Search

Cet article présente une partie des matériaux réunis lors des recherches de sociologie urbaine réalisées dans le cadre d’une collaboration franco-hellénique entre 1986 et 1992 (Cnrs, Ekke grec et université de Paris X-Nanterre). L’enquête empirique s’est déroulée dans quatre quartiers de la ville du Pirée, trois quartiers ouvriers et un quartier petit-bourgeois, auprès d’un échantillon représentatif de huit cents individus (dont la moitié de femmes), d’âge compris entre 20 et 59 ans. Menée par questionnaire, cette investigation visait à recueillir des données portant essentiellement sur la famille, la mobilité socio-professionnelle et l’emploi. L’analyse présentée ici est plus particulièrement centrée sur deux points : d’une part, les formes de relations nouées entre générations à l’intérieur de la famille et, d’autre part, les types de sociabilité qui se développent au niveau de la localité. Elle révèle un décalage prononcé opposant les pratiques et les mentalités des Piréotes de souche à celles des « immigrés de l’intérieur » qui, des années après leur installation en ville, entretiennent beaucoup plus de relations avec leur village d’origine qu’avec leur quartier d’adoption. This article presents material collected through urban sociological research carried out by a Franco-hellenic collaboration between 1986 and 1992 (CNRS, Greek EKKE and université de Paris X-Nanterre). The empirical survey was spread over four district in Piraeus, which are three quarters working class and one quarter petty bourgeois, using a representative sample of 800 individuals (50% women) between the ages of 20 and 59. This investigation, done by questionnaire, aimed to collect data concerning the family, socio-professional mobility and employment. The analysis presented here focuses on two aspects: on the one hand, the types of relations between generations inside the family and, on the other hand, the types of sociabilities which develop in the community. It reveals a distinct gap between the practices and attitudes of original inhabitants of Piraeus and those of immigrants from the “interior” who, after years of settling in the town, maintain greater connections with their village of origin than with their district of adoption.

About 330,000 foreign immigrant women, out of a total foreign immigrant population close to one million persons, have resided in Greece since the mid-1990s. These women are characterized by diverse patterns of motivation for entering Greece, legal status, ethnicity, migration type (i.e., independent versus associational, transient versus permanent), kinds of employment and living conditions. The overwhelming majority are economic migrants who entered the country illegally or legally but work without permits. After the two legalisations in 1998 and 2001 most of them have acquired a legal status. They show however a high propensity to lapse again into illegality by not renewing their permits, while new illegal arrivals pour in. About two thirds of the women, the same as the male migrants come from Albania and a further 6% from Bulgaria, both bordering Greece. A total of about 86% of female migrants come from the former socialist countries of Eastern Europe, including those of the former Soviet Union. The remaining come from dozens of other source countries in all continents. They represent every religion, with Christians of various denominations and Moslems topping the list. Their motivations range from supporting financially their families at home or in Greece (the considerable number of migrant pupils has been on the increase), to advancing their careers, acquiring more work experience, and combining tourism with employment. Hardly any are illiterate and about one in six or seven have tertiary education. A considerable proportion migrate alone as independent migrants, following a lonely path by striving on their own to settle and make a living in a foreign country. Although there are indications that an increasing number intend to remain in Greece for many years, the majority appear to be transient migrants, not intending permanent settlement. Their living conditions are highly diverse.

Strong push, pull and network formation factors account for the over 600,000 foreign immigrants, mostly economic and with irregular status, who have been since the early 1990s in Greece, a traditionally emigration country. Over a quarter of them are females who have come alone, marking the new trend in female migration. And like their male counterparts, they find jobs due to their wage and job flexibility. The recent Greek policy to regularise irregular or undocumented immigrants (UI), that is, to issue work and, in most cases, residence permits to those foreigners who work and/or live in the country irregularly, will settle some political, moral and social issues and allow more households and large firms to employ in a variety of jobs more women with a legal immigrant status. From the research point of view it may also facilitate more research on immigrant female employment, social and family life, and adult and child prostitution. On the other hand, it will also increase the cost of immigrant labour, its flexibility is likely to decrease and the invited depended family members of the legalised immigrants may tax heavily the inadequate and subsidised social infrastructure. Given that many irregular migrants have not applied for regularisation and new ones enter the market, perhaps a new regularisation would be needed soon, raising the broader question about the proper economic and social policies on irregular immigration. Intensos factores de atracción y de expulsión además de la formación de redes migratorias explican la presencia de más de 600.000 inmigrantes extranjeros en Grecia. La mayoría son inmigrantes económicos y de estatus irregular, quienes han vivido en Grecia desde principios de los noventa, en un país tradicionalmente expulsor de emigrantes. Más de una cuarta parte de éstos son mujeres que han llegado de forma autónoma, mostrando las nuevas tendencias en las migraciones femeninas. Como ocurre con los varones, encuentran ocupaciones caracterizadas por una gran flexibilidad laboral. La reciente política de regularización de inmigrantes extranjeros destinada a ofrecer permisos de trabajo y de residencia a aquéllos que están en situación irregular abrirá nuevas cuestiones políticas, morales y sociales, permitirá que los hogares y las grandes empresas empleen a mujeres en una gran variedad de trabajos, y desde el punto de vista de la investigación social facilitará el avance sobre el estudio del empleo de las mujeres inmigrantes, su situación social y familiar, así como el fenómeno de la prostitución de niños y adultos. Por otra parte, también aumentará el coste de la mano de obra inmigrante, probablemente debilitará su flexibilidad y provocará que los familiares que entren a través de la reunificación familiar aumenten los costes de la ya inadecuada infraestructura de subsidios sociales. Muchos inmigrantes irregulares no han solicitado la regularización, a los que se suman los recién llegados al mercado, en este sentido posiblemente se necesitará pronto un nuevo proceso de regularización, poniendo sobre el tapete la cuestión de las políticas económicas y sociales dirigidas a los inmigrantes irregulares. Palabras clave:feminización de la migración, inmigrantes irregulares, regularización (legalización, amnistía) de los inmigrantes irregulares, mercado de trabajo, familia griega, mujeres griegas.

[Δε διατίθεται περίληψη / no abstract available]