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This article considers accountability in decision-making on EU affairs at the Slovenian national level from the constitutional and democratic perspectives. Its scope is limited to the coordination of EU affairs and the formation of national positions on selected legislative proposals of the European Commission, with an emphasis on scrutiny over the executive by National Assembly and civil society organisations (CSOs). It further argues that, in the case of Slovenia, we can determine established accountability arrangements which are accompanied by a dysfunctional accumulation of a range of accountability mechanisms: a bias in favour of the executive power; exclusion of CSOs from the process of EU decision-making at the national level; and passiveness on the part of the National Assembly and CSOs. Članek obravnava vprašanje ustavne in demokratične odgovornosti pri odločanju o tematikah EU na slovenski nacionalni ravni. Pri tem se omeji na koordinacijo evropskih zadev na nacionalni ravni in oblikovanje nacionalnih stališč do izbranih zakonodajnih predlogov Evropske komisije, s poudarkom na nadzoru državnega zbora in organizirane civilne družbe (OCD) nad izvršno vejo oblasti. Na podlagi izvedene analize lahko ugotovimo, da je v primeru Slovenije vzpostavljena ureditev odgovornosti, ki pa jo spremlja disfunkcionalnost različnih mehanizmov odgovornosti: pristranskost v korist izvršne veje oblasti; izključitev civilne družbe iz postopkov odločanja o tematikah EU na nacionalni ravni; pasivnost državnega zbora in OCD.

The aim of this paper is to propose an analytical framework for monitoring public governance in sport. In the paper's literature review, we first discuss the key characteristics of monitoring systems and public governance approaches. We then benchmark them with already established practices of monitoring systems of governance in the European Union's open method of coordination and selected international organisations. A set of the potential elements needed for monitoring systems of governance in the field of sport is given as a result of the conducted analysis. Namen tega prispevka je predložiti analitični okvir za spremljanje javnega vladanja v športu. Na podlagi pregleda literature v prispevku najprej izpostavimo ključne značilnosti sistemov spremljanja in pristopov javnega vladanja. Le-te nato povežemo z že uveljavljenimi praksami sistemov spremljanja vladanja v kontekstu odprte metode koordinacije v Evropski uniji in v izbranih mednarodnih organizacijah. Izvedena analiza v zaključku ponudi nabor možnih elementov, potrebnih za spremljanje sistemov vladanja na področju športa.

The article deals with selected aspects of regional policy and regional development in Slovenia. Notwithstanding its territorial smallness and low number of inhabitants, Slovenia’s special features include its extreme natural, cultural and socio-economic diversity. The result of all these factors is the limited access to some areas, challenging settlement conditions and the diffi cult organisation of regional economic activities. Socio-economic diversities between regions are thus fairly signifi cant. Conducted analysis shows that over the last decade inter-municipal cooperation in Slovenia has been very poor, irrespective of the (bottom- up) constitutional possibility of forming regions. The fragmentation of municipalities during the last decade has also led to the weak fi nancial situation of municipalities, resulting in limited local budgets for public co-fi nancing that are available. As well, the ‘risk capital’ from local private co-fi nancing possibilities is rather deprived. From a subnational perspective, local actors are thus most important as mediators of knowledge about local and regional development problems. The article thus argues that provinces in Slovenia as administrative-political entities need to be established. The introduction of political-administrative provinces should close the gap between small municipalities and the state, which is excessively centralised and has too much power compared with the municipalities.

The main aim of this article is to discuss the potential interlocking of democratization and Europeanization processes in party politics in Slovenia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, the two “extremes” in former Yugoslavia. While Slovenia has already gained full membership of the EU and has experienced the Europeanization processes in various aspects of the political system and public policies, Bosnia-Herzegovina, with the status of “potential candidate state for EU accession”, is still facing deep challenges related to the processes of Europeanization. While Slovenia has already gone through the five steps of Europeanization processes, Bosnia-Herzegovina is still stuck at the first step. Although at the very first stage Bosnia-Herzegovina followed the Slovenian pattern of Europeanization of party politics that includes establishing incremental formal links between national political parties and European party federations, further Europeanization processes in Bosnia-Herzegovina above all demand a democratically consolidated party arena, that for political parties would not lead to pressure to adapt themselves in order to mobilize their voters along ethnic lines. All in all, the conducted analysis revealed the two investigated countries are very different for making direct comparisons; nonetheless there was a common Yugoslav tradition in the past. Bosnia-Herzegovina is a unique European state, due to its mixed ethnic structure and strong ethnic cleavages, and thus we cannot expect a Slovenian and consequently a Central and Eastern European pattern of Europeanization processes, in Bosnian party politics.

V Sloveniji je bilo področje zgodnje obravnave otrok s posebnimi potrebami do leta 2017 zelo skromno pravno urejeno. Po dolgoletnih prizadevanjih, da bi zgodnja obravnava dobila novo zakonsko ureditev, je bil leta 2017 sprejet Zakon o celostni zgodnji obravnavi predšolskih otrok. Z novim zakonom naj bi se od zdravstveno urejenega modela zgodnje obravnave usmerili k bolj socialno urejenemu modelu, v katerem je pomoči deležna celotna družina otroka s posebnimi potrebami. Cilj diplomskega dela je bil raziskati področje zgodnje obravnave otrok s posebnimi potrebami v Sloveniji in vrednotenje Zakona o celostni zgodnji obravnavi otrok s posebnimi potrebami. Glavne metode in tehnike, ki sem jih uporabila v diplomskem delu, so analiza primarnih in sekundarnih virov ter družboslovni intervju. Glavna pomanjkljivost je, da podzakonski akti še niso sprejeti in izvajalci zgodnje obravnave nimajo jasnih navodil o izvajanju zakona. Na temelju analize zbranih podatkov sem prišla tudi do zaključka, da se zakon v praksi izvaja nepopolno in da zastavljeni cilji niso doseženi. In Slovenia, the field of early treatment of children with special needs was very modestly regulated until 2017. After many years of efforts to get early treatment a new legal regulation, the Act Regulating the Integrated Early Treatment of Preschool Children with Special Needs was passed in 2017. The new law is supposed to move from a health-regulated model of early treatment to a more socially regulated model, where the entire family of a child with special needs receives assistance. The aim of the thesis was to research the field of early treatment of children with special needs in Slovenia and the evaluation of the Act Regulating the Integrated Early Treatment of Preschool Children with Special Needs. The main methods and techniques I used in my thesis are primary and secondary data analysis and a social interview. The main deficiency is that by-laws have not yet been adopted and early treatment providers do not have clear instructions on how to implement the law. Based on the analysis of the collected data, I also came to the conclusion that the law is implemented incompletely and that the set goals have not been achieved.

V dizertaciji sem poskušal raziskati, kako oskrba z energijo v vsaki od štirih svetovnih velesil (EU, ZDA, Ruski federaciji, Ljudski republiki Kitajski) vpliva na njihovo zunanjo energetsko politiko, kateri od treh elementov energetske politike (konkurenčnost, varnost oskrbe, trajnostnost) odraža zunanjo energetsko politiko teh držav in kako lahko različne regionalne iniciative iyhajajoče iz zunanje energetske politike teh držav pojasnjujemo s teorijo neofunkcionalizma. Prvo poglavje želi predstaviti neofunkcionistično teorijo kot teorijo regionalne integracije. Najprej analizira poskus Jeana Monneta za spodbujanje evropske integracije, ki so jo po drugi svetovni vojni ilustrirale Evropske skupnosti: Evropska gospodarska skupnost, Euratom in Evropska skupnost za jeklo in premog. Neofunkcionalizem je teorija, ki razlaga proces integracije na regionalni ravni glede na naraščajoče vzajemne gospodarske odnose med državami. Analizira sposobnost regionalnih organizacij za reševanje sporov in oblikovanje mednarodnih pravnih režimov, znotraj katerih lahko nadnacionalna tržna pravila nadomestijo nacionalne regulatorne režime. Integracijo pojasnjuje tudi s specializacijo elit in s pozitivnim učinkom prelitja (spill over effect), ki se kaže v nujnosti sodelovanja med sektorji, povezanimi s tistim sektorjem, v katerem se je regionalno sodelovanje prvič začelo. Drugo poglavje na kratko predstavlja 130 let zgodovine regulacije za zaščito konkurence na energetskih trgih, približno 80 let izzivov glede varnosti oskrbe in prestopa te teme v politiko ter približno 70 let stremljenja k trajnostnosti v sodobni energetski politiki. Tretje poglavje predstavlja strukturo oskrbe z energijo v vsaki od analiziranih svetovnih velesil. Očitno je, da so energetski trgi (nafta, plin, elektrika) v ZDA in EU zelo konkurenčni in učinkoviti. Velesili si prizadevata za trajnostnost in nenehno zmanjšujeta izpuste škodljivih emisij iz elektrarn, v prometu ter pri drugih dejavnostih. Medtem, ko je EU močno odvisna od uvoza (leta 2017 je uvozila več kot 55% vseh virov energije), so se ZDA v zadnjih 15 letih iz največjega uvoznika energetskih virov na svetu razvile v neto izvoznico in leta 2018 dosegle energetsko samozadostnost. Ruski indeks neto uvoza energije znaša -84%. Po podatkih iz leta 2014 je država ena največjih neto izvoznikov nafte (približno 10% svetovne proizvodnje) in plina (blizu 20% svetovne proizvodnje). Leta 2018 je bila izvožena količina energije skoraj enaka tisti, ki jo je država v tem letu porabila. Kljub energetskemu izobilju, ima Rusija močno regulirane in neučinkovite trge s plinom, nafto in električno energijo. Med štirimi analiziranimi velesilami daleč najmanj učinkovito izrablja svoje energetske vire. Monopol državnega podjetja Gazprom postaja vedno bolj vprašljiv zaradi vse manjših koristi, ki jih tako stanje prinaša Rusiji. Posledično naraščajo pritiski na Moskvo za reformo energetskega (zlasti plinskega) sektorja. Do zdaj je ruska vlada bolj ali manj odklanjala strukturne reforme in se poskušala prilagajati novim okoliščinam s prerazporejanjem obstoječih dohodkov. Kitajska počasi liberalizira svoj trg s plinom. Reforma, ki je v devetdesetih pritegnila v proizvodnjo električne energije nove, zasebne vlagatelje, je bila vmes že odpravljena, zasebni vlagatelji pa izrinjeni. Plin, premog, nafto ter proizvodnjo električne energije v glavnem nadzirajo državna podjetja, ki praviloma ne dopuščajo konkurence. Kitajska je leta 2017 porabila 22% vseh svetovnih virov energije in je bila tako daleč največji porabnik energije na vsem svetu. Kitajska izkoplje in sežge približno polovico svetovnega premoga in je tako močno netrajnostno usmerjena. Količina izpustov škodljivih emisij iz elektrarn ostaja visoka in stabilna, emisije CO2 pa se nenehno povečujejo. Se pa Kitajska v zadnjih letih veliko bolj osredotoča na storitveno ekonomijo in proizvodnjo elektrike iz obnovljivih virov. Kitajski indeks neto uvoza energije je 15%, kar kaže na zmerno odvisnost od uvoza. Četrto poglavje je namenjeno analizi zunanje energetske politike EU v globalnem kontekstu zapletenih energetskih odnosov. Energetika je že zelo dolgo politično občutljiv sektor in je kot tak tesno povezan z državno suverenostjo in nacionalnimi interesi. Posledično so se bruseljska prizadevanja za oblikovanje skupne zunanje energetske politike, ob delitvi pristojnosti z državami članicami in ob upoštevanju skrbno pripravljenega kompromisa iz člena 194 Pogodbe o delovanju EU, izkazala za zelo zahteven in težko dosegljiv cilj. Dejstvo, da je Evropska unija močno odvisna od tujih dobaviteljev energije (med katerimi ima Rusija s svojo vizijo političnim ciljem podrejene energetske politike najpomembnejšo vlogo), dodatno omejuje težnje EU po uvedbi univerzalnih tržnih pravil v energetskem sektorju. Pri promociji tržnih pravil kot osnovi energetske politike je EU vseeno uspelo doseči nekaj napredka, zlasti z ustanovitvijo Evropskega gospodarskega prostora in Energetske skupnosti. V zadnjih letih, ki jih zaznamujeta zmanjšan pomen multilateralizma in povečan pomen bilateralnih odnosov, je EU začela oblikovati svojo lastno zunanjo energetsko politiko (po moji oceni od 2015 dalje) in takoj, tako kot druge velesile, v svojo zunanjo energetsko politiko vnesla elemente dominantnosti. Neofunkcionalistična teorija, ki evropsko integracijo razlaga z učinkom prelitja, se je izkazala za uporabno tudi pri razlagi procesov oblikovanja zunanje energetske politike EU in povečane vloge in avtonomije Evropske komisije v tem procesu. Po teoriji Nye-ja o štirih stopnjah pri oblikovanju regionalne integracije EU trenutno prehaja iz tretje stopnje (redukcija alternativ) v četrto (eksternalizacija). Peto poglavje skuša pokazati kako je ameriška energetska politika skozi zgodovino doživela več sprememb. ZDA so si v začetku dvajsetega stoletja, tako kot mnogo let od krize v Sueškem prekopu sredi 70-ih let 20.stoletja, prizadevale za konkurenco, ki naj bi omogočila ustrezen dostop do virov energije s ciljem, da bi ohranile sprotno zadovoljevanje svojih energetskih potreb. Od sredine osemdesetih let je postala ameriška energetska politika bolj večstranska, z vedno večjo skrbjo glede okoljskih vprašanj, vendar sta varnost oskrbe in konkurenčnosti še vedno na prvem mestu. Medtem, ko je ameriško energetsko politiko v dvajsetem stoletju vodil strah pred pomanjkanjem energije, je tako imenovana nekonvencionalna revolucija pri pridobivanju plina in nafte iz škrilavcev v drugem desetletju enaindvajsetega stoletja spremenila odnos Washingtona do zunanje energetske politike in močno vplivala na mednarodne trge nafte in plina. Obdobje nenehno rastoče skrbi glede pridobivanja energetskih virov je tako nadomestila doba energetske obilnosti. V dobi energetske obilnosti v ZDA si je Trumpova administracija zastavila cilj, da ZDA postanejo energetsko dominantne. Zaradi tega je Trumpova administracija začela podpirati politične posege v kreacijo cen na naftnem trgu in odmik od multilateralizma, ki je poprej omogočal globalno konkurenco. Kljub temu, da so ZDA dosegle status največje svetovne proizvajalke nafte in plina, se zdi, da Washington še vedno ne odstopa od ciljev, ki jih tradicionalno zasleduje s svojo zunanjo energetsko politiko: zagotavljanje zalog na svetovnih naftnih trgih in zmanjševanje motenj pri dobavi spodbujanje zaveznikov, da diverzificirajo lastne energetske vire, kjer je bila Evropa v glavnem v središču prizadevanj ZDA in s svojo močjo kaznovati države izvoznice plina in nafte ter jim ukazati, naj spremenijo politike, z uporabo možnosti uvedbe sankcij. Uvajanje sankcij ima vse pomembnejšo vlogo v ameriški zunanji politiki, saj je vedno bolj vprašljivo, kdaj, in če sploh, uporabiti vojaško silo za politične cilje. Nova doba obilja energije ZDA omogoča, da k uvedbi sankcij pritegnejo tudi druge države ter jih tako skupaj lažje uvedejo koordinirajo. Po drugi strani pa je zelo verjetno, da bi odločitev ZDA, da izkoristijo svoj položaj energetskega dobavitelja in začnejo izvoz energije uporabljati v politične namene, lahko delovala proti njihovim lastnim interesom in zmožnosti doseganja njihovih zunanjepolitičnih ciljev. ZDA nikoli niso sodelovale v nobeni gospodarski organizaciji, ki bi omogočala prenos suverenosti glede energetske politike v roke neke nadnacionalne strukture in neofunkcionalizem v njihovi zunanji energetski politiki nima nobenega odmeva. Šesto poglavje, ki je posvečeno Rusiji, raziskuje, kako njena bogata baza energetskih virov zagotavlja davčno osnovo za državno porabo, devizne prihodke in vzvod (zlasti v primeru dobave plina) v mednarodnih odnosih. Zahvaljujoč visokim cenam nafte iz obdobja pred pandemijo COVID-19 je Rusiji uspelo obnoviti gospodarstvo in povečati svojo geopolitično trdnost. Zaradi izjemne odvisnosti od energetskih prihodkov za ruski državni proračun je neugodna kombinacija nizkih cen nafte in finančnih sankcij ZDA in EU skupaj z naraščajočo konkurenco v proizvodnji nafte in plina povzročila postopno zmanjševanje ruskega vpliva v mednarodni politiki. Rusija nima veliko možnosti, da bi v bližnji prihodnosti postala pomemben igralec na azijskih trgih. Tako se je država usmerila k širitvi in osvežitvi svojih energetskih vezi z Evropo. Kljub temu pa Moskva vzporedno s tem spodbuja svoj konkurenčni integracijski projekt Evroazijske ekonomske unije (EAEU), katerega namen je povsem nasproten cilju evropskih integracijskih projektov, po katerih se vsaj formalno zgleduje. S tem projektom želi Rusija, med drugim, v energetskem sektorju zaščiti svoj prevladujoči položaj v postsovjetskem prostoru. Kljub formalni podobnosti EAEU z EU tam ni mogoče pričakovati učinkov prelitja na nadnacionalni ravni v skladu s teorijo neofunkcionalizma, saj gre za združitev neenakopravnih partnerjev z močnim ruskim vodstvom, ki ne dovoljuje socializacije neke nove, nadnacionalne elite. Sedmo poglavje predstavlja kako je zaradi hitro rastočega gospodarstva in povečanega povpraševanja po energiji Kitajska povečevala vpliv na svetovnih energetskih trgih. Na energetsko politiko kitajske vlade je močno vplivalo vse večje povpraševanje po nafti in odvisnost države od uvoza le-te. Naftna in plinska industrija sta zaslužni za zagotavljanje oskrbe, za zadosten proračunski dohodek in tudi za delovna mesta. Kitajska državna podjetja skušajo svoje poslovanje prilagoditi svetovnim praksam, vendar je bil do sedaj njihov manevrski prostor vedno omejen z državnim nadzorom. Pod sedanjim vodstvom kitajska podjetja sodelujejo v mednarodnem prodoru z velikimi, neposrednimi naložbami. Prvi poskus takega prodora je bila iniciativa 16+1 (sedaj 17+1) [e pred sedanjim predsednikom Xi Jinpingom. Njegov prihod na oblast je sprožil še obsežnejšo iniciativo. Prosor v svetovnem merilu je bil pred kratkim zasnovan kot Iniciativa pasu in ceste (Belt and Road Initiative - BRI). Kljub temu, da v BRI sodeluje skoraj 70 držav, pomen iniciative ostaja nejasen. BRI zagotavlja zaščito kitajskih trgovskih poti in oskrbe z energijo ter omogoča državi, da svoje industrijske presežke in gradbene kapacitete učinkovito izvaža po vsem svetu. Z BRI kitajska zunanja politika prek gospodarske diplomacije poskuša povečati svoj vpliv. Ta projekt je treba razumeti kot dolgoročno, globalno iniciativo, ki nima samo gospodarskega cilja. BRI in iniciativa 17+1 sta še dve obliki mednarodnega sodelovanja, ki sta neprimerljivi s postopkom vključevanja v EU in v njiju zaradi dominantnosti Kitajske ni prelitja funkcij na nadnacionalno raven kot ga opisuje neofunkcionalistična teorija. In the study, I tried to explore how characteristics of energy supply in each of the four global superpowers (EU, US, Russian Federation, People’s Republic of China) influences their foreign energy policy, which out of the three elements of energy policy (competitiveness, security of supply, sustainability) primarily reflects it and how and if different forms of foreign energy policy regional initiatives can be explained with the theory of neofunctionalism. The first chapter aims to present the neofunctionalist theory as a theory of regional integration. It first analyzes Jean Monnet’s attempts for European integration, at that time illustrated by the European Communities: European Economic Community, Euratom and the European Steel and Coal Community. Later, it was further developed to be able to explain processes like territorial growth of a regional integrated area and also processes of its shrinking, i.e. Brexit. Neofunctionalism is a theory explaining the process of integration on a regional level with reference to growing reciprocal economic relationships in-between nations. It also analyzes capacity of a regional organization in dispute resolution and creation of international legal regimes, within which the supranational market rules may replace national regulatory regimes. It explains also integration by positive spillover effects as necessities to cooperate in sectors, which are indirectly related to the sector where regional cooperation first started. I briefly present also intergovernmentalism as an alternative theory. The first chapter also briefly presents 130 years of history of regulation to protect competiveness on energy markets, some 80 years of security of supply challenges and their translation into political decisions and some 70 years of history of creation of sustainability in modern energy policy. The second chapter presents the structure of energy supply and the market structure in each of the analyzed global superpowers. It is evident that energy markets (oil, gas, electricity) in the US and the EU are highly competitive and efficient. Both superpowers strive also towards sustainability and are constantly decreasing harmful emissions from fossil fuel power plants as well as transport and other energy consuming activities. While the EU is highly import dependent (in 2017 imported more than 55% of all energy sources), the United States in the last 15 years developed from the biggest importer of energy sources globally into a net exporter, reaching energy self-sufficiency in 2018. Russia has a net energy imports index at -84%. It is one of the biggest net exporters of oil (some 10% of global production) and gas (close to 20% of global production), according to data from 2014. In 2018, it exported almost the same amount of energy as was consumed in the country. Despite its energy abundance, Russia has heavily regulated and inefficient gas, oil and electricity markets. Among the four analyzed superpowers, it has far the least energy efficient use of its energy resources. The position of Gazprom, which enjoys a monopoly on pipeline gas exports to Russia’s neighbors, has been increasingly challenged. Consequently, pressures on Moscow to reform its energy (particularly gas) sector have been rising. So far, the Russian government has shown reluctance with regard to implementing structural reforms in its energy sector and has rather been trying to adjust, react and adapt to created circumstances. China is slowly liberalizing its gas market. Reform that attracted new private investors into electricity generation in the 1990s has backslid. Gas, coal, electricity generation and oil sectors are primarily controlled by state-owned companies and do not allow much room for competition. China in 2017 consumed 22% of all energy sources globally and was by far the biggest energy consumer worldwide. China extracts and burns around half of all coal being extracted worldwide and is heavily unsustainable. Its harmful emissions from power plants remain high and stable, while CO2 emissions are in constant ascent. However, in recent years, the country has been focusing much more on services-based economy and renewable energy. Additionally, taking into account the combination of effects of factors like structural changes in the economy, growing efficiency within the energy industry and demographic changes, total growth of the energy demand up until the year of 2040 will be comparable to the one that China experienced from 2008 to 2016. Its net energy imports index is 15% and shows moderate dependence on import. The third chapter aims at analyzing the EU’s emerging foreign energy policy in a global context of imperfect energy relations. Energy, being an increasingly politicized sector, still remains closely linked with state sovereignty and national interest. Consequently, Brussels’s efforts to shape a coherent foreign energy policy, while sharing competences with the Member States and taking into account the carefully drafted compromise of article 194 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU, has proved to be increasingly challenging. Moreover, Europe, being highly dependent on foreign energy suppliers (among which Russia, with its contrasting vision of energy policy, plays the most important role) has been further undermining the EU’s aspirations of introducing universal, market-based norms in global energy relations. Against this backdrop, the EU managed to make some achievements in its foreign energy policy, particularly, by the means of the European Economic Area and the Energy Community, which was a successful example of what Europe aspired to achieve globally. In recent years marked by the decreased role of multilateralism and the increased role of bilateral relations, also the EU introduced elements of dominance into its foreign energy policy despite opposition to such behavior when performed by other superpowers. The neofunctionalist theory explaining European integration by spillover effect has proven to be usable also in explaining processes of creation of EU foreign energy policy in the years from 2015 on and increased role and autonomy of the European Commission in it. The fourth chapter attempts to demonstrate that US energy policy has gone through multiple changes throughout history. While in the beginning of the twentieth century, the US pursued competitive access to energy sources to sustain the strong growth of its demand, after the Suez Canal crisis and the subsequent oil crisis in the mid-seventies, the US energy policy became centered on ensuring the security of supply. Since the mid-eighties, it became much more multi-sided, with growing concern about environmental issues, yet without detriment to the importance given to security of supply and competitiveness. While American energy policy throughout the twentieth century has been driven by fears of energy scarcity, the so-called unconventional revolution of the past decade changed Washington’s attitude towards its foreign energy policy and also considerably impacted international oil and gas markets. An atmosphere of continuously growing competition for resources has, thus, been replaced by the age of energy abundance, where the Trump’s US administration has set the objective of the United States becoming energy dominant, supporting political interventions into the creation of prices on the oil market and moving away from multilateralism, which enabled global competition. Despite the fact that the US achieved the status of being the biggest producer of oil and gas in the world, Washington does not seem to withdraw the objectives traditionally pursued by its foreign energy policy. Namely, ensuring supplies on the global oil markets and minimizing disruptions encouraging allies to diversify their own energy resources, where Europe has usually been the main focus of US efforts and using its power to punish countries and to command them to change policies, using the possibility of imposing sanctions on gas and oil exporting nations. With latest Biden’s administration US seems to reposition its focus on sustainability and multilateral cooperation again. Despite that sanctions play increasingly important role in US foreign policy, since it is more and more questionable when and if at all to deploy military force. New energy abundant age enables the US to get on board other nations to collectively impose multilateral sanctions easier than in previous times. ON the other side it is very possible that US decision to become energy dominant and start using energy exports for political purposes could work against their interests and ability to achieve their objectives. The US never participated in any economic organization that would tend to transfer sovereignty over energy policy to a supranational structure. The fifth chapter dealing with Russia explores how its vast energy resource base provides the fiscal basis for state spending, foreign exchange earnings, and leverage (especially for gas) in international relations. Thanks to the high oil prices of the pre COVID-19 pandemic decade, Russia managed to recover its economy and increase its geopolitical assertiveness. Nevertheless, due to its extreme dependence on energy revenues, following the unfavorable combination of low oil prices, financial sanctions of the West combined with the rising competition in production resulted in Russia’s gradually diminishing economic leverage. Russia, with unlikely prospects to become a prominent player in Asian markets in the foreseeable future, has turned to expanding and refreshing its energy ties with Europe. Yet, in parallel, Moscow has been pushing forward its competing integrationist project of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which aims to conflict and overlap with the European integrationist projects, inter alia, in the sector of energy in order to safeguard its dominant position in the post-Soviet space. Despite the formal similarity of the EAEU with the EU, there is no spillover effect since it is an association of unequal partners with strong Russian leadership. Country’s fast-growing economy and rapid increase in energy demand has lead China to gain more influence in global energy markets. The energy policy of the Chinese government has been strongly influenced by the increasing demand for oil and country’s dependence on oil imports. The oil and gas industry has remained a strategic asset for the Chinese government. This industry is responsible for ensuring supplies of oil and gas, for sufficient budget income as well as for employment. With closer integration into global markets, Chinese state-owned companies have been seeking to adapt their operations to global practices, yet, the room for maneuver has always been limited by state control. Under the present leadership, Chinese companies have been engaged in large-scale outward direct investments. This process was recently soon packed as a Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The fact that nearly 70 countries are participating in the BRI does not improve the perception that its label remains unclear. There is still no exact definition of the qualification of a BRI project Yet, half a decade after the launch of one of the most ambitious geo-economic projects of recent history, some more things became clearer. To name a few, BRI is not only responsible for securing China’s trade routes and energy supplies, it is also accountable for the fact, that the country is being able to export worldwide several construction projects due to its industrial overcapacities. The BRI became a major component of China’s grandiose foreign policy agenda aimed at increasing Chinese influence in the BRI region and beyond. The past years have proven that the BRI project is to be understood as a long-term, global and not having only an economic goal. Yet, challenges regarding to the future success of the BRI are many and of different nature: technical, political, financial and regulatory, to name a few. Both suspicion and skepticism concerning its real motives and viability remain high, especially among those countries who have been the main designers of today’s global financial system and international trade rules. The Belt and Road Initiative is yet another form of international cooperation which is incomparable with the EU integration process and neofunctionalist theory cannot be used for its explanation. The thesis confirmed that characteristics of energy supply in a country are directly and with the same attitude reflected in the foreign energy policy. Foreign energy policy is additionally held up by whichever tool of dominance being available to one of the four studied cases. The thesis also confirmed that Haas’ theory of neofunctionalism is still supportive in explanation of regional integration of all initiatives proposed in and by the four global superpowers. EU is creating its own foreign energy policy entering externalization as the last, fourth stage of regional cooperation, according to Nye.

Izobraževanje postaja v modernem svetu vedno bolj pomembno, njegov vpliv se širi na ekonomijo in ostala politična polja. OECD meri bruto proizvod izobraževanja in s tem postavlja smernice razvoja izobraževanja, ki bodo služile sodobnemu globalnemu napredku. OECD izvaja PISA raziskavo med 15-letniki, kjer ocenjujejo uporabo znanja v življenjskih situacijah. Iz te raziskave OECD ponudi širok spekter podatkov, ki služijo kot priporočila. V nalogi je narejena raziskava uporabe teh podatkov za nadaljnji razvoj šolskega sistema in primerjava med Finsko in Slovenijo. Finska v PISI zavzema prva mesta skoraj na vseh področjih. Svoj sistem izobraževanja so skozi zgodovino izoblikovali na temeljih enakosti in pravičnosti ter s tem razvili enega izmed boljših izobraževalnih sistemov na svetu. Cilj je torej dobiti vpogled v uporabnost teh rezultatov in dejansko uporabo v omenjenih državah. Raziskava je zasnovana na družboslovnem intervjuju strokovnjakov s področja šolstva, ki prihajajo iz Finske in Slovenije. Strokovnjaki iz vsake države, zaposleni na pristojnem ministrstvu in na inštitutu, ki se ukvarja s pedagogiko in šolskim sistemom. Iz raziskav lahko sklepamo, da državi vseskozi posodabljata izobraževalni sistem, med drugim tudi na podlagi rezultatov PISA, ki jim služijo kot pokazatelj pomanjkljivosti. Tako lahko zaključimo, da ima PISA posredno ali neposredno velik vpliv na razvoj izobraževanja na lokalnem nivoju in tudi na globalnem. Education is becoming increasingly important in the modern world, its influence is spreading to the economy and other political fields. The OECD measures the gross product of education and thus sets guidelines for the development of education that will serve modern global progress. The OECD conducts a PISA survey among 15-year-olds to assess the use of knowledge in life situations. From this research, the OECD offers a wide range of data that serve as recommendations. The paper investigates the use of this data for the further development of the school system and a comparison between Finland and Slovenia. Finland ranks first in PISI in almost all areas. Throughout history, they have shaped their education system on the foundations of equality and justice, thus developing one of the best education systems in the world. The aim is therefore to gain insight into the applicability of these results and their actual application in these countries. The research is based on a social science interview of education experts from Finland and Slovenia. Experts from each country, one employed at the competent ministry and the other at an institute dealing with pedagogy and the school system. Research shows that the two countries are constantly updating their education system, including on the basis of PISA results, which serve as an indicator of their shortcomings. Thus, we can conclude that PISA has a direct or indirect great influence on the development of education at the local level as well as globally.

Področja sive ekonomije, med katera spadajo tako davčne oaze kot davčne utaje predstavljajo velik problem razvitim državam, saj je težko najti ustrezno rešitev za njihovo odpravo. Še nedolgo nazaj je to področje sive ekonomije bilo opredeljeno kot nacionalna težava, s katero se je morala soočati posamična država. S pojavom globalizacije pa je problematika dobila nove razsežnosti, zato je danes zelo pomembno, da k iskanju rešitve pristopimo kolektivno v sodelovanju z ostalimi državami. V raziskovalnem delu sem dano problematiko podrobneje razdelal. Med drugim sem ugotovil kdo so akterji, ki se poslužujejo davčnih utaj, kako škodljive so davčne oaze za razvitejše države, kako kaznujemo tovrstna dejanja in izpostavil največje davčne sheme, ki so nam do danes znane. Celotno teorijo sem v nadaljevanju uporabil za študijo primera. Na primeru Republike Slovenije sem analiziral zakonodajo, ki ureja področje davčnih utaj in davščin, ugotovil področja kje smo naredili največ sprememb in vse ugotovitve povzel v samem zaključku. Tax havens, evasion and media influence the grey economy, which includes both tax havens and tax evasions, is a major problem for developed countries, as it is difficult to find the right solutions to reduce it. Not long ago, this area of grey economy was identified as a national problem that each country had to face individually. However, with the advent of globalization, the issue has taken on new dimensions, so it is very important today that we collectively approach to search for a solution in cooperation with other countries. In the research, I have elaborated the given problem in more detail. I have identified who the tax evasion players are, how harmful tax havens are to developed countries, how such acts are punished and highlighted the biggest tax schemes that we are aware of. Based on the acquired theory I built a case study on an example of the Republic of Slovenia. I analyzed relevant tax legislation, identified the areas where we made the most changes, and summarized all the findings in the very conclusion.

Problematika odpadnih nagrobnih sveč (v nadaljevanju ONS) je že dalj časa trajajoč problem, ki se ga je intenzivno začelo reševati šele pred kratkim. Na srečo so proizvajalci sveč že veliko prej začeli razvijati alternative tradicionalni nagrobni sveči, katere odpadek predstavlja jedro problema. V diplomski nalogi sem posebno pozornost namenila dvema fazama javnopolitičnega procesa, fazi oblikovanja dnevnega reda, ki vključuje predstavitev javnopolitičnega problema kot najbolj pomembnega za nadaljnji razvoj procesa, ter fazi oblikovanja alternativnih rešitev. S pomočjo opisa vloge javnopolitičnih igralcev sem lahko podrobno predstavila tudi njih ter njihovo vlogo ter s tem poglobila razumevanje bralca o problematiki ONS. Cilj faze oblikovanja alternativnih rešitev je bila predstavitev alternativnih rešitev proizvajalcev, osebne rešitve ter rešitev društev ter Ministrstva za okolje in prostor (v nadaljevanju MOP). Za dosego vrednotenja osebne alternative kot najboljše sem navedla štiri kazalnike (ekonomski vidik, zakonodajo, sprejemljivost in ekološki vidik), s pomočjo katerih sem ugotovila, da je predstavljena osebna alternativa trenutno najboljša. Dodatno je ugotovitev podkrepil opravljen intervju z g. Bogdanom Dobnikom. Zastavljeno hipotezo sem lahko na podlagi vseh dosedanjih ugotovitev potrdila. Zaključujem z ugotovitvijo, da je problem ONS problem širokih razsežnosti. Samo en ukrep enega akterja ne bo zadostoval za razrešitev le-tega, zato je potrebno upoštevati vse štiri kazalnike, pa naj bo to s strani enega ali pa več javnopolitičnih igralcev. Waste grave candles (hereinafter referred to as 'WGC') problem is an ongoing problem which has only recently gained more attention and thus more people started to tackle it. Waste generated by a classic grave candle is the core of this issue. Fortunatley, candlemakers have started solving this problem earlier so they can already offer us some alternatives. In my thesis I present a two stage public policy. The first phase focuses on building an agenda, consisting of a public policy which tackles the presentation of the problem as the most important step for further development of the process, followed by a second phase focusing on alternative solutions. With description of public policy players I enabled the reader to become aware of their role within the WGC issue. Furthermore, the goal of the second phase is to present the reader with alternative solutions, offered by manufacturers, associations, Ministry of Environment and Spatial Planning and this thesis. Evaluation process consisted of four indicators (economical, ecological, legislation and acceptability) which have helped me prove that my solution is currently the best option for solving the WGC problem. In addition to four evaluation indicators, an interview conducted with Mr. Bogdan Dobnik, confirmed that my solution is viable. Thereafter, I was able to confirm my hypothesis based on findings acquired through research and evaluation conducted in this thesis. Overall, the WGC is a widespread problem, which is unlikely to be solved by a single player. Hence, it is crucial to take into account all four indicators, disregarding whether they are put forward by one or more political figures.

Okoljska kriza, rezultanta večletnih praks onesnaževanja, siromašenja zalog naravnih virov, uničevanja zdravih ekosistemov, zmanjševanja biotske raznovrstnosti in drugih destruktivnih razvojnih posegov, danes predstavlja enega večjih izzivov politične sfere, ki se nanj odziva s spodbudami k ohranjanju okolja in sektorskimi mehanizmi za uresničevanje trajnostnega bivanja v sožitju z naravnimi zmožnostmi. Pomembnejšo izmed tovrstnih spodbud predstavlja zelena infrastruktura oziroma orodje Evropske unije za implementacijo naravnih rešitev z okoljskimi, gospodarskimi in družbenimi koristmi, zlasti pomembnimi v urbanih okoljih, kjer izgubljanje biotske raznovrstnosti in degradacija zdravih ekosistemov pod pritiski intenzivne urbanizacije osvetljujeta pomembnost ponovne vzpostavitve ravnovesja med zagotavljanjem družbenih in gospodarskih koristi ter ohranjanjem naravnega kapitala s pomočjo urbane zelene infrastrukture. Slednja si kot celovit model oblikovanja trajnostnih mest z visokim zavedanjem o nujnosti zaščite, obnove in ohranjanja zdravega, varnega in kakovostnega naravnega okolja, ki nima substituta, prizadeva razviti omrežje zelenih in modrih urbanih površin, oblikovanih in upravljanih z namenom prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam, zaščite biotske raznovrstnosti, spodbujanja zelenega gospodarstva in povečevanja družbene kohezije. Glavni cilj magistrskega dela je s poudarkom na teoretskih izhodiščih predstaviti temeljne postavke urbane zelene infrastrukture in v luči izpolnjevanja evropskih političnih smernic o njenem vključevanju v standardne dele urbanega prostorskega načrtovanja razčlenjeno ter poglobljeno analizirati zastopanost elementov urbane zelene infrastrukture v prostorskih oziroma razvojnih strategijah glavnih mest Estonije, Finske in Slovenije, obenem pa z željo po identifikaciji izzivov in priložnosti načrtovanja preučevanega koncepta v drugih urbanih okoljih raziskati in opisati nekaj primerov dobrih praks. One of the major challenges of the political system today is the environmental crisis, resulting from continuous events of environmental pollution, depletion of natural resources, degradation of ecosystems, destruction of biodiversity and other destructive development practices. Political agenda is responding to the listed challenges with incentive programs for sustainable living in harmony with environmental capacities. Green Infrastructure is the tool for creating natural solutions with ecological, economic and social benefits, particularly important in urban and urbanizing landscapes to promote sustainable growth and mitigate the loss of ecosystem services and biodiversity. Urban green infrastructure seeks to develop a network of green and blue urban areas designed and managed to address climate change adaptation, biodiversity protection, green economy and social cohesion. With the emphasis on the theoretical background, the aim of the thesis is to give a sufficiently detailed picture of the urban green infrastructure and its defining characteristics, to explore its involvement in urban spatial planning of the capital cities of Estonia, Finland and Slovenia and describe examples of good practice focusing on identifying the challenges and opportunities of the dealt concept in other urban settings.

Po arabski pomladi so se gibanja za pravice žensk v Jordaniji in Tuniziji angažirala v prizadevanjih za spremembe spolno diskriminatorne zakonodaje. Medtem ko se je demokratizacija v Tuniziji začela s padcem avtoritarnega režima, so se reforme v Jordaniji začele pri političnem vrhu. Z induktivnim sklepanjem in kvalitativnimi metodami smo preučili vlogo gibanj za pravice žensk pri spreminjanju spolno diskriminatorne zakonodaje. Ugotovili smo, da se v obeh državah širši diskurz pravic žensk razlikuje od diskurza enakih pravic žensk. Kljub razlikam v političnem kontekstu pa so se gibanja za enakost spolov v obeh državah soočala s podobnimi izzivi. Islam kot družbeno-politična ideologija onemogoča enakost spolov tako na ravni zakonodaje kot njenega izvajanja. Enakosti spolov na vseh področjih ne bo mogoče doseči brez sekularizacije. Gibanja za pravice žensk v Tuniziji so dosegla napredek, ker je v državi prihajalo do radikalnih sprememb, ki jih je vodila sekularna stranka. Režimski feminizem in izkoriščanje ženskih voditeljic v politične namene gibanjem za pravice žensk v Jordaniji onemogočata spremembe zakona o državljanstvu. Režimski feminizem v Tuniziji podpira gibanje za enakost pri dedovanju. Vendar pa gre pri tej podpori za selektivni feminizem, ki gibanju preprečuje, da bi za svoje cilje pridobilo širšo podporo. Intersekcionalni feminizem je orodje, s katerim bi se gibanje v Tuniziji lahko borilo proti selektivnemu feminizmu. V Jordaniji pa vladajoči režim medtem omejuje mobilizacijo množic. Ta splošni okvir se pozneje lahko uporabi za druge raziskave v arabskih muslimanskih državah. After the Arab Spring, women’s rights movements in Jordan and in Tunisia are mobilized to reform public policies. While the democratization in Tunisia started with the fall of the authoritarian regime, the political reform in Jordan was initiated from the top. We used inductive reasoning and qualitative research methods to study the role of the movements in reforming gender discriminatory policies. In both countries, broader women’s rights narratives differ from women’s rights narratives for gender equality. Despite the differences in the political context, the movements for gender equality in both countries have encountered similar challenges. Islam as a socio-political ideology opposes gender equality at the legislative and implementation levels. Without secularization, gender equality in all sectors cannot be achieved. WRMs in Tunisia have made progress due to the radical transition led by a secular party. State feminism and co-optation of female leadership have meanwhile hindered WRMs in Jordan in amending the nationality law. While state feminism in Tunisia has supported the movement in the efforts for equal inheritance law, this support has been perceived as selective feminism, which prevents the movement from receiving a wider social support for their cause. Intersectional feminism is a potential tool for the Tunisian movement to combat selective feminism, while the movement in Jordan has been hindered by limitations on mass mobilization imposed by the repressive regime. The general frame can be applied for further studies in other Arab Muslim countries.