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Based on a reconstruction of the development of Rudolf Carnap’s views from the Aufbau until the 1960s, this paper provides an account of the philosopher’s understanding of non-cognitivism, which is here seen as in line with the so-called scientific world-conception of left-wing logical empiricism. The starting point of Carnap’s conception is the claim that every human decision depends on certain attitudes that cannot be justified at a cognitive level, that are neither based on empirical facts nor logical reasoning. The key features of Carnap’s non-cognitivism, however, go beyond this general basis and involve several fundamentally moral commitments, such as a commitment toward science, and the embracing of moral attitudes as the result of a long-term process of rational discourse. I argue that these commitments contained in Carnap’s non-cognitivism/scientific world-conception establish a genuinely political worldview that is characteristic of left-wing logical empiricism and converges with socialism and democracy.

Immigration is changing the face of Western European electorates. Do politicians discriminate against the growing number of constituents with an immigration background? While ethnic distance can explain lower responsiveness to outgroup constituents, shared partisanship might mitigate discrimination. We examine this issue through an audit experiment with more than 1,500 MPs in fifteen German state legislatures. We find that politicians are eleven percentage points less likely to respond to a constituent’s email asking for a personal meeting if the sender has an immigrant background. Surprisingly, there is no difference in rates of discrimination between leftist and rightist parties. We also find evidence that signaling partisanship can mitigate the immigrant-background effect. Our results have important implications for the study of immigration and political representation in contemporary Western Europe.

How does an authoritarian past shape voters’ left-right orientation? Recent studies investigate “anti-dictator bias” in political ideology, where citizens in a former right-wing (left-wing) dictatorship may display a leftist (rightist) bias in their ideological self-identification. In this paper, I provide evidence for a “pro-dictator bias” where citizens hold ideological positions close to those of the dictator, depending on their experiences prior to transition. In countries with high economic growth under dictatorship and without violent ruling party ouster, authoritarian successors could continue mobilizing the popular base and invoke positive sentiment on the past in democratic elections. Such positive sentiment can facilitate individual ideological orientation close to the ideological label of the former dictatorship. I test this hypothesis by combining individual- and country-level data covering 1985 to 2018 from 48 countries. I demonstrate that voters in countries with high economic growth during dictatorship and without violent party exit are more likely to have pro-dictator bias in ideology. I further show that voters in former developmental states show pro-dictator bias from the history of economic growth and more peaceful transition. The findings emphasize the role of pre-transition features in shaping alternative legacies on voter attitudes in post-authoritarian societies.

Is left-wing authoritarianism (LWA) closer to a myth or a reality? Twelve studies test the empirical existence and theoretical relevance of LWA. Study 1 reveals that both conservative and liberal Americans identify a large number of left-wing authoritarians in their lives. In Study 2, participants explicitly rate items from a recently-developed LWA measure as valid measurements of authoritarianism. Studies 3-11 show that persons who score high on this same LWA scale possess the traits associated with models of authoritarianism (while controlling for political ideology): LWA is positively related to threat sensitivity across multiple areas, including general ecological threats (Study 3), COVID disease threat (Study 4), Belief in a Dangerous World (Study 5), and Trump threat (Study 6). Further, controlling for ideology, high-LWA persons show more support for restrictive political correctness norms (Study 7), rate African-Americans and Jews more negatively (Studies 8-9), and show more domain-specific dogmatism and attitude strength (Study 10). Study 11 reveals that the majority of the effects from Studies 3-10 hold when looking only within liberals, thus revealing these effects are about liberal authoritarianism. Study 12 uses the World Values Survey to provide evidence of Left-Wing Authoritarianism around the globe. Taken in total, this large array of triangulating evidence from 12 studies comprised of over 8,000 participants from the U.S. and over 66,000 participants world-wide strongly suggests that left-wing authoritarianism is much closer to a reality than a myth.

During Congo’s emergence from colonization in the mid-twentieth century, coups, political assassinations, and ethnic massacres took place that exacerbated inequality and insecurity in the region then and ever since. Some Western literature has essentialized these events, implying that they were a product of African people’s innate disorganization, divisiveness, leftism, and violence. Many of the writings keep to surface appearances rather than probing behind-the-scenes causalities. Evidence from archives, images, memoirs, and interviews, however, reveals a counterintuitive complexity in both the representation and perpetration of the direct and structural violence of the Congo crisis. Very different cultures, financing, technology, and interactions were characteristic of the western state agents who sponsored, organized, took part in, and often wrote about the coups and killings in Congo as opposed to the African functionaries with whom and against whom they worked. This chapter illustrates some of the evidence for these complex and contrasting patterns, offers alternative explanations, and outlines some lessons to be learned from the crisis.

Contains fulltext : 226843.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Closed access) The European anti-austerity movement is generally associated with spawning leftist electoral projects, which exemplify the domestic institutionalization of activism. That the movement also generated a number of transnational coalitions with unusually broad and far-reaching ambitions remained somewhat under the radar. Projects like Alter Summit and DiEM25 seek to expand the anti-austerity movement’s struggle to the European level, by developing transnational organizational structures and challenging the political course of the EU. However, neither project managed to live up to its ambitions thus far and this article explores why. It argues that Alter Summit and DiEM25 represent attempts to create a transnational ‘modern prince’: a party-like organization that unites social movements around a counter-hegemonic strategy. While both managed to develop such strategies they also encountered challenges in facilitating democratic cohesion between transnational leaders and domestic supporters. This is partly the result of idiosyncratic shortcomings, but also reveals general challenges for transnational activism. 27 november 2020 16 p.

Korean–Japanese marriages were common during and after Japan’s imperial rule of Korea. Following the Japanese Empire’s demise, however, Japanese wives in Korean families faced new political dynamic...

This article aims to discuss to what extent populist parties with opposite ideological backgrounds have differed in their policies towards inherited external financial liberalization (EFL). Building upon a comparative case study centred on Argentina under Kirchnerism (2003–15) and Hungary under Viktor Orbán (since 2010), I conclude that both experiences led to a partial EFL reversal. However, reflecting their opposite ideological underpinnings, each subtype of populism opted to restrict a different dimension of EFL. Argentina's left-wing populism re-regulated cross-border capital flows, harming financial operators, foreign investors and primary exporters through capital controls and export surrenders. These interventionist capital account regulations were needed to shield expansionary macroeconomic policies that attended the interests of subordinate socioeconomic strata, fuelling the tension with financial markets and domestic economic elites. Conversely, Hungary's right-wing populism focused on the ownership structure of the banking sector, aiming to redistribute assets from foreign to domestic private banks and improve the credit conditions for native capitalists. In this case, even when resorting to macroeconomic heterodoxy, the maintenance of fiscal balance and price stability retained support from both foreign investors and domestic business groups, mitigating tensions derived from financial nationalism.

This article explores the underdeveloped linkages between the South Korean government’s mass killings of “leftist” opponents during the civil war era (1948–1953) and kinship killings. Specifically,...

Some aspects of the radical change of value orientations in modern western science are considered. Influenced by leftist ideology and under the slogans of abstract justice, the leadership of European and North American institutions is trying to expand the presence of new members in the scientific and educational spheres on the quota basis, taking into account racial and gender rather than meritocratic characteristics (high-quality basic and university education level, persistence to obtain new knowledge, developed mental abilities in this area). It has been shown that the rapid legislative or illegal introduction of quotas for minorities instead of increasing their scientific level and well-being can only limit the recruiting of talented people of any gender or race into science and will result in the decline of the world science as a whole.

International audience; This research explores how Brazilian activist groups participate in Facebook to coordinate their social struggles, based on a lexical analysis of publications on 529 pages, published between 2013 and 2017. These groups set up two main repertoires of action by mobilizing Facebook as an arena for challenging political action and a tool for coordinating their mobilizations. This research shows more specifically that artistic expression and the agenda of cultural events are central to these digital action repositories. Publications and conversations related to culture punctuate the ordinary exchange of information between activists, especially during the lulls of social struggles. They structure activist networks on a medium-term basis and contribute to the coordination of social movements by creating the conditions for occasional gatherings, transversal to different types of activism and to various social struggles.; Esta pesquisa explora como grupos ativistas brasileiros participam do Facebook para coordenar suas lutas sociais, a partir de uma análise lexical de publicações em 529 páginas, publicadas entre 2013 e 2017. Esses grupos configuram dois repertórios principais de ação ao mobilizar o Facebook como uma arena paradesafiar açõespolíticase como um instrumento de coordenação de suas mobilizações. Mais especificamente, a pesquisa mostraque a expressão artística e a agenda de eventos culturais são centrais para esses repositórios de ação digital. Publicações e conversas relacionadas à cultura pontuam a troca comum de informações entre ativistas, especialmente durante os períodos de menor mobilização no âmbito do ativismo.Eles estruturam redes de ativistas a médio prazo e contribuem para a coordenação dos movimentos sociais, criando as condições para encontros pontuais, transversais aos diferentes tipos de ativismo e para asvárias lutas sociais.

Imad Nuwayhid (1944–1975) was a young Lebanese leftist intellectual, hotel employee, and fighter for the Lebanese Communist Party. Alongside thousands of others, he died during the first phase of t...

ProQuest Historical Newspapers: Leftist Newspapers and Periodicals is a source for leftist publications (mostly newspapers), largely published in the twentieth century. Here, the user can access articles in PDF format from 156 national and international publications. Navigating this database and the documents therein can be easily done, but articles cannot be magnified or reduced, which may prove problematic with PDFs of old newspapers. Database content can be found through browsing or by using a basic and/or advanced search. The browse and basic search options here are understandable, but the advanced search is not self-explanatory and can possibly confuse the user. As a consequence, a new user of this database will probably benefit from instruction in its use from either the vendor or someone else familiar with this resource. However, when this search function is used properly it can produce numerous, on-point results for any query. The same is true of the basic search and browsing features, though they tend to produce larger lists of results that are less on-point than the advanced search. The vendor did not provide specific price information for this review, only indicating that pricing is determined by an institution's size and number of users. As this provides potential subscribers with very little insight into the cost of acquiring this resource, its advised that they contact ProQuest for a price quote tailored to their own institution. Its licensing agreement is the same as those used for all ProQuest databases and is average in its composition (though somewhat longer than average). The quality and quantity of content in this resource is notable, and it will certainly be of use to those looking for articles from leftist newspapers and periodicals. However, the definition of “leftist” here may be problematic for some users! Communist and Socialist publications are certainly available in this database, but those for Anarchists, Social Democrats, and other leftists are not.

Martin Jay introduces his study of Marxism and Totality with a “topography of Western Marxism” that concludes with some remarks about what he calls the “generation of 1968.”1 They were a “distinct generation of non-dogmatically leftist intellectuals,” in whose number he counts himself. Similarly, in the Introduction to a collection of his essays published two years later,2 he explains that although he wanted to move beyond Critical Theory to other projects, “I was drawn back into its orbit.” The reason for this continued appeal was first of all intellectual curiosity, because he was “never certain that Marxism, Western or otherwise, offered all the answers.” But there was a political appeal as well, since he thereby avoided the deadening experience of a “deradicalization” when the excitement of the initial discoveries gave way to a “theoretical and practical” loss of confidence. That changed mood, he goes on to say, was “evident” in my own book published in 1977, The Marxian Legacy, and “apparent” also in articles in the journal Telos. In contrast, Martin Jay cites the volume that Karl Klare and I had published only five years earlier as part of “a burgeoning awareness of the richness as well as the inadequacies of a tradition of thought.”3 Could it have been simply what he calls the “disheartening events of the 1970s” that explains the changed intellectual landscape?4

Parties are central agents of democratic representation. The literature assumes that this function is an automatic consequence of social structure and/or a product of incentives derived from electoral competition. However, representation is contingent upon the organizational structure of parties. The connection between a party and an organized constituency is not limited to electoral strategy; it includes an organic connection through permanent formal or informal linkages that bind party programmatic positions to social groups’ preferences, regardless of the electoral returns. This article analyzes how the Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement toward Socialism, MAS) in Bolivia and the Frente Amplio (Broad Front, FA) in Uruguay developed two different forms of relationship with social organizations that result from the interplay of historical factors traceable to the parties’ formative phases and party organizational attributes. Party organizational features that grant voice to grassroots activists serve as crucial mechanisms for bottom-up incorporation of societal interests and demands.

espanolCon base en el orden publico internacional como expresion de la soberania nacional,gobiernos con desviaciones autoritarias estan realizando reformas constitucionales, penales, etc. con elproposito de preservar los valores inalienables de sus Estados y las raices cristianas de sus sociedades(modelo de matrimonio y familia tradicional). Para eso, con base en la concepcion vertical del ODS16 (en que los ambitos paz y justicia se supeditan al ambito instituciones solidas), buscan fortalecerel Estado mediante la gradual anulacion de sus “factores de desintegracion”: inmigrantes y refugiadosmusulmanes, miembros de la comunidad LGBTI, politicos de izquierda, periodistas independientes y lapropia UE (valores, legislacion y su incipiente orden publico). La investigacion analiza este problemaque afecta a la familia y sus derechos. EnglishBased on international public policy as an extension of national sovereignty, governments with authoritarian deviations are reforming their constitutions, criminal laws, etc. with the aim of preserving the inalienable values of their States and the Christian roots of their societies (traditional marriage and family model). For this purpose, basing on the vertical conception of SDG 16 (in which the areas of peace and justice are subordinated to the area of strong institutions), they seek to strengthen the state by gradually annulling its “disintegrating factors”: Muslim immigrants and refugees, members of the LGBTI community, leftist politicians, independent journalists and the EU itself (values, legislation and its incipient public policy). The research analyzes this problem affecting the family and its rights .

Palestre popolari (‘people’s gyms’) are flourishing in contemporary Italy. These gyms are run by leftist grassroots organizations (ANTIFA), which promote an alternative boxing style: boxe popolare (‘people’s boxing’). Drawing on a three-year ethnography, this article focuses on body usages in boxe popolare. Connecting Mauss with Bourdieu, the study elucidates that the ways in which bodies are deployed in boxe popolare shape a scheme of dispositions – mutualism, combat, engagement and conviviality – forming an antifascist pugilistic habitus. A leftist physicality is hence incorporated as an interpolation of political dispositions with virtues of prowess, self-control and toughness, instilled in boxe popolare bodies regardless of their gender identity. This emergent leftist physicality becomes bodily hexis as soon as it is displayed publicly by the fighters, both men and women, as the legitimate representation of the political community to which they belong. The study ends highlighting implications for research about political somatics.

Even though it is well documented that women have had, and continue to have, much more prominent positions and stronger participation in violent left-wing extremism and terrorism compared to other ...

The article examines contemporary approaches to the interpretation of left-wing political regimes and offers his own typology. Particular attention is paid to the fluctuations of the political pendulum in the region in the first decades of this century, the reasons for the successes and failures of the left forces. The author analyzes the ideology and practical activity of the center-left and radical left governments and comes to the conclusion that the persisting and even deepening disagreements between them are associated not only with the interpretation of the socialist ideas, the recognition of various forms of property, the role of the state in the economy, its social functions and foreign policy orientation, but also with the peculiarities of electoral legislation, ensuring political pluralism, forms of political participation and respect for human rights and civil liberties.

All the three Abrahamic religions are considered as the monotheistic sources of violence around the globe. The Bible, both the Old and the New Testaments are criticized for encouraging radical religiosity, chauvinism and othering leading to violence in the name of religion while the Quran is blamed for promoting highly political religion which encourages violence in the name of Jihad. Both the militant movements affiliated to these religions and their leftist critics cherry-pick the verses of these holy books and demonstrate them as the religious grounds of radicalism leading to violent extremism. The current endeavor highlights such “warm” sources from the main religious books of these religions which can be/are used to promote violence and become sources of conflicts. It is opined that such sources are highly contextual, and not meant to be generalized in every situation. On the other hand, “cold” sources from these religious books are also unearthed as the timeless teachings of these religions which are both eternal and meant to be propagated to general public for the nurturing the society on peaceful and cooperative grounds so that they avoid conflicts in the first place and even if conflicts do arise, resolve them nobly.

Anchored in the port of Marseille, this article studies encounters between international solidarity, American humanitarianism, and Vichy France’s nationalism in times of war and exile. Being the main free harbour in France after the country’s defeat against Germany in the spring of 1940, Marseille saw hundreds of thousands of refugees seeking refuge and exile on its shores. This massive flux gave rise to a local internationalism of humanitarian and solidarity networks bonded by an anti-fascist ideology. American humanitarians, diplomats, and radical leftist militants shaped this eclectic internationalism by providing crucial support for European refugees escaping the Nazi-backed state repression in France. Using the local archives of the department of Bouches-du-Rhône, this paper analyses how these actors and their ideologies met in Marseille and interacted with or against Vichy France’s nationalism. In the end, the extended historiography on refugees, American humanitarianism, solidarity networks, and French nationalism will be used to analyse global ideologies in a local context during the Second World War.

In this interview, Bruno Chaouat discusses Donald Trump, anti-Americanism, the tradition of laicite, the preoccupation with safe spaces in American higher education, the impact of French literary theory on the American academy, the reception of Critical Race Theory in France, French intellectual antisemitism, and other topics. He criticizes recent developments in French and American theory while also highlighting some of the promising new developments in French literary scholarship as practiced both in France and the US. Throughout the interview, Chaouat articulates the shortcomings of current ideologies on the Right and Left and the need for independent thinking about contemporary social problems.

Against the backdrop of rising support for right- and left-wing populist parties in Europe, a long-standing argument has been that the more vulnerable strata of society are deprived by structural economic change as well as increasing social inequality and express their grievances by voting for radical and populist parties. Previous research has tested the thesis either based on cross-sectional data and vague proxies for past income developments or used objective short-term measures of income changes. In this study, we propose a more thorough test using longitudinal data and measures of objective relative deprivation, objective absolute deprivation, and subjective deprivation. Using SOEP data for 2016, our results show little support that those with lower incomes identify more with the populist right-wing AfD in Germany. Furthermore, we find no evidence that objectively falling behind is associated with more support for the AfD and the populist left-wing party die Linke among the less well off. Rather, support for the AfD is highest among the less well-off with stable incomes and the less well-off who perceive their incomes as having been unstable. For die Linke, support is highest among the less well-off who experienced absolute income gains and the less well-off who perceive their incomes as having been upwardly or downwardly mobile.

The concept of katechon (“that which withholds”), essential to both the theological tradition and modern political philosophy, originates in Second Thessalonians by Paul the Apostle. This withholding force which resists the coming of the end times has often been identified with the Roman Empire (and later with the Christian imperial state), the latter seen as a protected space that enabled the spread of the Good Tidings. This mission of containment, on the one hand, endowed the state with a sacred character, but on the other, it marked the state's finitude and imperfection. By withholding time, the katechon does not remove but preserves contradictions and heterogeneity, accepting its incompleteness as the burden of its own mission. In its secularized form, the restraining state conceives of society as an antagonistic space of struggle and conflict, and the function of political power is linked to the establishment of a temporal equilibrium with historically contingent and relative forms. In conservative thought, the katechon state guards society from unifying equality and rationalization, and individuals from the illusion of perfection and moral harmony. The understanding of the state as a force that rises above the disparate elements of society and preserves it against its inherent chaos was also at the core of the Marxist concept of the state. This article, based on a wide range of authors (T. Hobbes, K. Marx, K. Schmitt, K. Leontiev, D. Agamben) will consider conservative and leftist interpretations of the state, which accept and develop the idea of katechon and its interpretations not directly connected with the concept of state power.

This paper analyses the intimate space of politicians at home during lockdown through their personal Instagram accounts, using both live stories (which I have been saving daily), the pictures and videos they post and the accompanying text. In order to do so, it will focus on two young female politicians who have become iconic for left-wing movements around the world. They are Ada Colau, Mayor of Barcelona (Spain), and Alessandria Ocasio-Cortez, representative for New York’s 14th congressional district (USA). As previous political outsiders who are deeply involved in activism and belong to what some will call a left-wing populist wave, AOC and Colau interact with their followers in “an authentic way”, often posting very intimate and apparently uncurated images of their daily life. The goal of the paper is to examine how they construct authenticity and connect with their constituencies during the COVID-19 lockdown through a qualitative visual rhetorical analysis.