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We apply a shift-share approach and historical unionisation data from 1918 to study the impact of regional unionisation changes in Norway on regional wage and productivity growth, job-creation and -destruction and social security uptake during the period 2003-2012. As unionisation increases, wages grow. Lay-offs through plant closures and shrinking workplaces increase, causing higher retirement rates, while job creation, plant entry and other social security uptakes are unaffected. Productivity grows, partly by enhanced productivity among surviving and new firms and partly by less productive firms forced to close due to increased labour costs. Thus, unions promote creative destruction., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

We examine the efforts of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) to extend medical care under social security, through international conventions, advocacy and technical assistance. We consider the challenges faced by the ILO in advancing global health coverage through its labourist, social security model. The narrative begins in the interwar period, with the early conventions on sickness insurance, then discusses the rights-based universalistic vision expressed in the Philadelphia Declaration (1944). We characterize the ILO's postwar research and technical assistance as "progressive gradualism" then show how from the late-1970s the ILO became increasingly marginalized, though it retained an advisory role within the now dominant "co-operative pluralistic" model.

This article contributes to a better understanding of labour anti-communism in Britain through an exploration of the evolution of ideas and attitudes within the co-operative movement during the early Cold War. It demonstrates that the period witnessed an increasingly rigid separation of co-operation from communism and argues that this separation made it harder for activists within the co-operative movement to imagine a total or utopian alternative to capitalism. Drawing particularly on a close reading of the co-operative press as well as other sources, the study is divided into three main parts. The first section discusses sympathy among co-operators for the achievements of the Soviet Union, which increased during the war against fascism. The article then moves on to consider the continuing dialogue between British co-operators and their counterparts in European communist states and how international tensions shaped co-operators' views. The final major section explores the hardening of attitude towards communism after Marshall Aid was declared in June 1947, and underlines the role played by figures such as A. V. Alexander and Jack Bailey who worked with the Information Research Department at the Foreign Office to spread anti-communism within the movement. The conclusion reflects, more speculatively, on what implications this shift may have had for the medium and long-term decline of co-operation and the hegemony of capitalist consumerism post-war., (© The Author(s) [2018]. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com.)

Objective: To analyze the constituting knowledge of militant nurses in trade associations., Method: Historical research, based on the oral history method, with a qualitative approach carried out with 11 nurses who are/were militants for professional issues since the 1980s in the state of Bahia. The data collected through semi-structured interviews were organized in the software n-vivo 10 and analyzed based on dialectical hermeneutics., Results: We identified pedagogical, administrative, public health, sociological, and trade union background knowledge as constituent of militant individuals. Final considerations: The constituting knowledge of militant nurses are inscribed in the Social Sciences, distanced from biomedical knowledge and power, pointing at ways for structuring nursing curricula. We identified the Brazilian Association of Nursing as a space for political formation.

The UN Sustainable Development Goals of 2015 have restored universal health coverage (UHC) to prominence in the international health agenda. Can understanding the past illuminate the prospects for UHC in the present? This article traces an earlier history of UHC as an objective of international health politics. Its focus is the efforts of the International Labor Organization (ILO), whose Philadelphia Declaration (1944) announced the goal of universal social security, including medical coverage and care. After World War II, the ILO attempted to enshrine this in an international convention, which nation states would ratify. However, by 1952 these efforts had failed, and the final convention was so diluted that universalism was unobtainable. Our analysis first explains the consolidation of ideas about social security and health care, tracing transnational policy linkages among experts whose world view transcended narrow loyalties. We then show how UHC goals became marginalized, through the opposition of employers and organized medicine, and of certain nation states, both rich and poor. We conclude with reflections on how these findings might help us in thinking about the challenges of advancing UHC today.

On July 3, 1928, the Wonsan Labor Union established the Wonsan Laborers' Hospital in Seoku-dong, Wonsan for the purpose of reducing medical consultation fees for its members. The union's efforts to improve the welfare of its members include the establishment of an educational institute, a consumers union, a barbershop, and a relief department. The Laborers' Hospital, which began with ten wards, was led by a team of two doctors, one midwife, two pharmacists, and four nurses. The two doctors were Cheol-sun Cha and Jeong-kwon Lee, and the midwife/nurse was Sun-jeong Kim. Union members received a 40% discount on medicine, and this was utilized by a daily average of 60 to 70 workers, or 21,000 workers annually. The Laborers' Hospital was clearly distinct from medical facilities founded as charity institutions in that funds were raised by the recipients themselves, and that the recipients formed a community based on their common status as laborers. However, the Wonsan Laborers' Hospital was shut down in roughly April 1929 due to the breaking of the general strike, and the heightened suppression of union activities prevented any additional opening of laborers' hospitals until Korea's liberation from Japan. Nevertheless, the history of the Wonsan Laborers' Hospital represents a key development in Korea's health coverage. It is not adequate to declare, as was the case in past research, Korea's health coverage to be simply an imitation of the Western system and lacking its own history. Despite some differences in scale and operation, the development of health coverage in the Korean peninsula is in line with the history of health coverage development in the West. The Wonsan Laborers' Hospital, founded and operated by the laborers themselves, thus holds great significance in the history of Korea's health coverage, The findings of this study are expected to stimulate new and more diverse discussions on the history of health coverage in Korea.

In the 1980s, the right-to-know movement won American workers unprecedented access to information about the health hazards they faced on the job. The precursors and origins of these initiatives to extend workplace democracy remain quite obscure. This study brings to light the efforts of one of the early proponents of wider dissemination of information related to hazard recognition and control. Through his work as a state public health official and as an advisor to organized labor in the 1950s, Herbert Abrams was a pioneer in advocating not only broader sharing of knowledge but also more expansive rights of workers and their organizations to act on that knowledge.

The Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 and the Workers Right to Know laws later in that decade were signature moments in the history of occupational safety and health. We have examined how and why industry leaders came to accept that it was the obligation of business to provide information about the dangers to health of the materials that workers encountered. Informing workers about the hazards of the job had plagued labor-management relations and fed labor disputes, strikes, and even pitched battles during the turn of the century decades. Industry's rhetorical embrace of the responsibility to inform was part of its argument that government regulation of the workplace was not necessary because private corporations were doing it.

The current nosology and etiology of silicosis were officially adopted by the 1930 International Labor Office (ILO) Conference on silicosis in Johannesburg. Convened by the International Labor Office and by the Transvaal Chamber of Mines, it paved the way to the adoption of a 1934 ILO convention which recognized silicosis as an occupational disease. Even though it constituted a social and sanitary turning point, the Johannesburg conference, strongly influenced by South African physicians working for the gold mining industry, reduced silica hazards to silicosis, an equation which is questioned nowadays. While the definition of silicosis adopted in 1930 was a major step in the recognition of occupational pneumoconioses, it also led to the under-identification of some pathogenic effects of silica. Going back to history opens new avenues for contemporary medical research., (© 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

This paper investigates silicosis as a disabling disease in underground mining in the United Kingdom (UK) before Second World War, exploring the important connections between South Africa and the UK and examining some of the issues raised at the 1930 International Labour Office Conference on silicosis in Johannesburg in a British context. The evidence suggests there were significant paradoxes and much contestation in medical knowledge creation, advocacy, and policy-making relating to this occupational disease. It is argued here that whilst there was an international exchange of scientific knowledge on silicosis in the early decades of the twentieth century, it was insufficient to challenge the traditional defense adopted by the British government of proven beyond all scientific doubt before effective intervention in coal mining. This circumspect approach reflected dominant business interests and despite relatively robust trade union campaigning and eventual reform, the outcome was an accumulative legacy of respiratory disease and disability that blighted coalfield communities., Competing Interests: Statement: The author reports no conflicts of interests., (© 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

The Mexican Medical Movement from 1964-1965 constitutes an important event from the rising urban middle-class, besides it was the first time medical doctors claimed for fair working conditions. The background of this movement is the so-called Crisis of 1958, which included the Movements from the educators union, oil workers union, telegraph workers union and the railroad workers union. The conflict began because interns and residents from the "Hospital 20 de Noviembre" would not get a payment at the end of the year, so on November 26th, 1964, the movement started. The Asociación Mexicana de Médicos Residentes e Internos (AMMRI) was created and their demands were the following: 1) Full working site restitution without retaliations, 2) Legal examination of the scholarship-contract terms, in order to get annual, renewable and progressive contracts, and a fixed salary with the usual working-hours and characteristics of each institution, 3) To have preference to get an adscription at the hospital where the resident studied, 4) Active participation from the resident in the elaboration of the academic plans, and 5) Resolution of each hospital's problems. This movement had social impact for Mexico's contemporary life, nevertheless some of the demands are still unchanged among medical residents.

Using a social-ecological framework, we drew on a targeted literature review and historical and contemporary cases from the US labor movement to illustrate how unions address physical and psychosocial conditions of work and the underlying inequalities and social determinants of health. We reviewed labor involvement in tobacco cessation, hypertension control, and asthma, limiting articles to those in English published in peer-reviewed public health or medical journals from 1970 to 2013. More rigorous research is needed on potential pathways from union membership to health outcomes and the facilitators of and barriers to union-public health collaboration. Despite occasional challenges, public health professionals should increase their efforts to engage with unions as critical partners.

In the United States, unions sometimes joined by worker advocacy groups (e.g., Public Citizen and the American Public Health Association) have played a critical role in strengthening worker safety and health protections. They have sought to improve standards that protect workers by participating in the rulemaking process, through written comments and involvement in hearings; lobbying decision-makers; petitioning the Department of Labor; and defending improved standards in court. Their efforts have culminated in more stringent exposure standards, access to information about the presence of potentially hazardous toxic chemicals, and improved access to personal protective equipment-further improving working conditions in the United States.

New Solutions is republishing this 1991 article by Robert Asher, which reviews the history of organized labor's efforts in the United States to secure health and safety protections for workers. The 1877 passage of the Massachusetts factory inspection law and the implementation of primitive industrial safety inspection systems in many states paralleled labor action for improved measures to protect workers' health and safety. In the early 1900s labor was focusing on workers' compensation laws. The New Deal expanded the federal government's role in worker protection, supported at least by the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), but challenged by industry and many members of the U.S. Congress. The American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the CIO backed opposing legal and inspection strategies in the late 1940s and through the 1950s. Still, by the late 1960s, several unions were able to help craft the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 and secure new federal protections for U.S. workers.

In November 2000, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) issued an ergonomics standard to prevent debilitating work-related musculoskeletal disorders (WMSDs). It was rescinded by Congress within four months. We explore how this story unfolded over two decades of collaboration and conflict. Part I provides an overview of the historical context of the struggle for a standard, followed by interviews with key players from labor, academia and government. They provide a snapshot of the standard; discuss the prevalence of WMSDs in the context of changing work organization; give insight into the role of unions and of scientific debate within the context of rulemaking; and uncover the basis for the groundbreaking OSHA citations that laid the foundation for a standard. Part II interviews further explore the anti-regulatory political landscape of the 1990s that led to repeal of the standard, discuss the impact of the struggle beyond the standard, and describe creative approaches for the future.

A popular explanation of the epidemiological transition is that the germs that caused infectious disease mortality were defeated by the "magic bullets" of mainstream medicine over the course of the 20th century, permitting the population to get old enough to get the chronic diseases of heart disease and cancer. This explanation is false. The most important causes of infectious disease were the political and economic structures that favored capital at the expense of labor so blatantly that it left a large portion of the working population virtually at death's door. This was remedied only when resistance by labor created a more livable workday, child labor laws, and a higher wage, resulting in improvements in nutrition and housing. Chronic disease increased as firms transformed the production process by introducing more mechanized and chemically intensive production processes. This has transformed our food, water, air, and work processes in unprecedented ways and created a historically unique chronic disease pattern.

This paper aims at developing a political and historical reconstruction of the period spanning from the late nineteenth century to the present. In particular, this work investigates the relationship between the Argentine State and workers' unions and the impacts of that relationship in the establishment, consolidation and potential decline of the health coverage system administrated by unions, in Argentina called obras sociales. This work will also support the hypothesis that the financing obtained by union leaders through this health coverage system has been an efficient instrument for sustaining a centralized union model and has in some cases guaranteed the continued governance of both union leaders and different national governments.

Background: Between 1992 and 2010 in the Costa Rican Caribbean, a social movement coalition called Foro Emaús sought to change people's view on problems of high pesticide use in banana production., Objective: To understand the formation and membership of Foro Emaús, its success period, and its decline., Methods: Semi-structured interviews of 28 key actors; a questionnaire survey among school personnel (n = 475) in Siquirres, Matina, and Talamanca counties; and secondary data from newspapers, leaflets, and movement documents were used., Results: Foro Emaús developed activism around pesticide issues and put pressure on governmental agencies and banana companies and shaped people's perception of pesticide risks. The success of the Foro Emaús movement led to the reinforcement of a counteracting social movement (Solidarismo) by conservative sectors of the Catholic Church and the banana companies. We found that the participation of unions in Foro Emaús is an early example of social movement unionism., Conclusions: Scientific pesticide risk analysis is not the only force that shapes emerging societal perceptions of pesticide risk. Social movements influence the priority given to particular risks and can be crucial in putting health and environmental risk issues on the political and research agenda.

One of the most successful programs to recruit young professionals to the occupational safety and health field was launched more than 35 years ago, in 1976. Created by the Montefiore Medical Center's Department of Social Medicine collaborating with Tony Mazzocchi of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union (OCAW), it placed medical, nursing, and public health students in summer internships with local unions to identify and solve health and safety problems in the workplace. The experience of working with and learning from workers about the complex interactions of political, economic, and scientific-technological issues surrounding workplace conditions inspired many students to enter and stay in our field. Many former interns went on to make important medical and scientific contributions directly linked to their union-based projects. Former interns are now among the leaders within the occupational health and safety community, holding key positions in leading academic institutions and governmental agencies.

Background: The example examined is Milan, Italy's main industrial city, where the great International Exhibition was held in 1906. This was the culmination of a period of accelerated industrial growth that modern-day historiography considers to be when Italy's first real industrial revolution began. The twenty-five years between the National Industrial Exhibition of 1881, which was also held in Milan, and the 1906 Exhibition truly reflected a period which was crucial for this transformation to take of. Alongside industry, which was then going through a phase of reorganization and development, Milanese civil society was increasingly turning its interest and attention to what was called the "social question". In an atmosphere of debate and exchange of ideas and experience with Turin, another major industrial city of the north and the birthplace of the Italian engineering and automobile industries, social organizations, political parties and trade unions began to be established thus heralding the Italian approach towards twentieth-century welfare., Results: This is the context in which the first International Congress on Occupational Diseases was held in Milan from 9 to 14 June 1906 within the framework of the International Exhibition. The success achieved with this initiative. organized by Luigi Devoto and Malachia De Cristoforis, which was to continue with the founding of the International Permanent Commission on Occupational Health, showed that the time was ripe for a new subject to appear on the scene--the occupational health physician--who from then on was to play an important role in the promotion of workers' health., Conclusions: The article outlines the main features of the Italian industrial transformation at the turn of the new century with special attention focused on Milan, the capital of industry in Italy. It also describes the impact on public opinion caused by the events surrounding the epic construction of the transalpine railway tunnels which began in 1856 with the Mont Cenis tunnel, then the tragic enterprise of the St. Gotthard tunnel in 1883, ending in 1906 with the inauguration of the Simplon tunnel. The Milan congress is examined as well as the developments which, from then on, began increasingly to give physicians specialised in occupational diseases a higher profile in events of an international nature in the defence of workers' health but also in the interests of economic development.

The Health Workers Society (HWS), founded in 1980, was one of several progressive health organisations that fought for a democratic health system in South Africa. We document the sociopolitical context within which it operated and some of its achievements. HWS, many of whose members were staff and students of the University of Cape Town (UCT), provided a forum for debate on health-related issues, politics and society, and worked closely with other organisations to oppose the apartheid state's health policies and practices. They assisted with the formation of the first dedicated trade union for all healthcare workers and were one of the first to pioneer the primary healthcare approach in an informal settlement in Cape Town.

This article investigates the characteristics of the workhouse populations in Lancashire in 1881. The analysis is based on the snapshot view provided by the 1881 census and, despite the limitations of such an approach, this large-scale survey reveals significant variations in the experience of poverty and local relief policies in a largely industrial region that had been at the forefront of the anti-poor law movement. The workhouse populations are shown to be diverse, and contrast markedly with pauper populations previously studied. Lancashire's Poor Law Unions are divided into three types: conurbation, urban industrial and rural. These three groups appear to represent three different patterns of workhouse residency. The workhouse populations in rural Lancashire are broadly similar to those discussed elsewhere, being dominated by elderly males. However, urban industrial workhouse populations contained large numbers of adults of working age and the absence of children from workhouses in the conurbation is particularly striking.

This piece describes involvement and reflections by Dave Bennett in three areas: 1) union education at the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) from the late 1970s onwards; 2) insights regarding how the CLC moved into health and safety education in the early 1980s; and 3) further thoughts on how the CLC moved from health and safety into environmental protection education in the early 1990s, and consequent changes in the perspective adopted by health and safety courses. There are two types of critical comment on these educational processes, one which examines the educational dilemmas at the time, with an evaluation of the decisions reached, and the other a retrospective view of the educational process as a result of reflective hindsight.

The Bayview Hunters Point Foundation for Community Improvement is a nonprofit organization established in 1971 to defend the legal rights of African-Americans living in its community. Over the years, the agency diversified its services to include mental health and substance abuse treatment, violence prevention, youth programming, and HIV services. The organization has overcome multiple challenges during its 37-year history in relation to social, political, and economic changes that have influenced the way the organization has financed and delivered its services. The history of the organization presents a collaborative approach to community problem-solving and exemplifies the important role that external relationships play in relationship to nonprofit growth and survival.

Having been evicted from their homes because of incentives created by the New Deal's AGricultural ADjustment Act, sharecroppers in Arkansas formed the biracial Southern Tenant Farmers' Union (STFU) in 1934. Led by socialists and radicals, the organization ultimately claimed upward of thirty thousand members and constituted an assault on the social, economic, and racial status quo of the South. Historians have celebrated the STFU, especially its commitment to biracial cooperation and equality. This article digs beneath this carefully constructed image of the union to scrutinize the internal dynamics of the movement. It revises a number of interpretations surrounding the STFU. Although the greatest obstacles to the union's success were external, it also faced internal divisions that diminished its efficacy. The STFU's decentralized structure did not foster strong connections between leadership and membership, resulting in misunderstandings. But most importantly, the union struggled to live up to its creed of biracialism and equal treatment of African Americans. Ultimately, the STFU was less an aberration that tirelessly confronted the social and racial ills of the South and more an organization that reflected some of those ills even as it grappled with them.

Background: Starting with the obituary "Ersilia Majno Bronzini: an outstanding female figure in Occupational Health", probably written by Luigi Devoto and published in the journal La Medicina del Lavoro (1933), a reappraisal is made of Majno Bronzini's contribution to occupational health., Methods: Most references were collected from the archives of the journal Il Lavoro (1901), the archives of the association "Union of Women", the periodical founded by Majno Bronzini (1899) and other material., Results: Majno Bronzini's selected published papers (1895, 1900, 1902) on the working conditions of women and child labour proposing a national occupational health law were found. The importance of a women's network for occupational health is also shown in Majno Bronzini's correspondence with Anna Celli Frantzel and Maria Montessori. In 1902 Angelo Celli officially congratulated Majno Bronzini's (and Anne Kuliscioff's) efforts to promulgate the first law on women and child labour during his speech before the Italian Parliament, published by II Lavoro. Majno Bronzini and Nina Rignano Sullam were the only two women participating in the First International Congress on Occupational Health in Milan (1906). The correspondence between Majno Bronzini and Devoto (1901-1933) and Devoto's formal acknowledgement of Majno Bronzini (1910) when inaugurating the new "Clinica del Lavoro" institute is well documented., Conclusions: Majno Bronzini dedicated a significant part of her life to occupational health, together with Anna Celli Frantzel and Maria Montessori along with many others. This research shows how important her contribution was to occupational health development.

Recent scholarship has frequently emphasized modern states' use of social science to impose universalized conceptions of rationality and order upon diverse, highly localized settings. The New Deal era experiences of William M. Leiserson and David J. Saposs, however, provide an analytical alternative. As students of the pioneering labor economist John R. Commons, Leiserson and Saposs sought to create mechanisms for state oversight of industrial labor relations that recognized local practices and arrangements. Although their approach failed to take hold within the National Labor Relations Board, localized institutional and political contingencies, and not a hegemonic modernism, account best for their frustrated aspirations in the late 1930s., (© 2010 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

Lipset's 'Democracy in Private Government' was a remarkable publication for three reasons. It was his first attempt to challenge Michels' 'iron law of oligarchy' and would lead to a programme of research that that would culminate with the publication of the widely admired classic study Union Democracy. Second, the inspiration for this work came from Lipset's student days when he was a socialist activist trying to understand why leftist governments often failed to carry out substantial programmes of social reform. Third, although it was one of his earliest publications it bears all the hallmarks of the work that would subsequently make Lipset a giant of political sociology: the enthusiasm for classic sociological problems; the appreciation of history; and the ingenious use of the small n comparative approach. Finally, I would argue that Lipset's study of democracy within private government represents a missed opportunity for sociology though there are signs that this is being rectified in recent years.

Interrogating critiques of the 'African labour aristocracy' thesis, the article proposes that public service industrial-class manual workers in Botswana form, if not a labour 'aristocracy' in the sense first defined by Saul and Arrighi, then a marginal worker 'elite'. They are privileged in having a regular salary above minimum pay, augmented by periodic lump-sum gratuity payments. This sets them apart from the other low-paid workers in the private sector, casual workers in the informal economy and a vast army of unemployed job seekers. In the absence of a national unemployment benefit scheme in Botswana, the article explores some of the strategies deployed by women members of the Manual Workers Union in their attempts to contend with the spectre of future unemployment and impoverishment. In gender terms, the article highlights the independence, autonomy and decision-making capacity of women trade unionist leaders, who straddle the worlds of workers' rights and citizens' rights, and manoeuvre their way through the maze of rules and regulations they encounter in both.

Eula Bingham, toxicologist and former head of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, is now at that place in her professional life where she can look back over her long career and identify its turning points and evaluate what worked and what didn't, what was important and what of lesser significance. In two interviews, she also looks at the present and the future and expresses concerns about the way we live now.

In the second part of the 20th century, the Basso Sebino Area (Northern Italy) underwent a transformation into an industrial context. The first factories were engaged in the production of textiles, clothes and pasta. This was followed by a major development of mechanic, plastic and rubber industry. The latter activity was concentrated on the production of buttons. This text describes the evolution of the unions'activity in order to obtain a more decent salary and better working conditions in all productive areas. Within this reality, the production of asbestos goods started in 1950 in the Colombo enterprise, run by Rinaldo Colombo, The latter was also the manager of the chrysotile quarry in Balangero, province of Torino (the biggest asbestos mine in Western Europe). Through these connections, asbestos was conveyed from Balangero to the Basso Sebino Area in such a way that most of the asbestos chain (extraction, processing of asbestos goods and sales) was under the control of the same firm.