When children hear a novel term in the context of two potential referents--one familiar or already-named, and one novel--they tend to assume that the novel word picks out the unfamiliar referent, a pattern typically described as the “Mutual Exclusivity” (ME) effect. While there are several competing explanations of ME, all invoke biases to avoid applying two labels to the same object. We instead propose that the exclusivity inference may be part of the linguistic message itself. In a previous experiment, we explored the hypothesis that the exclusivity inference is part of the linguistic message, and in turn the choice of referent, depends on whether or not the noun label in the carrier sentences is Focus-marked (expressed in English via prosodic accenting). Under this hypothesis F(ocus)-marking on the critical NP (indicated by accenting) prompts listeners to exclude contrastive alternatives in the context (e.g. the already labeled or familiar object), resulting in an ME inference even if the noun is not novel. But, if the NP is marked as given (indicated by de-accenting), listeners should look for a coreferential salient discourse antecedent, resulting in no ME effect. To test these predictions, we manipulated F- and G-markings on the noun-phrase prompt. Crucially, in this previous experiment, we used a target label in the carrier phrase that could in principle apply to both objects (“the toy”), instead of using a novel noun. We found that children derived ME when toy was F-marked, but not when it was G-marked; in the latter case, they opted for the previously labeled object. In the current study we ask whether this finding extends to mutual exclusivity phenomena more generally, by switching the target noun phrase from “the toy” to a target noun phrase that with a novel noun (e.g. “the dax). In this case we expect that the Focus condition is trivial given previous findings in the exclusivity literature (and our previous experiment) and focus exclusively on the Given condition. The results of the Given condition could help to adjudicate how general are the effects of information structure on referent disambiguation.