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Without shouting it from the rooftops, Latour never hid the fact that he was a Catholic. Taking advantage of their friendly closeness, Antoine Hennion takes the liberty of proposing various readings of the way in which this curious parishioner lived his faith, each more or less compatible with the others, and with no need to decide between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the nineteenth century, anticlerical and secularist sectors gained ground. Upon reaching the twentieth century, among the strategies that the Catholics worldwide used to try to stop this advance, it stands out that they usually presented themselves as persecuted by the governments promoting secularizing measures, freedom of religion, or laws to separate the State from the Church. For many Catholics of the time, these measures were practically synonymous with religious persecution, a term they used to refer to very different phenomena, as is proven by the cases of Mexico, Czechoslovakia, and Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dominant scholarly view on Turkish political history, namely the 'centre-periphery' approach, has vociferously put forward the judicial and military elites as anchors of an entrenched unitary historical bloc, bequeathed by the Ottoman bureaucratic cadre, which had relentlessly defended a conspicuously definite Kemalist-assertive secularism in the republican period. Diverging from this mainstream historiography, an interrogation of the period from the 1970s to the 1990s shows that (1) the Turkish judges and military did not always act in a unified bloc; at times, they could not exactly agree on the practices and meanings of secularism. Thus, especially at the height of the Cold War, the judges did not only stand in opposition to the societal religious demands but also to some of the pro-Islamic tendencies in the army; (2) the linchpin of the laicism that the judges pursued did not stand in opposition solely with the Islamic religiosity but also impeded certain secularist societal demands. By investigating a selection of court decisions, judicial opinions, and other documents following the congruence method, the article shows that actors' strategic preferences should be deemed relevant. A revision seems necessary concerning the mainstream academic lens for understanding Turkish laicism in the past and present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the problem of the relationship between the model of secularism and religious symbolism in the context of the risk of religious radicalization in Kazakhstan. This topic is especially relevant at the present time in conditions of geopolitical turbulence in the Eurasian region. Due to the complex nature of the problem, three main components are distinguished: 1) consideration of the features of the French model of secularism applied in Kazakhstan; 2) analysis of external destructive religious influence on Kazakhstan; 3) the alleged religious and ideological risks existing in Kazakhstan. Summarizing these three components, a general conclusion is drawn about the necessary measures that should be taken to relieve the «degree of tension» between secular principles and religious symbolism, which can reduce and/or neutralize the risks of extremist, and, as a consequence, terrorist actions on the territory of Kazakhstan. In Kazakhstan, measures are being taken to counter the so-called destructive religious movements/organizations (abbreviated as DRM/DRO). However, there is no legal definition for this concept. In public discourse, DRM/DRO are contrasted with «traditional religions», the definition of which also does not exist in domestic legislation. Legally, there is only a list of prohibited (extremist, terrorist) organizations and a list of registered religious associations on the territory of Kazakhstan. One way or another, realities dictate to the state and society the need to counteract destructive religious influence. It should be noted that destructive behavior comes from a destructive ideology. The purpose of the work is to identify ideological risks for the religious situation in Kazakhstan, as well as to apply preventive measures to eliminate religious and ideological threats. The article describes the existing risks for the state in the field of ideological prevention of religious extremism and terrorism, and provides appropriate recommendations that are of theoretical and practical benefit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mevzu is the property of Ali Sever and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In certain domains of contemporary life, political action connected to people's conscience is of central significance. But what is the conscience, and how may it be studied? Much of the anthropological study of conscientious objection has occurred in places where freedom of conscience is codified as a legal possibility. By contrast, this article investigates the social life of the conscience in Turkey, where discourse on freedom of conscience has been crucial to its system of laicism but which does not recognize the right of conscientious objection to conscription. Drawing upon the testimonies of refusers, it examines the qualities of conscience they reveal, showing their shared characteristics with the ethical subjectivity of objectors in ostensibly more liberal contexts. I adapt the term "forensic conscience" to describe these common characteristics, stressing their universal dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archivos de Historia del Movimiento Obrero y la Izquierda is the property of Archivos de historia del movimiento obrero y la izquierda and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo pretende poner de relieve que Marsilio de Padua constituye un autor que no debe insertarse en la corriente conciliarista, salvo que entendamos el conciliarismo en un sentido tan amplio que terminemos tergiversando su significación genuina. Para fundamentar este propósito, se analiza la doctrina eclesiológica de este autor, doctrina que se expone sobre todo en el Defensor Pacis, su obra más célebre y relevante. El principal objetivo que se persigue es mostrar que Marsilio de Padua no sólo no otorga inequívocamente al Concilio el poder supremo en la Iglesia, que es lo que define al conciliarismo, sino que incluso tiene un concepto harto ambiguo de la asamblea conciliar, hasta el extremo de que, en ocasiones, parece que la considera prescindible y que le adjudica un papel más simbólico que efectivo.

The issue of the secular state is pertinent in Latin America, especially in countries like Brazil, where religion may influence the political and educational field. Data from a survey of biology teachers regarding the teaching of evolution in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay were analysed, recognising the secularity of the countries. The BIOHEAD-CITIZEN questionnaire and semi-structured interviews were used in this research. Two questions were highlighted: one regarding teachers’ opinion on the separation of politics and religion and the other on the separation of science and religion. In both, the results from Brazilian biology teachers stand out, with a greater alignment with the conception that religion can participate in the political and academic sphere. The interviews also confirmed that Brazilian teachers must deal with religious clashes, with students and in their personal conceptions, when teaching evolutionary theory. This situation is of concern in the current Brazilian political context (Bolsonaro government), in which the theme of religion is in evidence in politics, and may become increasingly so in the school environment, notably in relation to the teaching of biological evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely accepted that Europe is characterised by a secularised society and states marked by laicism (laïcité). The article analyses how this European secularity observes religious education, highlighting the fact that it does not have a single model. The diversity of interpretations of the term "secularity" is not unrelated to the fact that there is a plurality of approaches to the teaching (or non-teaching) of religion within European education systems. The authors of the article opt for Taylor's approach of defining secularity not by its relation to religion, but by the ends it desires to achieve. Within this framework, the article describes the plurality of models of teaching religion in education systems and how these models articulate the values that secularity seeks to achieve. The analysis takes into account both the guidelines and recommendations of European institutions and the policies implemented by states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the Second Spanish Republic, in April 1931, the public celebrations of Holy Week had become one of the main landmarks of the festive calendar in many Spanish cities, especially in Seville, which had integrated the processions as identity and historicist forms with the ability to attract tourists, but also to vertebrate urban associations. In this context, the Catholic Church launched an offensive to reorient the religiosity and political profile of these celebrations. At the same time, intellectuals, artists and republican and leftist leaders approached these celebrations as "pure" manifestations of a people who interpreted in freedom and without Catholic guidelines their notion of the sacred, thus creating an alternative to the ecclesiastical doctrine. Both conceptions maintained intense disputes during the democratic period of the Second Republic. In this article we analyze how the republican governments and left-wing associations approached these celebrations as festive expressions whose forms and meanings transcended Catholicism and, therefore, were compatible with secular legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Educacao e Pesquisa is the property of Faculdade de Educacao da Universidade de Sao Paulo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie III, Historia Medieval is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present research analyses the principle of laicity, aiming to understand whether religious concepts can be introduced and positivised in a lay State, taking the Japanese and Italian constitutions as case studies. The purpose is to understand how religious concepts, if positivised, can contribute to higher protection of fundamental rights. The first phase focuses on the definition of the concept of laicity by separating it from secularism. The second phase deals with the principle of neutrality and non-identification of the lay state towards the religious sphere, deepening the positivisation of religious concepts and their introduction into legal analysis, with particular attention to Habermas' studies on the translation of religious concepts into a universally accessible and independent language. The third phase carries out a comparative constitutional analysis focusing on the principle of laicity in the Italian and Japanese constitutions to understand the different declinations the principle of laicity may take and the potential terrain for religious concepts to be introduced after an imperative translation into universal language independent of any religious interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a comparative analysis of the different constitutional reforms in the province of Corrientes of 1889, 1913 and 1949 with the purpose of enquiring about representations regarding laicism, religion and state that are shown in those. Its main focus is to study the debates that were raised in the conventions, to identify the different stances by political parties and ideologies, the actors involved, the arguments in each case around the matter and other regarding those, such as religious education. From that analysis we are looking to contribute to the knowledge regarding the process of laicism in Argentina from the perspective of a province case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work goes through the constitutional texts in force in the province of Córdoba during three quarters of the 20th century, in which we see an intersection point between the legal and the political. We understand that the Constituent Conventions that shaped them provide us with a photograph of the very diverse moments of provincial political life in which they were sanctioned and that the debates that went through them open access doors to reconstruct the heterogeneous views about the relations between State, religion and society. This development allows us to identify transformations and permanence in their legal translation and in the different arguments that gave them sustenance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to study how the armed movement known as the Cristiada (1926-1929), that opposed the State with the Catholic Church in Mexico, was a symbolic event for the development and transmission of anticlerical thought through Latin America. From discourses circulated at journals such as Amauta (Peru), Claridad (in Argentina and Chile), and Repertorio Americano (Costa Rica) we will study reasons, circumstances and ideologies that took the Mexican case as an intellectual guide for Latin American modernization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely accepted that Europe is characterised by a secularised society and states marked by laicism (laïcité). The article analyses how this European secularity observes religious education, highlighting the fact that it does not have a single model. The diversity of interpretations of the term “secularity” is not unrelated to the fact that there is a plurality of approaches to the teaching (or non-teaching) of religion within European education systems. The authors of the article opt for Taylor’s approach of defining secularity not by its relation to religion, but by the ends it desires to achieve. Within this framework, the article describes the plurality of models of teaching religion in education systems and how these models articulate the values that secularity seeks to achieve. The analysis takes into account both the guidelines and recommendations of European institutions and the policies implemented by states.

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Starting from the position of religion in the laicistic French republic, the confessional Protestant religious education in the three Alsatian-Lorraine départements of Haut-Rhin, Bas-Rhin and Moselle is examined more closely from a German point of view against the background of historical and current socio-political developments in dealing with religion and religious plurality in France. The focus is on a critical analysis of the school materials for the collège published by the Union des Églises protestantes d'Alsace et de Lorraine (UEPAL) with regard to the presentation of other religions and pedagogical impulses in the field of interreligious learning [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Republican Turkey is a great country with a crucial geostrategic position, and rich historical past and present. In recent decades, Turkey has developed its economy to such a level that the prediction “Turkey will enter the 21st century as one of the most developed countries”, has been realized. The official doctrine of the government of the Republic of Turkey, known as Kemalism, is based on the principles of Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Republic and a great reformer. Historical development of modern Turkey cannot be imagined without the figure of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881–1938). He began to rule the country in the most difficult years (1918–1923) and is considered as the founding father of republican Turkey. The extraordinary impact of Atatürk is attributable to the fact that he was simultaneously a military man, a defender of religion, a statesman, and a revolutionary.

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Comparative Religious Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this interview, Bruno Chaouat discusses Donald Trump, anti-Americanism, the tradition of laïcité, the preoccupation with safe spaces in American higher education, the impact of French literary theory on the American academy, the reception of Critical Race Theory in France, French intellectual antisemitism, and other topics. He criticizes recent developments in French and American theory while also highlighting some of the promising new developments in French literary scholarship as practiced both in France and the US. Throughout the interview, Chaouat articulates the shortcomings of current ideologies on the Right and Left and the need for independent thinking about contemporary social problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hacettepe Law Review is the property of Hacettepe Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historia del Derecho is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones de Historia del Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction. The article is devoted to reflecting the ideas of Turkish philosopher, sociologist, culture expert Ziya Gyokalp in the concepts of Kemalism, to the problem of reasonable mutual influence of the East and West, to the attempts of the first President of the Republic of Turkey Mustafa Kemal Atatyurk to introduce turkish society in the Westernized civilization in the 1920–1930s. The first Turkish president interpreted the ideas of Ziya Gyokalp, who fought for the synthesis of national traditions and European civilization achievements. The president defined such milestones in the political life of Turkey as europeanization, nationalism, laicism, etatism, revolutionism, nationality, republicanism. The article shows the struggle of westernists and traditionists; calls of nationalists to preserve national traditions, study the history of Muslim peoples and state institutions to make their adapting to new conditions of life in modernity easier. Only the balance between traditionalism and modernism can correspond to the realities of a particular society and era, while the westerners called for the transfer of European values to the national soil. Methods. The historical-typological and historical-system research methods used in the article allowed to analyze the typology and transformation of Turkish culture in the first two decades of the republic’s existence. Analysis. The article shows the struggle of Westerners and Traditionalists, the appeals of nationalists to preserve national traditions, to study the history of Muslim peoples and state institutions in order to adapt them for modern life more easily, because only the relationship between traditionalism and modernism can correspond to the realities of a particular society and to the modern epoch, while Westerners wanted to bind European values and national soil. Results. The article draws the conclusion that fundamental principles of Kemalism were formulated by M.K. Atatyurk and implemented by him and his supporters not immediately, but step by step, beginning with 1918. The ideology of Kemalism is in tune with the ideas of Ziya Gyokalp to a great extent. The paper emphasizes that during the decades since the first attempts to modernize Turkey the state has taken unprecedented steps to import Western culture. Undoubtedly, transformations in Turkish society in the field of government, culture, and everyday life were of progressive importance. It contributed to national strengthening of Turkey and its transition from feudal to bourgeois forms of social life.