians from both parties enacting preemptions across a range of contentious issues. Thus, preemption is a critical feature of American policymaking—one that almost certainly shapes the political choices of policymakers, organized interests, and voters across levels of government. Despite its significance to the politics of policymaking, scholars have yet to systematically consider the political consequences of preemption. We apply the logic of policy feedback theory to create a framework for analyzing the political consequences of preemption. Specifically, we detail how the use of both federal‐state and state‐local preemption might produce unique resource and interpretive effects that shape the subsequent political behaviors of policymakers, organized interests, and the public. We then consider two illustrative cases—federal preemption of state consumer financial protections and state preemption of local gender identity anti‐discrimination statutes—to demonstrate our framework's application. The article addresses a gap in the preemption literature and provides a critical extension of policy feedback theory, proposing a research agenda for future work to help better understand the politics of a widely used policy tool. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to ongoing processes of decentralization, municipalities across European countries have been part of extensive municipal amalgamations, have engaged in ever-expanding inter-municipal collaborations, or have experienced both reforms. While amalgamations are usually negatively assessed by citizens, we still lack knowledge on the democratic performance of inter-municipal partnerships. This paper provides an assessment of the day-to-day functioning of inter-municipal partnerships in the Netherlands, a country in which the combination of trends is most clearly visible. Based on semi-structured interviews with politicians and civil servants active in the boards of inter-municipal organizations, the paper confirms the lack of democratic oversight on inter-municipal partnerships. However, the analysis also highlights three other, so far underestimated problems of these partnerships: their lack of transparency, the multiplication of roles by board members, and the prevalence of informal networks. In combination, these findings reveal that inter-municipal collaboration results in a considerable democratic deficit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explicated the need to compare the established paradigmatic ideas in local public management and in the political science research environment. Particular attention is paid to the important issue of the project relationship establishing between the paradigmatic approach and the subject field of public management research. Essential discrepancies between the key paradigmatic approaches to local public management and policy making at the local level are revealed. Stated the necessity of essential empirical material evaluation for further research and possibly improvement of the regulatory framework for local public management. Proved that the particular author's (actors`) main reason for conducting paradigmatic discussions on local public management is the need to communicate with a powerful research tradition. It is concluded that, the success of public policies and their impact on the lives of citizens depends on an understanding of epistemic foundations. Established that different paradigmatic alternatives of public decisions are determined on the basis of scientific data. Considered the most optimal way of applying any paradigmatic approaches is the analysis of the expediency of applying the methodology and forecasting the achievement of scientific novelty or specific results of management projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite being globally acknowledged as one of the more gender-equal societies, the Philippines faces persistent challenges in achieving gender parity, especially in political representation, which necessitates a deeper investigation into women's political participation at the local level. This study delves into the nuanced dynamics of local women politicians (LWPs), examining their political background, recruitment into politics, and perceived factors for electoral success. Utilizing a phenomenological research design, the study aims to articulate and comprehend the essence of LWPs' lived experiences. Grounded in Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), the methodological framework facilitates a nuanced understanding of individual and societal realms. Six LWPs from Bukidnon, Northern Mindanao, participated in the study to comprehensively explore commonalities and distinctions in their political experiences. The findings revealed five themes of LWPs' political background: apolitical origins, entry into politics during young adulthood, involvement in philanthropy, membership in political families, and substantial political experience. The political recruitment of LWPs is revealed through the support of the church and the influence of political families. Additionally, LWPs' perceived factors for winning in electoral politics encompass three key themes: membership in a political family, philanthropic endeavors, and the prevalence of money politics. The lived experiences of LWPs resonate with prior research on "kinship politics" in the Philippines, illustrating how political power is bequeathed, inherited, and cycled within prominent political clans. This study contributes to the ongoing discourse on women's political participation by offering a comprehensive and nuanced exploration of the multifaceted factors influencing their engagement in local politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Localism has recently been placed back on the political agenda in many countries. Given this, the case for prioritizing the local should be subject to renewed scrutiny. In this review essay, I do this in two ways while being guided by two new books: Trevor Latimer's Small Isn't Beautiful: The Case Against Localism and Jennifer Vey and Nate Storring's edited collection, Hyperlocal: Place Governance in a Fragmented World. Firstly, I use Latimer to examine how the localist revolution—much heralded by some—has the potential not only to produce good as well as regrettable outcomes, but increasingly regrettable outcomes in the name of good. Secondly, I use Vey and Storring to examine why localist solutions emerge and sometimes become necessary in the face of state and federal neglect. But even so, this does not necessarily mean that localism alone, without centralized coordination and oversight, is enough. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: I examined whether retrospective evaluations of local governments were influenced by perceptions of local governments' influence. Methods: I fielded a survey (n = 1000) that asked respondents about their local governments, their perceptions of the economy and crime, and the influence of local governments on the economy and crime. Results: I found that respondents who strongly agreed with a statement that local governments had important economic consequences were more likely to connect their perceptions of the local economy to their evaluations of their local government than those who only somewhat agreed, or neither agreed nor disagreed with that statement. I found that respondents who strongly agreed with a statement that local governments could reduce violent crime were more likely to connect their perception of local crime to their evaluation of their local government than those who neither agreed nor disagreed with that statement. Conclusion: I found some evidence that retrospective evaluations are moderated by perceptions of local government influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) is an Islamic-based political party that has won the Depok City Regional Election (Pilkada) four times in a row since the first Pilkada was held in the city. The consistent change in leadership in Depok raises questions about PKS’s hegemonic practices to maintain and expand its influence among the people of Depok. This research aims to identify PKS Depok’s hegemonic practices according to Antonio Gramsci’s theory, which emphasizes creating ideological consensus, the role of intellectuals, and political leadership. The study uses qualitative methods, collecting data through interviews and literature review. It is conducted in Depok, focusing on the DPD PKS Depok and the 2020 Depok City regional Election as a case study. The study concludes that Idris-Imam, PKS-backed candidates for Mayor and Vice Mayor of Depok, won the election through the dissemination of the Rahmatan Lil Alamin Islamic ideology, the role of intellectuals such as ustad, and educational institutions, as well as the religious political leadership of Kiai Idris, the former Depok Mayor.

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The authors develop a perspective of locally embedded welfare state development to explain how relatively weak national political actors can, nonetheless, shape national policy over time by pursuing local reforms. Empirically, the authors assess their argument by using municipality-level representative shares, data on noncontributory pension reforms, roll-call votes from parliament, and archival material from early twentieth-century Norway, in which several local governments introduced noncontributory old-age pensions before Norway adopted a national scheme. The authors show, first, how nationally underrepresented but highly institutionalized socialist parties with geographically concentrated support introduced local pensions. Over time, these parties thus shaped the possibility space for national reform, effectively locking the national policy agenda into a pension system preferred by the socialists—namely, noncontributory pensions. Citing high municipality-debt pressures in their constituencies, bourgeois politicians from districts with local pensions eventually supported and promoted national-level pension reform. This support, in turn, spurred the cross-class alliance required to establish a national noncontributory pension system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article aims to discuss how the mutual impact of anti -tourism movements and politics influences the picture of overtourism disseminated by the media. The examples of Barcelona and Amsterdam presented show how anti -tourism movements, and their postulates, merge with political programs and become a part of local or even domestic political debate. Politicians and supporting media have become interested in over -heating emotions for political reasons. As a result, the picture presented in the media might not mirror precisely the complex phenomenon of overtourism being experienced differently in different places in the same city, at different moments, and by different residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I present a case of dispute resolution from Pakistan where kinship leaders play a key role in resolving local disputes. Scholars often cite that such practices provide evidence of a failed state. However, I show how these traditional practices elucidate ongoing processes of boundary management. On the one hand, these practices reveal the efforts by non-state leaders to carve out their autonomy by taking on a role traditionally played by the state. In fact, their ability to management local/state boundaries is linked to how they manage boundaries within their communities. The state, in turn, recognizes or legitimates these boundaries when it is politically convenient or allows them to save face. I document such negotiations in my research and show how they are critical to understanding how villagers see the state and vice versa. The Pakistani case is important as the ubiquity of its alternate dispute resolution system problematizes the taken-for-granted status of the state and makes visible the mechanisms by which the boundaries between the state and society are continually negotiated and the implications for the citizen/state relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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1 Henry IV is often praised for how it juxtaposes major geo-political events with the more mundane depictions of city life. But the local London scenes generally aren't thought of as events with their own politics and histories. This essay seeks to trace that local history and show how the play engaged in those local politics. It is specifically interested in how the tavern scene at 2.4. is connected to London's regulations on inn performances in the 1590s. The paper makes two interrelated claims about this scene. The first is historical. The 'play extemporary' at 2.4 should be understood as an illegal or, at the very least, an illicit inn performance that is interrupted by the local authorities and thus can be read against the background of increasing restrictions on inn performances. Next, I argue that the play was probably played at inns, including Cross Keys, and so Falstaff's performance should be understood on a meta-level since the audience would have recognised themselves as tavern-goers watching an illicit performance. Together, these readings help to explain some of the puzzling interpretive cruxes of the text and demonstrate how local political events intruded on Shakespeare's play about national, dynastic history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The National Climate Initiative (NKI) in Germany provides a strong incentive for local governments to apply for funding to engage in climate protection activities. Yet, the latest evaluation of the NKI confirms that there is a great disparity in the distribution of funding across regions. Taking this regional fragmentation as a starting point, we ask the following: How can we explain disparity in the amount of funding across counties and cities? We draw on climate policy literature pointing to the role of socioeconomic and political determinants and the settlement structure to answer this question. We study all 400 cities and counties to test hypotheses concerning disparity in the likelihood and amount of climate funding, using data from the German Ministry for the Environment and further regional statistics. Running different multilevel regression models, we show that local climate funding is more likely in cities and more urbanized counties than in rural counties with less population and oftentimes also with less young and educated people. We argue that despite the increasing number of local governments getting active in climate protection in Germany, there is important unused potential for climate change mitigation in rural counties. Therefore, we conclude by proposing a new research agenda focusing on climate change mitigation in rural areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article contributes to the literature on political agenda-setting on social media in the local context. Using interviews with local politicians in northern Norway, we discuss local politicians’ use of social media for agenda-setting in between elections from an agency perspective. We ask whether local politicians seek to promote and control the definition of an issue on social media, and whether local politicians are influenced by citizens’ opinions on these platforms. We find that local politicians do take advantage of social media in the agenda-setting process, both for problem definition and to sell their ideas. Our findings reveal that local politicians use social media to bypass traditional media for political messaging and that they are sensitive to public opinion on Facebook. Furthermore, there is evidence in our study of online debates brought into formal policymaking processes.

The study examines the Facebook use of elected local politicians over two years in Hungary. To gain insights into the role of local politicians in social-media-based local publics in Hungary, a large-scale data collection has been conducted to capture the Facebook activity of all elected local representatives (mayors and councilors; N = 19,503) from the 3,152 Hungarian municipalities. Our research uncovers the level (adoption, activity) and direct audience (number of followers) of their Facebook activity and shows how these patterns are conditioned by political (party, electoral competitiveness, bandwagon effect) and contextual (size, average income of the population, development level of the local Facebook sphere) factors. We show that local politicians are mostly active in larger municipalities, while a larger proportion of the population can be reached directly in smaller communities. The activity of local politicians is largely driven by political considerations, while demand-side factors are less important.

The primary objective of this study is to get a comprehensive understanding of the socio-political status of Muslim individuals inside non-Muslim majority countries. Specifically, it wants to examine the various hurdles Muslims encounter in these contexts and the tactics they employ to navigate and surmount these obstacles. This research explores the surrounding community’s reactions and attitudes toward Muslims’ political engagements. The research method employed in this study is qualitative, utilizing a library research approach to gather data. The data is collected through an extensive review of pertinent literature. The study’s findings indicate that Muslims actively and strategically engage in local politics to achieve integration while preserving their religious identity. Despite encountering prejudice and discrimination, many individuals adhering to the Islamic faith have successfully surmounted these obstacles by establishing support networks and engaging in collaborative efforts with various groups. The responses of society towards Muslim engagement have exhibited a range of outcomes, with interfaith education and discussion emerging as useful strategies in fostering comprehension and acceptance. In conclusion, the active participation of Muslims in municipal politics holds the potential to engender constructive transformations and foster a culture characterized by inclusivity.

U.S. national policies toward Native Americans followed a zig-zag path of change from 1889 to 1970. How do we explain policymakers' unsteady attraction to the rights of Native Nations? I argue that in precarious circumstances, Native Americans forged interest-based political coalitions with non-Native American western rural interests. At times, this cross-racial, interest-based coalition successfully challenged the power of non-Native American eastern ideologues. These findings advance our understanding of the interplay of race and federalism. Also, these findings illustrate the unique importance of Native Nations for American political development. This article presents quantitative and qualitative analyses of a new dataset on federal Indian policy. It also reviews existing historical scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why does the scale and intensity of protest vary so widely across Russian cities? This article answers this question by disaggregating political opportunity structures to consider the interaction between formal and informal political factors through a paired comparison of two similar Russian cities during the turbulent 1990s. Drawing on archival documents, interviews, and an analysis of local media, I argue that the observed variation depends on elite strategies for social control and local governmental institutions. Specifically, when a city's institutions and political elite strategy match, either with undemocratic institutions and a closed political elite strategy, or with democratic institutions and an open political elite strategy, protests are likely to be small and insignificant. In contrast, when the institutional architecture and political elite strategies mismatch, protests are more likely to be large and intense because there is an opening for protest, but not institutionalized paths for participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]