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Building on research on cultural threat‐induced polarization, we investigate the effect of the individual‐level salience of cultural threats on polarization between social liberals and conservatives. In a unique survey experiment conducted with 129,000 respondents nested in 208 regions in 27 European Union (EU) member states, we manipulate the presence of two cultural threats, women's rights, and refugee immigration, to test their polarizing effects on social liberals' and social conservatives' support for traditional values. We find that priming the threat of refugee immigration polarizes conservatives and liberals equally. Yet, introducing the salience of women's rights leads to lower preferences for traditional values, particularly among more liberal respondents. Our findings demonstrate: 1) the study of backlash should distinguish individuals by their predisposition to backlash, rather than studying the population as a whole; and 2) social conservatives' backlash should be studied conjointly with social liberals' counter‐reactions to backlash. Future research may investigate why different cultural threats provoke different reactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are conservatives as competent as liberals? Are liberals as competent as conservatives? Logically, one might assume agreement with one implies agreement with the other. However, we found that people rely on contrast modeling when making these types of similarity judgements. Specifically, people use their own social identity as a metric for weighing evaluative statements asymmetrically based on how they are framed (i.e., which group comes first). Thus, conservatives agree more strongly with the first framing of the statement, while liberals agree more strongly with the second, despite similar semantic meanings underlying both statements. Four studies (N = 1,405) examined the cognitive processes leading to this similarity judgement. Further, we show that identity centrality moderates reliance on contrast modeling. Our findings suggest that cognitive mechanisms underlying social group comparisons are analogous to the mechanisms used to compare nonsocial categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diversity poses no threat to democracy. What does imperil democracy are demagogues who deprive minorities of rights and claim that vesting themselves with extraordinary powers is vital to guarding the ethnic majority against the purported predations of minorities and immigrants. Virtually everywhere such demagogues have gained the upper hand. Moreover, they have claimed superiority as patriots and protectors of the nation. Democracy's liberal defenders have often neglected the power of nationalism, regarding it as an unsavory atavism. If they are to successfully defend democracy in multiethnic societies, liberals must stop conflating nationalism with nativism and ethnonationalism, seize the flag, and arm themselves with emotionally compelling national-democratic narratives that appeal more widely than the biased tales spun by the illiberal foes of free government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a well‐ordered society, democratic officials face an assurance problem. They want to ensure that others will act reasonably when they do the same. According to political liberals, public reason can solve this problem, but the details of how assurance is generated are unclear. This article explains the assurance mechanism in political liberalism. Apart from public reason, mutual assurance is also provided by a long‐term record of civic deeds. By performing civic deeds over time, officials signal their reasonableness to each other. This record of civic deeds is costly to unreasonable officials and thus represents a reliable way to differentiate trustworthy fellows from others. The article also shows that a recent critique of political liberalism, which argues that public reason is merely cheap talk and thus political liberalism fails to provide mutual assurance, misses the point. It overlooks that assurance is created through talks and deeds together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an overview of two books, "At the Center: American Thought and Culture in the Mid-Twentieth Century" and "The Ideas That Made America: A Brief History," which explore the role of ideas in shaping American culture and society during the mid-twentieth century. The authors examine the influence of ideas on practical power and the relationship between ideas and culture. The books offer insights into the movement of ideas across cultures and their impact on intellectual history. The article also discusses the transdisciplinary perspective of "At the Center" and its relevance to the social sciences, including economics. It highlights the search for core principles and consensus in midcentury thought and culture, as well as efforts to broaden Americans' intellectual horizons after World War II. The text delves into the intellectual and cultural shifts in America from 1948 to 1963, focusing on centering and decentering tendencies. It explores various aspects of American culture during this period, such as attempts to define a distinct American culture, the influence of economics on thought, the rise of postmodernism and identity politics, and the impact of globalization. The authors argue that while there were efforts to establish a unified American culture, there were also movements towards decentering and fragmentation. The text suggests that understanding the changes in American economics during this time is crucial for a comprehensive understanding of American thought and culture. [Extracted from the article]

A central aspect of political conservatism is the notion that the system is fair. Political conservatives tend to defend the system more than do liberals. Here we test whether the link between political orientation and this system justification tendency depends on the comparisons people make across time. Across five studies, we found that the typically observed link between conservative (vs. liberal) political orientation and system justification is only observed when no temporal comparisons are made, or when the status quo is compared to a future alternative. However, this association is not observed when the status quo is compared to the past. Instead, when comparing the present to the past, the link between political orientation and system justification was blocked (Studies 1, 2, and 4) or even reversed (Study 3). Theoretically, these results connect the system justification literature to literature on temporal comparison and suggest that system justification is meaningfully influenced by comparisons processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the concept of bundle as a new powerful tool in the study of party reforms. The intensive and intricate nature of the engineering political parties undertake to preserve the status quo amidst a challenging environment tends to be obscured by the focus on their so-called 'conservative nature'. Applied to the process tracing of a large sequence of reforms implemented by the Belgian French-speaking liberal party (MR) between 2019 and 2022, the bundle concept provides the opportunity to go beyond the narrow vision of party reforms only defined and empirically studied so far through their type, size and success. I triangulate a variety of sources to uncover mechanisms through which a handful of key party actors - as powerful steering agents - perceive and translate environmental factors into specific reforms. The bundle analysis brings notably to light a key sequencing mechanism – a snowball effect – explaining how the sequence actually unfolded and fed on itself, challenging our hitherto accepted understanding of party engineering. This study also offers a transferable conceptual framework with valuable insights for wider use in the field, providing an avenue for theory building through causal analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Self‐service technologies are widely used in business, and retailers and service firms invest significant resources to obtain and improve their Self‐Service Technology capabilities. To allocate resources efficiently, it is crucial for firms to predict Self‐Service Technology usage by their customers. However, predictors in the extant literature (e.g., customers' perceptions and personality traits) are not easy to objectively measure or obtain secondary data about. This research proposes and examines political ideology, for which fairly accurate and objective data can be obtained, as a novel predictor of customer Self‐Service Technology usage. In four studies in different contexts, the authors consistently find that political ideology is significantly related to customers' intention to use and actual use of Self‐Service Technologies; Liberals, on average, are found to be significantly more likely to use Self‐Service Technologies compared to conservatives. Moreover, process complexity is identified as a moderator of this effect. In addition, two mediators, customers' need for interaction and customers' perceived control, through which political ideology affects intention to use Self‐Service Technologies are uncovered. The manuscript concludes with a discussion of contributions and practical implications for managers and practitioners as well as avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study proposes a comparison of sociodemographic correlates of knowledge about white-collar crime in France and the US, and predicts cross-national differences in how white-collar crime information is both obtained and processed. A total of 1,068 participants (536 from the US and 532 from France) answered an online survey that measured their level of familiarity with various aspects of white-collar crime as well as their sociodemographic characteristics. In both countries, age, income, and politically liberal views were positively associated with knowledge about white-collar crime, as was education (in France only). In addition, subjects who used internet news sites as their main source of information were generally better informed than those who relied on other media. On the other hand, conservatives (in the US only), men, younger participants, and social media users were more likely to adhere to white-collar crime myths. These findings imply that knowledge about white-collar crime may be increased by disseminating relevant information to targeted audiences. They also suggest, however, that some segments of the population may not be subject to reasoned persuasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While existing consumer research on political ideology often focuses on ideological differences in preferences for high-status, typically observably superior products, little is known about how political ideology may shape preferences for observably inferior products in non-status-signaling domains. Observably inferior products are product options that are dominated by alternatives along observable dimensions. We propose that, in non-status-signaling domains, conservatives are more interested in observably inferior products than liberals. This happens because conservatives (vs. liberals) have a stronger belief that things, including products, are in balance, whereby positives offset negatives. As a result, when presented with observably inferior products, conservatives (vs. liberals) are more likely to engage in compensatory reasoning and attribute positive qualities to these products, boosting their appeal. Activating belief in balance and preventing compensatory reasoning through cognitive load attenuate this effect. Salience of status-signaling motives serves as a boundary condition. Five studies and four follow-ups provide converging evidence using data collected in the laboratory and in the field, hypothetical and actual product choices, a variety of product categories and participant populations. These findings contribute to research on political ideology, compensatory inferences, and inferior products and provide insights with respect to managing product manufacturing, inventory, and waste. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the middle of the 19th century, the first serious differences between the German and Slovenian political camps can be perceived. The rift between both camps in the 1860s, however, did not arise from national motives, but from political ones – due to the antagonism between Slovenian conservatives and German liberals. Later, the political conflict escalated to a nationalitybased antagonism. The testimonies of Germans who lived in Slovenia at the time of the rift show that they started from the same point of view as Slovenians and reacted in the same way in their struggle for national ideas. They both claimed their nations were threatened and at risk of assimilation. German opposition to the Slovenian national movement was also based on German politicians’ fear of losing their leading position in regions with a majority Slovenian population.

Many studies have found that conservatives show an advantage in mental health and happiness and various causes of this have been debated (e.g., religiousness, ideology, or genetics). However, not much attention has been given to examining whether this advantage is psychometrically real, or whether it is due to test bias. We analyzed data from two large Finnish surveys of adults (Ns = 848 and 4,978) from Lahtinen (2024), that measured general anxiety and depression symptoms, as well as a new wokeness scale. Using differential item functioning tests, we found no evidence for measurement bias in these scales. The correlation between index scores of wokeness and mental health (internalizing) was −0.36, which increased to −0.41 when measurement error was removed. The association between wokeness and anxiety (r = −0.33, adjusted r = 0.37) was stronger than wokeness and depression (r = 0.20, adjusted r = 0.22). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the revolutionary era, Jews in the new Grand Duchy of Baden were given hope that full citizenship and integration would eventually be achieved. However, not every location or space in the Grand Duchy was inclusive, as Jews were excluded from most areas in civil society and the state. The Rhein-Neckar region (including the cities of Mannheim and Heidelberg), however, proved to be a location where close contact between Jews and Christians was not only more regular, but an important facet of the developing liberal society—whether that was in the newspapers, the classroom, or bourgeois associations. These so-called 'fraternal spaces' shaped the individuals and were shaped by those individuals who came through them. In the case of the Rhein-Neckar region, this led to Jewish-Christian relationships that had an indelible impact on the blossoming liberal movement of the Vormärz as well as the lead-up to the 1848 revolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how Chinese netizens view Russia and how contested memories shape perceptions. It identifies and categorizes four different perceptions of Russia, held by pro-Russian groups, pro-Soviet groups, anti-Russian nationalists, and liberals on China's social media, who have divergent interpretations of the past. This study contributes a distinct case to the literature on Chinese collective memory and facilitates an understanding of Sino-Russian relations at the social level. Theoretically, it enriches the interdisciplinary dialogue between memory studies and International Relations by highlighting the complexity of historical narratives and the instability between the past and the present. It finds that when a collective memory involves multiple significant but symbolically and ideologically competing historical events, it can become a divisive force that creates confusion in the self-other relationship and motivates different social groups to resist and revise official narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1940s research has suggested that higher education has a liberalizing influence on sociopolitical orientation, although none has demonstrated how this might occur. In the U.S. there is an increasing trend among conservative politicians and media to depreciate the value of a college education, by alleging that college turns people into liberals. To examine the charge that 'college turns people into liberals', I conducted biographical narrative interviews with 24 American college-educated young adults who changed their sociopolitical orientation from conservative to liberal. Utilizing Bourdieu's concepts of habitus and habitus clivé, and grounded theory methods of analysis, I developed a processual model of such transformation. Findings from this study refute narratives of professorial or institutional indoctrination. Instead, the model indicates a more complex process of habitus transformation, that in most cases begins before college students arrive on campus. This study is important because a successful democracy requires an educated populace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research suggests that political polarization has spilled over into otherwise mundane areas of social life. And yet, the size, shape, and depth of that spillage into popular culture are generally unknown. Relying on a sample of 135 widely known movies, TV shows, musicians, sports, and leisure activities, we investigate these issues. We find the "oil spill" of polarization into popular culture is large but loosely organized into multiple fairly shallow pools. Cultural polarization is also asymmetric. Liberals like a wide variety of popular culture, do not dislike conservative popular culture, and their tastes are more rooted in their sociodemographics. Conservatives, on the other hand, like a much narrower range of popular culture, dislike the culture created and liked by Black and urban liberals, and their tastes seem to be more directly rooted in their political ideology. Potential implications of an asymmetric culture war, and ideas for future research, are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the author's experiences teaching in a business school in Idaho, a state known for its right-wing political environment. The author highlights the challenges and opportunities of teaching in a region with a unique demographic of non-traditional and first-generation students. By incorporating critical analysis of markets and historical context into their teaching, the author aims to engage students in meaningful discussions about political economy and social justice. Despite facing austerity measures and potential pushback, the author finds teaching in a business school to be a valuable platform for fostering awareness and understanding among students from diverse backgrounds. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Kurswechsel is the property of Beirat fur gesellschafts-wirtschafts-und umweltpolitische Alternativen (BEIGEWUM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How can Americans on the political left and right both claim their views represent those of Jesus? Using nationally-representative data in which Americans rated Jesus on the left-right ideological spectrum, we assess what characteristics are associated with Americans' ratings and consider arguments about causal ordering. Competing expectations are drawn from "images of God" research and research showing political identities influence Americans' religious characteristics. Focusing on Christians first, the strongest predictors of where Christians place Jesus was their own ideological identity followed closely by views on Christian nationalism. No other religious, racial, or partisan characteristics were associated with where Christians place Jesus. For insights on causal direction, we interact religiosity measures with ideological identity and Christian nationalism, finding identical patterns regardless of religious commitment. We also run models to see if patterns differ for non-Christians and the influence of ideological identity and Christian nationalism are nearly identical. Given that Americans' ideological placement of Jesus has little to do with their own religious identity or commitment, findings lend more support for the theory that Christians and non-Christians alike project their own ideological identities and views about Christian nationalism onto Jesus rather than such characteristics following from stable images of Jesus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes two related points. First, as liberals have started to realize that the welfare state is unable to deliver on egalitarian theories of justice, they have increasingly tried to dissociate their theories from the welfare state. Second, dissociating from the welfare state type of thinking is difficult for some liberal egalitarian theories such as John Rawls's theory of justice as his theory shares some of the same underlying thinking as found in the welfare state. For example, Rawls's understanding of universal citizenship and the difference principle resembles some of the aspects of the welfare state on how social equality and citizenship are tied to productivity and society as a venture of mutual cooperation. Consequently, liberals are caught in a difficult relationship where they can only partially move beyond the welfare state. Because of this affinity liberals should move beyond a Rawlsian framework, as Rawls's theory is difficult to completely dissociate from the welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has become commonplace to argue that Benjamin Constant and Alexis de Tocqueville form a distinct French liberal tradition going back to Montesquieu. Yet Tocqueville showed little interest in Constant, and early nineteenth-century French liberals did not recognize Montesquieu as the father of French liberalism. Based on these observations, this essay demonstrates that the French liberal tradition is a belated construction and explains how, when, and why it was invented. Exhuming the origins of the French liberal tradition, I argue, is important for our understanding of the history of liberalism and the mechanisms behind ideology formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An experiment (N = 209) investigated whether terms about the scientific method impacted processing fluency similarly to other forms of jargon. Political ideology emerged as a significant moderator of the effects of method jargon on processing fluency. Specifically, liberals reported a more negative processing experience after exposure to the jargon condition, in line with expected general effects of jargon, while conservatives did not report a similarly negative experience. This preliminary result adds to accumulating evidence that suggests political ideology poses a challenge for science communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grit—passion and perseverance toward long‐term goals—is generally associated with conscientiousness and consistency and thus presumed to be ideologically conservative in nature. Yet, an understanding of how liberals and conservatives differ in grittiness remains elusive. In this research, overall grit did not differ between liberals and conservatives, rather ideology played an essential role in driving which dimension of grit (perseverance; passion) was emphasized. Contrary to conventional wisdom, grit‐based perseverance (passion) was more influential to liberals (conservatives). Across two studies and a pilot study (appendix), the authors find that while ideology had no direct influence on moral consumer choices, grit‐based perseverance (passion), related to consumers' liberal (conservative) ideology, significantly increased (decreased) intentions to make moral consumer choices. These findings delineate the relationship between political ideology and grit, and the impact on moral consumer choices. The current research offers important implications for practitioners as well as numerous avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes Slovenian perspectives on the possible formations of a state of South Slavs from the final stages of World War I until when the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenians (SCS) was established in 1918. In this period, the most influential Slovenian People's Party (SLS) gradually abandoned the concept of the May Declaration and accepted the idea of unification with Serbia. Despite Slovenian parties seeming to be in harmony on this issue, significant ideological differences separated them, as reflected in the geopolitical parameters of imagined Yugoslav state ideas they envisioned. Further, dissidents from the main parties also developed alternative visions of their own. This article looks at a few of the most prominent alternatives, while determining what distinguishes them from the requirements of the May Declaration, and examines the crucial factors in Slovenians' decision to join the state of South Slavs with Serbia and to be outside the Habsburg monarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between the Liberal Party and the issue of empire during the era of British imperialism from 1880 to 1914. It reveals that the Liberal Party was divided on the matter, with some members supporting an active imperial policy focused on ethical foreign policy and improving the lives of colonial subjects, while others were skeptical of military action and believed that imperial expansion was costly. The article analyzes the role of imperialism in elections during this period and finds that while the Conservatives consistently emphasized empire in their campaigns, it was not always a central issue for the Liberals. The article also explores the language used by both parties when discussing empire and highlights the differences in their rhetoric. Overall, the article provides insights into the complex attitudes towards empire within the Liberal Party and its impact on electoral politics. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides an overview of the complex relationship between liberalism and empire, focusing on the 19th century British Empire. It explores the tension between liberals' belief in universal values and their desire to export those values through empire, while also advocating for peace. The article references various perspectives and authors, including Ronald Robinson, John Gallagher, Uday Singh Mehta, and Duncan Bell, who offer critiques and analyses of liberalism and empire. It also acknowledges ongoing debates surrounding Britain's imperial legacy and the connections of prominent liberals to slavery. The article concludes by encouraging further exploration of this vast topic. The accompanying list of references and resources offers a starting point for further research on the subject. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the evolution of the Liberal Party's views on the British empire and the Commonwealth from 1900 to 1979. The party's early manifestos criticized the government's handling of British interests abroad, but later shifted focus to domestic issues and social reform. The party acknowledged racial injustice within the empire and embraced European cooperation and anti-racism in the 1950s. The article concludes that the Liberal Party did not display excessive nostalgia for the empire. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the response of Gladstonian ethical Liberals to Britain's relationship with empire from 1895-1906. It discusses the tensions between Liberal internationalism and imperialism and how progressive Liberals understood these concepts during a time of party divisions. The article focuses on the impact of divisions over imperialism on the positions of ethical progressive Liberals and their efforts to articulate a revamped Liberalism that combined liberal morality, politics, and social principles. It also discusses the influence of humanitarian crises on their understanding of British imperial policy and their efforts to reconcile humanitarianism with imperialism. The text provides insight into the complex relationship between liberalism and imperialism during this period. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the role of Liberalism in shaping British policy towards India in the early 20th century. It discusses key figures such as Lord William Bentinck, Lord Dalhousie, and Lord Ripon who implemented reforms aimed at modernizing India and promoting self-governance. The article also examines the impact of events like the First World War, the Rowlatt Acts, and the Amritsar Massacre on Indian nationalism. Despite the decline of the Liberal Party, Liberal influence continued indirectly through figures like Sir John Simon and William Wedgwood Benn. The article concludes that by 1939, the issue of Indian independence had effectively been settled. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses Joshua L. Cherniss' book, "Liberalism in Dark Times," which explores the crisis of liberalism in the early twentieth century. Cherniss examines how liberal political thinkers such as Albert Camus, Raymond Aron, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Isaiah Berlin approached the challenges of the time and reconstructed liberalism in various ways. Cherniss refers to this alternative liberalism as "tempered liberalism," which prioritizes living out a liberal ethos in political life. The book draws on the work of Max Weber and emphasizes the cultivation of a liberal ethos, including qualities such as responsibility, modesty, fortitude, tolerance, and integrity. It offers a historically sensitive perspective on liberalism and provides inspiration for integrity and moderation in today's polarized political climate. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is a review of the book "Liberators of a Great Nation. Greek Revolution, Philhellenism, and Liberal Internationalism in Spain (1821-1822)" written by Eva Latorre Broto. The book offers a fresh perspective on the Greek independence movement and the agents who worked for and against it at a European level. The author delves into the political and diplomatic games of the Liberal International, an informal organization composed of transnational liberals, and their collaboration with liberal regimes in Southern Europe. The book stands out for its excellent use of primary sources and its contribution to the Spanish historiographical corpus on the Greek question. [Extracted from the article]

The study deals with the attitude of Russian liberals of the early 20th century to the Eastern question, which occupied a special place in international politics and whose aggravation became one of the factors leading to the World War I. Various political forces in Russia developed their own variants of its solution, realizing that the fate not only of the country, but of the whole world largely depended on the projects they proposed. The analysis of the liberals’ ambiguous perception of the Russian government’s actions in the Balkans, their attitude to the South Slavs, to the problem of the Black Sea Straits, and to the confrontation between the great powers united in alliances, i.e. all aspects of the Eastern question, will allow us to reconstruct and understand the liberals’ understanding of the connection between foreign policy and Russia’s internal development, national interests, and ideological values. Looking at the views of the liberals of the early 20th century on the Eastern question reveals not only the peculiarities of its perception by the ruling elite and representatives of the legal opposition, but also the roots of the growing alienation of the country’s elite from the people. It was this alienation, which intensified during the war years and manifested itself, among other things, in the different perceptions of the importance of the Eastern question by the authorities, the liberals, and the people, that led to the fall of the first liberal Provisional Government in the spring of 1917. As a result, the people tired of the war and unable to understand the meaning of Russia’s struggle for foreign lands, came to support the Bolsheviks, who exposed the “imperialist plans” of the Provisional Government and advocated peace without annexations and contributions. The paper touches upon the problem of the liberals’ attitude not only to the government’s foreign policy, but also to Russian statehood, the conceptual reasons for their transition from a restrained peace-loving position and the desire to prevent war to its unconditional support. The authors identify the ideological and foreign policy factors that influenced this liberal transit. The main attention is paid to the understanding of representatives of various liberal movements of the Eastern question, which, without exaggeration, took a central place not only in their foreign policy program, but also in the project of internal transformations, which envisaged the creation of Great Russia as a result of its solution. The study identifies and analyzes the innovations introduced by the liberals in the interpretation of the Eastern question under the influence not only of the changing international situation, political and economic modernization of Russia, which was becoming a “Duma monarchy,” but also of the development of the ideology itself; the peculiarities of its perception by representatives of various liberal currents in the country are examined.

Millions of nonprofits compete for a share of the billions of dollars donated to charity each year. Yet how donors select which charities to support remains relatively understudied. Social norms influence whether people give to charity at all, but no research has yet considered whether norms also communicate information about which causes group members typically support. To address this important question, we surveyed 1,735 people from 117 countries to understand whether they identified normative causes typically supported by their social groups. We found different normative giving profiles for men, women, older people, younger people, conservatives, progressives, religious, and nonreligious people, with varying degrees of consensus within each social group. Results demonstrate empirically—and for the first time—that social identities contain normative content about which charitable causes group members typically support. Some causes were relatively universally approved of or avoided. Results can inform nonprofit fundraising strategy around segmentation and targeting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The task for liberals in our time is to imagine a form of liberalism that is altogether original. If they don't, it does not seem likely that they will see their creed survive—and anyway, survival is not good enough. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The political conflict that arose in 1917 between emigrant circles of Polish liberals and national democrats regarding the separation of the Polish Corps from the Russian Army, remains relatively obscure in European historiography. Studies on this topic, mostly published in the 20th century, primarily relied on sources from archives in Warsaw, Cracow, and Moscow. It has been shown that Polish liberal democrats operating in Russia, opposing plans to segregate their compatriots into distinct corps within the Russian Army, received support from the occupying Central Powers and the Temporary Council of State established there. Conversely, their political rivals were backed by the Entente, which supported the actions of the national democrats in favor of the separation of the Polish Corps. This topic underscores the need for in-depth research into this intricate matter. Besides confirming existing findings, it is imperative to scrutinize previously untapped sources to gain a more profound understanding of the origins, progression, and repercussions of this political conflict. To achieve this, consulting Austro-Hungarian and Western European sources, as well as overlooked Polish and Russian ones, is essential. To be able to do so, official documentation, egodocuments, and contemporary press articles were used. In this instance, critical source analysis emerges as the optimal approach for the research process, complemented by historical-comparative analysis, particularly for older literature on the subject. The conclusions drawn in this article do not only address gaps in previous knowledge but also offer a launching pad for comprehensive comparative studies on the military policies of other Polish political groups during the Great War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes the proclamation of the Cadiz Constitution in Cartagena de Indias, primarily through a set of unpublished primary sources that vividly describe the clash between two factions within the army of the Spanish monarchy. The study aims to contextualize the conflict and examine the origins and consequences of the disputes between the conflicting factions that championed two antagonistic projects: liberal and absolutist. These projects represented divergent plans for the reconstruction of the colonial domination system in America, as evidenced by this research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]