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Bakgrund: Libanon har enligt WHO bland de lägsta suicidtalen i världen samtidigt som detta tabubelagda ämne misstänks vara underrapporterat. Det finns få tidigare studier inom ämnet. Syfte: Att se huruvida, i vilken utsträckning och på vilket sätt suicid framställs av vetenskapliga studier och inom libanesisk massmedia enligt den sociala representationsteorin. Hypotes om åtminstone partiell underrepresentation av suicid. Material och Metoder: Sammanställning och jämförelse av suiciddata, suicidrelaterad forskning och nyhetsartiklar samt artikelanalys enligt social representationsteori. Resultat: Suicidtalen ter sig vara underrepresenterade, medan övriga tillgängliga suiciddata ter sig överensstämmande med varandra. Suicidantal och -artiklar har ökat i och med Libanons försämrade läge 2019. Suicid förankras som ett växande, komplext och skrämmande problem av massmedia. Nyanserad suicidrapportering, dock något få suicidartiklar sett till suicidtalen. Slutsats: Suiciddata, vetenskapliga studier och nyhetsrapporteringen är i stort sett samstämmiga förutom i avseendet antal suicidfall där officiella libanesiska suicidtal ter sig låga. Suicid framställs på ett nyanserat och till största delen adekvat sätt av libanesisk massmedia, dock med tendens till överförenklingar. Hypotesen om partiell underrepresentation stämmer, sett till antalet suicidartiklar, men i övrigt är representationen nyanserad., Introduction: Lebanon has according to WHO among the lowest suicide rates in the world. At the same time this taboo subject is suspected to be underreported. Few previous studies exist within the field. Aims: To see whether, to which extent and in which way suicide is represented in scientific research and Lebanese mass media according to social representation theory. The hypothesis is that suicide is partially underrepresented. Material and Methods: Compilation and comparison of suicide data, suicide-related research and news. Conduction of an article analysis according to social representation theory. Results: The suicide rates seem to be underrepresented, while other available suicide data seem consistent with each other. Suicide numbers and articles have increased with Lebanon's deteriorating situation in 2019. Suicide is seen as a growing, complex, and frightening problem according to the mass media. The suicide reporting is nuanced, there are however somewhat few suicide articles compared to the number of suicides. Conclusions: Suicide data, scientific studies and news reporting are largely in agreement except regarding the number of suicide cases where official Lebanese suicide rates appear to be low. Suicide is presented in a nuanced and mostly adequate way by the Lebanese mass media, although with a tendency to oversimplify the matter. The hypothesis of partial underrepresentation is true regarding the number of suicide articles, but apart from that the representation is nuanced.

Ofta får föräldrar till flerspråkiga barn höra att de inte bör prata modersmålet hemma, eftersom det inverkar menligt på barnens språkkunskaper i svenska. Men stämmer verkligen detta påstående? Om inte, vilka faktorer skulle i så fall vara mera avgörande för språkutvecklingen? I sin doktorsavhandling svarar Rima Haddad på dessa och andra frågor om hur språkaktiviteter och språken kring barnet (så kallad exponering) påverkar språkutvecklingen hos flerspråkiga barn, med fokus på arabisk-svensktalande barns ordförråd. Effekten av hur ålder och språklig exponering påverkar arabisktalande flerspråkiga barns ordförråd i Sverige jämfördes även med flerspråkiga barn i Libanon. De arabisk-svensktalande barnens muntliga berättarförmåga undersöktes också., Publicerad på Svensk Intresseförening för Tal & Språk webisida Sits.nu/artiklar 2023-11-18

This comparative ethnography of a Muslim and a Christian Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon focuses on contrasting social belonging processes through a ritualization approach. The author argues that contrasts emerge out of the intersectionality of religiosity, nationhood, refugeeness and politics, and synthesizes academic research on piety and moral self-cultivation and on the everyday life of religious communities. He contributes to the literature on refugees at large, and Palestinian refugees in particular, with the unique dense socio-historical portrait of two refugee camps for which there is almost no recorded literature.

Fleeing war, repression, and economic breakdown in their home country, Syrians have become the largest group of refugees in the Middle East. Relative to their own populations, neighboring Jordan and Lebanon have hosted the most Syrians per capita. While both are small, middle-income, and resource-poor countries, the perception of their respective governance of Syrian refugees has been diametrically different: While the 2016 Jordan Compact has been hailed as a success story of innovative refugee governance, the Lebanon Compact has never achieved similar recognition. Instead, Lebanon has been criticized for applying a largely laissez-faire, non-policy approach to the Syrian crisis. The main objective of this short intervention is to evaluate both compacts 5 years after their signing and to outline a more reflective potential EU policy approach.

Im Zentrum dieses Werkes stehen die französischen Schulen im Libanon in der historischen Zeitepoche der wachsenden französischen Einflussnahme von 1909 bis 1943. Anhand der verschiedenen politischen Regime des Osmanischen Reiches und des französischen Völkerbundmandats über den Libanon wird die These untermauert, dass diese Schulen immer stärker zu Instrumenten kolonialer Machtausübung wurden. Gleichzeitig zeigt die Autorin, dass die Bildungseinrichtungen ebenso stark von der Akzeptanz und den Erwartungen der libanesischen Bevölkerung abhingen und von dieser zur kulturellen, religiösen und nationalen Identitätsstiftung genutzt wurden. Indem die Studie die komplexen Prozesse aufzeigt, welche die französische Zivilisierungsmission im Libanon begleiteten, leistet sie einen wichtigen Beitrag zur hochaktuellen Debatte um Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten und Grenzen von Zivilisierungsmissionen., This book deals with the history of French schools in Lebanon in a context of increasing colonial domination. By covering the period from the end of the Ottoman empire through the French mandate in Lebanon, it analyzes the extent to which French schools acted in the interest of the French government on the one hand, and the Lebanese population on the other.

In this interview, Karim Eid-Sabbagh and Ulrich Ufer discuss how the case of the public infrastructure crisis in Lebanon highlights the importance of including analytical dimensions of critical political economy and global financial dynamics in technology assessment alongside a technology-society-governance perspective - in particular when focusing on the Global South. The Lebanese crisis has built up through long-term structural problems that include the legacies of colonialism, the country's peripheral position in global capital relations, elite nepotism, sectarian strife, and the state's dependency on international donor funding to build and maintain public infrastructure. These have coincided with short-term disintegration and disaster events over the past two years: mass migration, countrywide anti-government protests in fall 2019, the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic in early 2020, the destruction of large parts of the country's capital by the devastating explosion in the port of Beirut in August 2020, and the spiraling devaluation of the Lebanese currency., In diesem Interview diskutieren Karim Eid-Sabbagh und Ulrich Ufer die Krise der öffentlichen Infrastruktur im Libanon und betonen dabei analytische Dimensionen der kritischen politischen Ökonomie und der globalen Finanzdynamik. Diese sind, neben einer Technologie-Gesellschaft-Governance-Perspektive, auch von Relevanz für die Technikfolgenabschätzung - insbesondere mit Blick auf den Globalen Süden. Die libanesische Krise hat sich durch langfristige strukturelle Probleme aufgebaut, darunter das Erbe des Kolonialismus, die periphere Position des Landes in den globalen Kapitalbeziehungen, Eliten-Nepotismus, sektiererische Kämpfe und die Abhängigkeit des Staates von internationalen Gebermitteln zum Aufbau und zur Erhaltung öffentlicher Infrastruktur. Langfristige Strukturprobleme fielen in den letzten zwei Jahren mit kurzfristigen Desintegrations- und Katastrophenereignissen zusammen: Massenmigration, landesweite Proteste gegen die Regierung im Herbst 2019, Ausbruch der Covid-19-Pandemie Anfang 2020, Zerstörung großer Teile der Hauptstadt des Landes durch die verheerende Explosion im Hafen von Beirut im August 2020 und die rasante Abwertung der libanesischen Währung.

In Lebanon exists fifteen different religious courts treating personal status laws i.e., laws regarding marriage and divorce, one of these is the ja’farite court. The purpose of this essay is to clarify the process of marriage and divorce within the ja’farite court and to further investigate in which ways the ja’farite court violate women’s human rights. To answer these questions the research method used is a text analysis through a qualitative method where the analysis and the conclusion present the results of the research. The result and the conclusion present that the ja’farite court violate several articles from the CEDAW; Lebanon as a state has ratified CEDAW and is obligated to commit to their undertakings. Therefore, Lebanon should first and foremost engage in the abolishment of the religious courts but also establish adequate oversight mechanism to guarantee women’s human rights.

Research with refugees poses particular ethical challenges, especially if data is collected in places where most refugees today live: namely countries neighbouring conflict, ones that are sometimes at war with their country of origin and where refugees are exposed to different degrees of legal vulnerability, posing security risks to participants and researchers alike. These challenges are exacerbated when data is collected across countries and includes survey research. The article adds to the emergent literature on ethics in forced displacement by highlighting how security precautions and ethical considerations influence and shape methodological choices. Based on recent fieldwork with Syrian refugees in Lebanon and Turkey in 2018, the article discusses a mixed-methods approach combining in-depth interviews with an individual survey based on multistage cluster sampling, random walks and limited focused enumeration. Advocating for a refugee-centred approach, it elaborates on: (i) how to negotiate ‘ethics in practice’; (ii) how risks and violence influence the choice of fieldwork sites; and (iii) how ethical considerations impact in particular quantitative or mixed-methods studies. It describes the advantages of including members of refugee populations in research teams, as well as open challenges with regard to risks, informed consent, confidentiality, sensitive issues, positionality, advocacy and collaborative writing efforts.

In a context of areas of limited statehood and contested order, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria have been affected by similar diffuse global and more specific regional and local risks over the past two decades. Yet they differ in outcomes. Lebanon has not descended into civil war despite fears that the one raging in Syria might spill over to its territory and Iraq has coped better over the past decade than Syria has - despite having been subject to various forms of conflict since 1980. We analyse this variance by asking to what extent resilience might buffer against violent conflict and governance breakdown. Through a comparative discussion of sources of resilience - social trust, legitimacy and institutional design - we find that limited input and threatened output legitimacy are harmful to resilience, while collective memory and reconciliation, as well as flexibility of institutions are crucial factors of resilience. Nonetheless, our findings caution that resilience should not only mean the capability to adapt to crises but also needs to set the stage for comprehensive and inclusive transformations that are locally rooted.

Im multikonfessionellen Libanon bilden die Schiiten von jeher eine periphere und diskriminierte Gemeinschaft. Erst durch einen rapiden, aber unstrukturierten Modernisierungsprozess, durch israelische Kriege gegen die PLO auf libanesischem Boden und die Wirren des libanesischen Bürgerkriegs gelangten sie vom Rand ins Zentrum der Gesellschaft. Die schiitischen Religionsgelehrten Musa as-Sadr, Muhammad Husain Fadlallah und Hasan Nasrallah haben seit den 1960er-Jahren ihre Gemeinschaft durch die Wiederbelebung und Umdeutung des Schicksals des Prophetenenkels und Imams al-Husain nachhaltig geprägt. Seinen Märtyrertod im Jahre 680 n.Chr. in der Schlacht von Karbala erhoben sie zum Vorbild, sich auch in vermeintlich aussichtsloser Situation für "Gerechtigkeit" und "Freiheit" einzusetzen. Durch die aktualisierende Rezeption dieses rebellischen Vorbilds konnten sie eine zuvor quietistische Religiosität in Aktivismus verwandeln. Sie haben ihrer Gemeinschaft damit zu einem stärkeren kollektiven Selbstbewusstsein verholfen, ihr Mut gemacht, auch gewaltsam gegen Diskriminierung, Invasionen und Besatzung aufzubegehren, und ihr zugleich die Grenzen des Machbaren in einer hoch fragmentierten Gesellschaft aufgezeigt. Jenseits von Glorifizierung oder Dämonisierung trägt der Aufsatz zur historischen Einordnung der Hizb Allah und ihrer religiösen Autoritäten bei., The Shiite Muslim community of Lebanon has for a long time been a peripheral and discriminated community in multiconfessional Lebanese society. Ironically, it was the rapid and anarchic process of modernisation, the Israeli wars against the PLO on Lebanese soil, and the turmoil of the Lebanese civil war which shifted them from the periphery into the centre of the society. Three Shii religious authorities, Musa as-Sadr, Muhammad Husain Fadlallah and Hasan Nasrallah, rapidly changed their community by reviving and reinterpreting the early rebellion of Imam al-Husain. They extolled his martyrdom as a historical model of 'righteousness' and 'freedom' against a superior enemy, and thus succeeded in turning quietist religiosity into religious activism. They provided the Shia community with a positive self-image, and encouraged them to rebel, even with the use of force, against discrimination, external aggression and the occupation of their country. At the same time, they demonstrated the limits of what it was possible to achieve in a highly fragmented society. This essay analyses the Hizb Allah and its religious authorities in a historical context without glorifying or demonising them.

Artikel om Maria P. Jacobsen og hendes virke blandt armeniere med fokus særligt på aktiviteterne i Libanon.

The Atlas Group created a digital mixed-media archive of contemporary Lebanese history, made up of produced and found documents. These archives look immediately ambiguous: they don't collect historical documents; they actually contain visual artefacts created by the Lebanese artist Walid Raad. These digital mixed-media archives - partly accessible on the web but also physically exhibited and performed - are not intended to preserve the memory of the past, but they become indeed useful to actualize history by giving it back in the form of a historical fiction. What if archives should not deal with memory, but with amnesia? And what kind of historical temporality do they re-activate?

The 13th of October 2006, the Swedish parliament approved a change in the Foreign Policy. For the first time the Government choose to use a maritime unit in peace-time operations. This had never been done before. The Swedish navy was trained and ready for this, due to the new overall policy, regarding the Armed Forces of Sweden from 2004. The aim of this study is to analyse the process of agenda setting and see how the different policy’s suggestions are picked up, analysed and left, until there is only one policy suggestion that fills the requirement. The analysis is based upon Kingdon’s multiple streams framework theory (2011). Relevant material for the study was collected through text analysis of official documents and interviews with persons who were the key actors in the changes policy. The outcome of this study shows, that, in the end, it is not the most obvious policy’s suggestion that will be used, but rather the one that fits in the political framework at a given moment, like The Armed Forces´ suggestion was demonstrated to be implementable. The Swedish contribution was small but still important one, both in terms of domestic and foreign policy.

This dissertation is a study into the missional impulse of the Lebanese Baptist Church. This is accomplished through field research, through case studies, and through an assessment of how the Lebanese crises of the last ten years, as well as theological education, have helped shape the Lebanese Baptist Church. In order to do that, I use a body of missional church literature as a theological tool for conversation with the Lebanese Baptist Church. This body of literature comes out of the Missional Church movement of the Gospel and Our Culture Network in addition to other authors that extended that initial conversation. My approach to this study is autoethnographic. I have been part of the Lebanese Baptist Church for most of its young life. My lived experience growing up in this Baptist community and now one of its leaders for the last fifteen years, gives me an understanding and insight into the inner workings of the Lebanese Baptist Church. I have also been exposed to a missional church framework in Canada and in Lebanon, academically, in church life, in corporate life, and in seminary life. I am passionate about the Church in Lebanon, and I am passionate about missio Dei, God’s mission in the world. My ultimate passion is to witness a Lebanese Baptist Church with an effective missional witness among its neighbors. Consequently, the purpose of this study is to offer a theological framework for the Lebanese Baptist Church to consider as it revisits its ecclesiology to match its evolving praxis.

Since 2011 the Islamic Republic of Iran has significantly extended its influence in the Middle East. The expansion reached its apex in 2018. It has since entered a new phase in which Tehran, despite not suffering any strategic military setbacks, is hitting a wall. Iran's biggest fundamental problem is that a majority of its allies in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen are primarily military and terrorist actors. They frequently succeed in armed confrontations. Yet they are subsequently incapable of ensuring political and economic stability. The best option for German and European policymakers is a strategy of containment so as to put an end to Iran’s expansion in the four countries mentioned above, but also to acknowledge in the short term that Tehran and its allies are in a position of strength. Part of such a containment strategy would be to impose the most far-reaching isolation and sanctions possible on Iran’s armed partners. This includes adding Lebanese Hezbollah, the Hezbollah Battalions, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haqq and other militias loyal to Iran, including their leaders, to all relevant terrorism lists. Should Iranian institutions and actors involved in its policy of expansion in the Middle East also be listed as terrorists? The close ties between the Quds Corps - which is in charge of Iran's policy towards its Arab neighbours - and unequivocally terrorist organisations such as Lebanese Hez­bollah suggest that this step is necessary. (author's abstract)

Die Islamische Republik Iran hat ihren Einfluss im Nahen Osten seit 2011 stark ausgeweitet. Doch hat diese Expansion ihren Höhepunkt schon 2018 erreicht. Seitdem tritt sie in eine neue Phase, in der Teheran zwar keine strategischen militärischen Rückschläge erlebt, aber an Grenzen stößt. Das größte grundsätzliche Problem Irans ist, dass seine Verbündeten im Libanon, Syrien, Irak und Jemen mehrheitlich und in erster Linie militä­rische und terroristische Akteure sind. Es gelingt ihnen zwar häufig, in bewaffneten Auseinandersetzungen Erfolge zu erzielen. Doch erweisen sie sich anschließend als unfähig, für politische und wirtschaftliche Stabi­lität zu sorgen. Die beste Option für die deutsche und die europäische Politik ist die einer Eindämmungsstrategie, deren langfristiges Ziel das Ende der iranischen Expansion in den vier genannten Ländern ist, die aber kurzfristig auf der Einsicht beruht, dass Teheran und seine alliierten Akteure in einer starken Position sind. Ein Bestandteil einer Eindämmungsstrategie wäre eine möglichst weit­gehende Isolierung und Sanktionierung der bewaffneten Kooperationspartner Irans. Hierzu gehört die Aufnahme der libanesischen Hisbollah, der Hisbollah-Bataillone, der Asa’ib Ahl al-Haqq und weiterer iranloyaler Milizen und ihres Führungspersonals auf alle relevanten Terrorismus­listen. Es sollte überlegt werden, ob iranische Institutionen und Akteure, die an der Expansionspolitik im Nahen Osten beteiligt sind, ebenfalls als terroris­tisch gelistet werden müssen. Die enge Bindung des Quds-Korps – das für Irans Politik gegenüber den arabischen Nachbarn federführend ist – an unzweifelhaft terroristische Organisationen wie die libanesische Hisbollah legt einen solchen Schritt nahe. (Autorenreferat)

Die Zahl der Flüchtlinge weltweit steigt seit Jahren an, eine Umkehr dieses Trends ist auch in Zukunft nicht absehbar. Noch immer werden die meisten Flüchtlinge von Nachbarstaaten aufgenommen. Dabei nehmen langandauernde Fluchtsituationen zu, die sowohl Flüchtlinge als auch aufnehmende Länder vor große Herausforderungen stellen. Die internationale Gemeinschaft versucht seit Jahrzehnten, Lösungen für sol­che Fälle zu finden - bislang mit begrenztem Erfolg. Seit einigen Jahre gilt die Förde­rung von Resilienz, also von Widerstandsfähigkeit, als richtungsweisender Ansatz; unter anderem wird er in Jordanien und Libanon verfolgt. Wie ist dieser Ansatz zu bewerten? Kann er auch für andere langandauernde Fluchtsituationen als Modell dienen, beispielsweise in den Nachbarländern Afghanistans? (Autorenreferat)

The combined impact of Brexit and the COVID-19 pandemic on British foreign- and trade relations to Israel and its Arab neighbours constitute a particularly sensitive case. A destabilization of these countries could impact seriously stability and security, not just of the Middle-East region, but on the whole world. So far, the preliminary effects are ambivalent. Whereas Britons entertained reasoned hope for a 'Corona miracle' and a marvellous economic recovery in 2021, the prospects for Israel, the occupied Palestinian territories, Lebanon, Jordan and Egypt were less rosy. Presumably, Brexit is likely to harm the United Kingdom in the medium and long run. The post-Brexit impact on Israel and its Arab neighbours will be negative as well, but probably only be felt in the medium and long term also. However, the direct and indirect negative effects of the global COVID-19 crisis will by far outdo the Brexit impact., L'impact combiné du Brexit et de la pandémie de COVID-19 sur les relations étrangères et commerciales britanniques avec Israël et ses voisins arabes constitue un cas particulièrement sensible. Une déstabilisation de ces pays pourrait avoir de graves répercussions sur la stabilité et la sécurité, non seulement de la région du Moyen-Orient, mais du monde entier. Jusqu'à présent, les effets préliminaires sont ambivalents. Alors que les Britanniques nourrissaient un espoir raisonné d'un "miracle de Corona" et d'une merveilleuse reprise économique en 2021, les perspectives pour Israël, les territoires palestiniens occupés, le Liban, la Jordanie et l'Égypte étaient moins roses. Vraisemblablement, le Brexit est susceptible de nuire au Royaume-Uni à moyen et long terme. L'impact post-Brexit sur Israël et ses voisins arabes sera également négatif, mais ne se fera probablement sentir qu'à moyen et long terme également. Cependant, l'effet négatif direct et indirect de la crise mondiale du COVID-19 dépassera de loin l'impact du Brexit., Die gemeinsamen Auswirkungen des Brexits und der COVID-19-Pandemie auf die britischen Außen- und Handelsbeziehungen zu Israel und seinen arabischen Nachbarn sind ein besonders heikler Fall. Eine Destabilisierung dieser Länder könnte die Stabilität und Sicherheit nicht nur im Nahen Osten, sondern auf der ganzen Welt ernsthaft gefährden. Bisher erscheinen die vorläufigen Effekte ambivalent. Während die Briten begründete Hoffnungen auf ein "Corona-Wunder" und eine erstaunliche wirtschaftliche Erholung im Jahr 2021 hegen, sind die Aussichten für Israel, die besetzten palästinensischen Gebiete, den Libanon, Jordanien und Ägypten weniger rosig. Vermutlich wird der Brexit dem Vereinigten Königreich mittel- und langfristig schaden. Die post-Brexit Auswirkungen auf Israel und seine arabischen Nachbarn werden ebenfalls negativ, aber vermutlich ebenfalls nur mittel- und langfristig zu spüren sein. Die direkten und indirekten negativen Effekte der weltweiten COVID-19-Krise werden jedoch die Folgen des Brexits bei weitem übertreffen.

The combined impact of Brexit and the COVID-19 pandemic on British foreign- and trade relations to Israel and its Arab neighbours constitute a particularly sensitive case. A destabilization of these countries could impact seriously stability and security, not just of the Middle-East region, but on the whole world. So far, the preliminary effects are ambivalent. Whereas Britons entertained reasoned hope for a 'Corona miracle' and a marvellous economic recovery in 2021, the prospects for Israel, the occupied Palestinian territories, Lebanon, Jordan and Egypt were less rosy. Presumably, Brexit is likely to harm the United Kingdom in the medium and long run. The post-Brexit impact on Israel and its Arab neighbours will be negative as well, but probably only be felt in the medium and long term also. However, the direct and indirect negative effects of the global COVID-19 crisis will by far outdo the Brexit impact., Die gemeinsamen Auswirkungen des Brexits und der COVID-19-Pandemie auf die britischen Außen- und Handelsbeziehungen zu Israel und seinen arabischen Nachbarn sind ein besonders heikler Fall. Eine Destabilisierung dieser Länder könnte die Stabilität und Sicherheit nicht nur im Nahen Osten, sondern auf der ganzen Welt ernsthaft gefährden. Bisher erscheinen die vorläufigen Effekte ambivalent. Während die Briten begründete Hoffnungen auf ein "Corona-Wunder" und eine erstaunliche wirtschaftliche Erholung im Jahr 2021 hegen, sind die Aussichten für Israel, die besetzten palästinensischen Gebiete, den Libanon, Jordanien und Ägypten weniger rosig. Vermutlich wird der Brexit dem Vereinigten Königreich mittel- und langfristig schaden. Die post-Brexit Auswirkungen auf Israel und seine arabischen Nachbarn werden ebenfalls negativ, aber vermutlich ebenfalls nur mittel- und langfristig zu spüren sein. Die direkten und indirekten negativen Effekte der weltweiten COVID-19-Krise werden jedoch die Folgen des Brexits bei weitem übertreffen.

Religious communities frequently work with special motivation, specific credibility and international networks for peace on a global level - even though some perpetrators of violent acts who repeatedly invoke religion cause significant foreign-policy crises. New efforts for peace and challenges in international relations thus require increased competence in and sensitivity to religion in foreign and security policy, and the willingness and qualification to work with religious communities in a spirit of partnership. Numerous states and international organisations have increasingly directed their focus to the peace potential of religions, recognised the strategic meaning of religion-related peace policy and initiated corresponding cooperation. Religions which have assumed responsibility for peace and a foreign policy that has competence in religion could jointly make an important contribution for the peaceful coexistence of humanity. This applies even more so as European societies, which are increasingly becoming secular, are often confronted with communities outside of Europe that are steadily becoming more religious. How can religion-based actors be included into foreign policy as partners? With which subjects, formats or forums?

Little is known about how the idea of ‘resilience’ translates into practice. It has nonetheless emerged as a dominant theme in the governance of crises, such as political instability, armed conflict, terrorism, and large-scale refugee movements. This study draws on interviews with humanitarian and development practitioners in Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon working under the Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan to explore how resilience is interpreted and translated on the ground. Results suggest that resilience is translated as the economic self-reliance of refugees, and the capacity for crisis management of refugee-hosting states, enacted through ‘localization’ and strengthening the ‘humanitarian-development nexus.’ The prominence of the political and economic context and the power relations between crisis response actors that it generates reveals the limits of what a buzzword like resilience can achieve on the ground. The findings highlight the need for researchers, policymakers, and practitioners to engage in continuous critical reflection on whether the ways in which resilience policies and programmes are implemented actually improve the ability of systems and vulnerable populations to recover from crisis, as well as on the validity of the assumptions and interpretations on which such policies and programmes are built.