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TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION. 1386 II. BACKGROUND 1388 A. The Establishment of--and Attacks on--the Right to Abortion in the United States. 1389 B. The Slow Creation of Abortion Rights [...], The reproductive rights arena has experienced great upheaval in recent years, particularly regarding access to legal abortion. This Note analyzes recent notable reversals of domestic abortion law: Argentina's 2020 legalization of elective early-term abortions and the US Supreme Court's 2022 overruling of a constitutional right to an abortion. This analysis studies the impact of religion, particularly Catholicism, on abortion rights in both countries in order to determine how to overcome and even leverage religion to build more robust abortion rights in a post-Dobbs United States. US abortion rights advocates should follow the successful strategy of la Marea Verde in Argentina of national legislation enshrining abortion rights. In order to leverage the support of the religiously affiliated US voting populations who may be left out of the mainstream abortion debate (e.g., those who are anti-abortion but pro-choice), such legislation should enshrine views and policies that support the life and dignity of the pregnant (and later parenting) person and their children.

Introducing a bill in Congress is a deceptively simple procedure. ... It is one thing to introduce a bill and quite another to move it through the lawmaking process. (1). [...]

Byline: Michel G. J. Elzen (1), Paul L. Lucas (1), Detlef P. van Vuuren (1) Abstract: This paper assesses regional abatement action and costs for two scenarios in which atmospheric greenhouse gas concentrations stabilise at 450 and 550 ppm CO.sub.2-equivalent. It evaluates two allocation schemes: Multi-Stage and Contraction & Convergence. It was found that abatement costs as percentages of GDP vary significantly by region, with high costs for the Middle East and the former Soviet Union, medium costs for the OECD regions and low costs or even gains for (other) developing regions. In addition to the abatement costs they incur, fossil-fuel-exporting regions are also likely to be affected by losses of coal and oil exports while the former Soviet Union and South America could experience increased bio-energy exports. Especially in the former Soviet Union and Asia, non-CO.sub.2 abatement options are important in the short term in reducing their emissions. Carbon capture and storage, energy efficiency improvements, bio-energy use and the use of renewables dominate reductions in the long term in all regions. It was found that the regional costs are influenced more by the assumed stabilisation level and baseline scenario than by the allocation regimes explored or the assumptions for different technologies. Author Affiliation: (1) Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency (MNP), P.O. Box 303, 3720 AH, Bilthoven, The Netherlands Article History: Registration Date: 17/06/2008 Received Date: 20/01/2006 Accepted Date: 04/04/2008 Online Date: 03/09/2008

Interviews with persons involved in creating the U.K.'s Private Finance Initiative are used to explore the processes of accounting regulation development. It is posited that written representations that make up formal lobbying may be an insufficient means for exerting public sector influence on regulatory development.

Starting from the observation that supermajorities are needed to pass legislation in the European Union (EU), this article tries to answer the question why this organization passes as many new laws as it does. A possible pattern of explanation is mapped out which focuses on dissimilarity between actor preferences in relation to the legislative . Using power index analysis and computer simulation, the potential for passing new legislation under the different procedural arrangements is first evaluated. Principal component analyses is then used to focus on likely coalition patterns of the actors who are involved in the EU legislative process and to locate the positions of these actors in relation to the position of the current state of affairs. The findings show that the absence of legislative inertia in the European Union can be explained, firstly, by the relative distance between a majority of EU policy-makers to the legislative ; and, secondly, by the dimensionality of the underlying issue space.