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The article explores the ways open-shop movement participants invoked the memory of the late U.S. President Abraham Lincoln, slavery, Civil War and Reconstruction eras and how these shaped the consciousness, responses and narrative constructions of Progressive Era labor union opponents. It examines the rise of free labor ideology, soldiering, labor unrest, acts of state and business-generated repression and employer rhetoric, as well as the activities of Newcomb Frierson Thompson.

This article examines how collective bargaining through unions and workplace codetermination through works councils relate to labor market imperfections and how labor market imperfections relate to employer wage premia. Based on representative German plant data for the years 1999–2016, the authors document that 70% of employers pay wages below the marginal revenue product of labor and 30% pay wages above that level. Findings further show that the prevalence of wage markdowns is significantly smaller when organized labor is present, and that the ratio of wages to the marginal revenue product of labor is significantly larger. Finally, the authors document a close link between labor market imperfections and mean employer wage premia, that is, wage differences between employers corrected for worker sorting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do digitally enabled movements of workers reshape, replace, or reinforce the role of unions? Based on a comparative case study of the 2018 #RedForEd teachers' strikes in West Virginia, Oklahoma, and Arizona, this article argues that despite the hierarchical and bureaucratic character of statewide teachers' unions, the infrastructure they provided to organize, connect, and legitimize teachers' actions was critical for statewide strikes. Facebook provided a forum for teachers to express frustrations, scale participation, and in some cases, organize actions. However, the unions' coordinating capacities were also central. These findings show how combining the mobilizing capacities of social media with existing movement infrastructure can facilitate collective action. In contrast to predictions of digitally enabled activism ushering in an era of "organizing without organizations," these findings suggest that 21st-century labor movements must meld old and new organizational forms, and not discard the century-and-a-half accumulation of labor infrastructure won by previous generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a qualitative analysis of a group of mobilized precarious workers in Tunisia's public sector, the author asks how workers' collective actions are shaped by and, at the same time, can act upon labor unions' responses to them. Findings suggest that unions can enable and simultaneously constrain precarious workers' collective actions. More important, workers learn from their interactions with the union, and this learning process can contribute to innovations in workers' mobilizing structure and repertoire of actions. The Tunisian case contributes to the debate on the relationship between precarious workers and institutionalized actors as well as to the study of mobilized precarious workers by elucidating the ways in which the workers' embedded and innovative agency plays out within and beyond a well-established labor union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a case study of non-citizen Palestinian workers in the Israeli construction sector, this article explores the dynamic relationship between the exclusionary imperative of ethnonationalism and the inclusionary imperative of neoliberalism. The authors argue that these imperatives together constitute a heuristically useful framework that can help to explain the choices of social actors and the constraints on these choices, as well as the apparently contradictory developments that affect industrial relations institutions and the employment relationship more broadly. While neoliberalism generally weakens organized labor, the study shows how the dynamic between these two imperatives can open space for the inclusion of disenfranchised ethnonational groups within collective labor relations—a first step to political empowerment. The study thus re-asserts the importance of organized labor as a powerful actor able to engender progressive change, even for the "ethnonational other" under rigidly ethnonationalistic regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the modern welfare state through an in-depth look at the history of automation in United States labor. Topics include the stealth industrial policy, national security and the Labor-Management Advisory Committee. As well as an emphasis on the impact on automation on the steel industry and its workers.

South Korea's transition to democracy in 1987 was driven by social movements. The grand democracy coalition included the opposition party and various civic associations, including student groups, labour unions, and religious organisations. Civil society continued to pressure the post-transitional governments to dismantle authoritarian structures and remove undemocratic practices. Political authoritarianism in South Korea in 1961–1987 was inseparable from the developmental state that delivered the country's impressive economic development. Government reform after the democratisation entailed the weakening, if not dismantling, of the developmental state, to make public governance and policymaking more transparent, responsive, and participatory. In this paper we examine government reform in South Korea, focusing on the first ten years following democratisation. The Roh Tae Woo government created the Administrative Reform Committee in 1988, and the Kim Young Sam government launched the Presidential Commission for Administrative Reform in 1993. Although both agencies engaged civilians in the reform process, it was the Ministry of Government Administration and the Ministry of Finance and Economy that dominated the designing and implementing of the reforms, which demonstrates that the introduction and implementation of collaborative governance in South Korea was state led. Comparative implications are drawn from the South Korean case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of Vietnam have studied different forms of labour resistance such as wildcat strikes, petitions, complaints, work stoppages, and boycotts, with which workers demand higher wages and pensions, overall better working conditions, and the implementation of workers' rights. This article pays attention to the small, yet not negligible group of dissident labour activists, who are subjected to much harsher state repression compared to labour resistance in and around the workplace. This article asks: What makes dissident labour activism a (real or perceived) threat to the state? A common and widely accepted explanation refers to the nature of the demands of dissidents, which includes independent trade unions, democratisation, and regime change. This article digs deeper and finds that dissident labour activists function as agents of an emerging epistemological third space, which permits the revitalisation of hidden knowledges about labour rights, the reclamation of the silenced idea of independent trade unions and the co-existence of critique of the status quo and imagination of an alternative future, which together threaten to endanger the Communist Party of Vietnam's political legitimacy and, by implication, capital utilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note combines conceptual considerations on the relationship between populist and class-political discourse with an analysis of two parties that, in light of their origins, suggest affinities to both populism and class politics: the Union of Labour (UP) in Poland and the Workers' Party of Belgium (PVDA/PTB). Taking up a discursive approach to populism with an established tradition of theoretical reflection on class politics, the analysis keys in on the interplay of populist and class-political elements in how these parties construct collective identities in their programmatic statements and related organisational practices such as links to trade unions. It finds that the UP largely abandoned its founding references to 'working milieus' in favour of a left-wing populism of 'ordinary people' vs. 'elites', whereas the PVDA/PTB has maintained a primarily class-political discourse centred on 'working people' with elements of populism, performatively embellished by its practices of workplace-level organising and trade union entryism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores a series of actions undertaken by South Korea's President Yoon Suk-yeol to prohibit and reshape customary activities in labor unions. It terms this neoliberal offensive a form of disciplining and explains what has motivated the Yoon administration to adopt this method against organized labor. This policy is associated with South Korean conservatives' strong impulse to roll back former President Moon Jae-in's progressive legacy by pushing neoliberalism to its limits. This argument is grounded in Karl Polanyi's illustration of the Speenhamland episode, in which English liberals' struggle against the Speenhamland system generated the creeds of the self-regulating market and social disciplines. South Korean conservatives prioritize reversing progressive political initiatives because they have been unable to devise alternative policies due to their constrained institutional capacity. They have dismissed the pro-labor policies of the Moon administration as misguided interventionism. The Yoon administration has alleged that labor unions are the support base of the Moon administration and has implemented three disciplinary measures against them: decontextualization, stigmatization, and requirements for increased transparency. This study shows that neoliberalism shifts the locus of class conflict from workplaces to how workers shape their lifestyles and identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Markets require rules, made and enforced by governments, and modern market-making has therefore unfolded as an intrinsic part of state-building. While the European Union is not a state, it has not been immune to these processes. Over the last three decades it has expanded its Single European Market and created a currency while constructing European political authority and deepening its institutional capacities. The EU has done this through supranational market-making largely centred on neoliberal precepts of competition and openness. Today, however, the EU is breaking with that tradition by pursuing a visibly interventionist European industrial policy and geopolitical market strategy. I suggest a theoretical framework to illuminate how this policy turn may reconfigure the EU's political authority and build it as a polity. After briefly identifying the contours of the new European industrial and geoeconomic policy, I outline a research agenda to probe how the new market activism may reformulate societal interests and coalitions, increase the politicisation of the EU's governing institutions, raise the stakes for democratic legitimation, and project the EU as a geopolitical actor. The conclusion notes how this new market-making translates into significant policy challenges for both the EU and the international economic order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers news briefs related to the dental nursing industry. Topics include Dental Defence Union's call for reform in clinical negligence costs, highlighting the unsustainable nature of current litigation expenses; the disproportionate legal costs in dental negligence claims, the impact on National Health Service resources, and proposals for fixed recoverable costs to address these issues.

AbstractThe paper proposes a rational reconstruction of Fleeming Jenkin’s 1868 analysis of wage determination in labour markets characterised by the presence of trade unions. Jenkin intended to show that the supply and demand theory of market price determination did not support the thesis sustained by the opponents of trade unions that the latter are unable to permanently achieve a market-clearing wage higher than that which would be obtained in their absence. Starting with a definition of “demand” and “supply” of a given commodity as functions of a few economic variables, Jenkin elaborated a fresh critique of the wages fund theory and highlighted the impact of trade unions on both supply and demand for labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe Japanese people played a much more important role in shaping events during the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-1952) than is often recognized. This article examines the movement for democratization of the labor unions in order to demonstrate the extent to which the Japanese shaped their own destiny. Domestic politics is often overlooked due to an emphasis on the start of the Cold War in this period. Indeed, US policy is usually given the predominant role in narratives of the period and is blamed for the decline of mass movements such as the labor movement but an examination of the evidence for Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) involvement in the period reveals that the Occupation authorities, especially those in the General Headquarters (GHQ) of SCAP, played a much smaller role than has been alleged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Ethiopia has become a prime destination for labour‐intensive, export‐oriented manufacturing industries by virtue of its favourable investment climate and cheap labour. This article examines the labour governance and disciplinary strategies of foreign companies in Ethiopia's industrial park, focusing on the Blue Apparel Company (BAC) in the Bole Lemi Industrial Park, Addis Ababa. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted from August 2021 to August 2022, the study reveals how relaxed labour regulations and the absence of trade unions enable foreign firms to enforce strict, profit‐driven governance. The analysis highlights despotic management practices, hierarchical power dynamics and their impact on local workers. The findings shed light on the intricacies of labour control in globalized production regimes and highlight the challenges workers encounter in emerging economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the firms' and unions' incentives to engage in socially responsibility activities in a unionized differentiated goods' duopoly market. The socially responsible attributes attached to products are considered as credence goods, with consumers forming expectations about their existence and level. We show that a Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) bargaining scheme, in which firms and unions bargain over not only the wage rate but also the level of the firms' CSR activities, always arises in equilibrium. Incorporating CSR activities into the union–firm bargaining agenda acts as a commitment device that credibly signals to consumers the level of CSR activities undertaken by firms. The market equilibrium leads to the highest social welfare; thus, market and societal incentives are aligned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 1930s to the 1960s, Indigenous activists in Ecuador unsettled the prevailing paradigm of acculturation, practicing literacies that advanced their capacities for political mobilization around labor and land rights. Leaders on the haciendas of Cayambe allied with the Communist Party of Ecuador to organize their locally grounded politics against an urban-based indigenista movement. Both movements highlighted the need for Indigenous emancipation from the confines of the feudalistic labor system but diverged in their visions of Indigenous agency. Labor activists recognized that landowners relied on education for social control, so they made autonomous schooling a central hallmark of their struggle. Previous scholarship, focused on 1980s state directives for intercultural bilingual education, has not explored the orientation of Cayambe's early schools toward labor rights pedagogy. Analyzing textbooks, periodicals, and oral histories, I argue that Cayambe's teachers pursued notions of national inclusion that fused citizenship rights with socialist ideals and practices of Indigenous autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the question of what strategic litigation means for workers and trade unions. Drawing on the existing literature and on a series of semi-structured interviews with union officials, lawyers with experience in representing them and other actors from across the labour movement, it explores how U.K. trade unions and actors within them understand and experience strategic litigation and legal mobilisation, what they seek to achieve, and what has been effective and ineffective for them. Uncovering both differences and commonalities between different unions, it suggests that the decision to devote union resources to – usually very costly – litigation is never taken lightly. Trade union approaches to strategic litigation involve neither a straightforward embrace of it nor an outright scepticism regarding its potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the emphasis placed on the links between political parties and trade unions in many Global South labour studies, this article underscores the importance of analysing the role of legal advisors in labour dynamics. Focusing on the Peruvian experience, the author examines how legal advisors leveraging their networks and expertise have replaced activists as crucial players in a period of crisis in the country's political party system. Based on extensive field research with trade unions and lawyers, the study highlights how this shift has influenced three interrelated aspects of labour strategies: the development of norms within the organisation, the framing of challenges faced by unions, and the choice of mobilisation repertoires, which have increasingly centred on legal proceedings rather than public demonstrations. The article explores the empirical and theoretical implications of these findings for labour studies in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Social media provides nurses with tools to share information, debate healthcare policy and practice issues, and engage in interpersonal interactions. Historically, also in Scandinavia, nurses' trade unions have taken the lead in defining nursing as a profession and supporting nurses in 'conducting good nursing'. However, it is unexplored how trade unions guide nurses in social media use. Aim: To explore the explicitly formulated guidance documents provided by Scandinavian nurses' trade unions, specifically focusing on how the trade unions guided nurses' social media use. Materials and methods: Trade union guidelines for social media use were searched on the Scandinavian nurses' organisations' websites. A textual discourse analysis inspired by Fairclough's critical approach was conducted. The analysis considered three levels: the social practice level, focusing on connections between the texts and the surrounding society; the discursive practice level, focusing on the processes of production and distribution of the texts; and the textual level, capturing how grammatical formulations and single words work in the (re) construction of social structures. Results: At the social practice level, the trade union documents guiding nurses' social media uses were embedded in platfomised public communication, laws about confidentiality and data protection, and ethical codes for nurses. At the discursive practice level, the guidelines were constructed to support nurses' social media uses in adhering to their profession's ethical principles. The trade unions' implicit and explicit representations of nurses blurred the distinction between nurses as professionals and nurses as private persons. At the textual level, the guidelines tapped into the potential risks of using social media and how nurses ought to act on social media. Unlike the Danish and Swedish trade unions, the Norwegian trade union did not develop specific guidelines for nurses' social media use. Conclusion: The guidelines emphasized risks stemming from social media use that did not adhere to the profession's politically defined guidelines, norms, and values, although nurses' conditions are already framed by the national legislations and ethical standards. The study advocates for the development of guidelines that support beneficial uses of social media in relation to nurses and the nursing profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores community organizing and its impact on social change through various interdisciplinary and collaborative approaches. Topics include collaborative strategies between social workers and urban planners, insights from a United Kingdom-based community organizing training program, and the effects of union organizing on low-wage workers' wages.

Social workers have long been active in social and political organizing to ensure a living wage. Yet recent social work research largely neglects efforts to raise wages and effective means for organizing to do so. This paper draws on in-depth interviews from a longitudinal study of low-wage hospital workers who formed a union and negotiated annual, incremental wage increases to achieve a $15 minimum wage floor to understand their perceptions of the effects of the initial wage increase. Results show workers have a wide spectrum of perceptions, with many feeling no effect or even a negative effect due to losses in public benefits. A visualization used to aid interpretation of results identifies race and family structure as salient factors, pointing to the role of structural discrimination in experiences and perceptions of wage increases. Given that this workplace, like many other employers and localities, has implemented a $15 minimum wage through incremental raises across time, it is important that social workers be aware of the experiences of workers at each stage of this process. This study examines the impact of the first raise, establishing a framework from which future research can examine how individuals' perceptions and experiences develop over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the fundamental role of unions in reducing economic inequality, social psychology still needs to incorporate the systematic study of unions concerning the contemporary theories of intergroup inequality. In this study, we do so by testing the reciprocal relationship between trust in unions and social‐dominance orientation egalitarianism (SDO‐E) over time. Using data from the Longitudinal Social Survey of Chile, which is a panel study with a representative sample of urban areas, we carried out a Random Intercept Cross‐Lagged Panel Model with four waves (2016–2019, N = 2972–2153). We controlled the main effect by sex, age, political ideology and educational level. The results show a positive relationship between SDO‐E and trust in unions within and between levels. This means that people who trust in unions also tend to have higher SDO‐E (between effect), and an intraindividual increase in trust in labour unions tends to be followed by an increase in SDO‐E (within effect). Trusting unions as an institution that promotes the hierarchy reduction between workers and employers helps increase people's SDO‐E over time. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Deliberative democracy theory highlighted democratic deliberation as a modus operandi for facilitating group decision-making. In 2023, members of Romanian labor unions in several sectors took to the streets in strikes and protests, demanding higher revenues and better work conditions. Nevertheless, misunderstandings and internal ruptures shadowed their noble ends and fueled mistrust amongst unionists. This dynamic reminds rather of interest party politics as it employs vertical power relations, influenced by social and professional background segmentation. One question that reasonably arises in this context is how deliberative the decisionmaking process is within the unions in Romania. We specifically analyze elements of deliberative organizational leadership and the power relations within labor unions through a qualitative study in the form of interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses newly disaggregated National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) election data to revisit the theory that sectoral and regional shifts in economic activity contributed substantially to private-sector union decline in the United States. Unlike most studies, which focus on differential employment growth among union and non-union establishments, this article focuses on how such shifts may have affected organizational rates themselves. Improved data permit a shift-share decomposition that indicates that approximately 40% of the decline in union elections is in response to sectoral shifts, the majority attributable to changes within each sector. Moreover, in an update to Dickens and Leonard's 1985 study, the author shows that declining organization rates since 1980 are responsible for a decline in union density of 5.4 percentage points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on labor union earnings premiums generally investigate their size through point-in-time estimates. This study posits, by contrast, that point-in-time estimates of the union premium overlook the cumulative earnings advantages of long-term, persistent union membership. Using a sample of men from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics from 1969 to 2019, the authors investigate how lifetime union membership contributes to earnings advantages. They find, first, that unionization throughout one's career is associated with a $1.3 million mean increase in lifetime earnings, larger than the average gains from completing college. Second, the lifetime earnings gains are channeled entirely through higher hourly wages and occur despite earlier-than-average retirement for persistently unionized men. Third, the union wage premium is not constant throughout a worker's career; instead it increases with more years of union membership. The cumulative advantages of union membership for workers' economic well-being are far greater than point-in-time estimates suggest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging from a confluence of events – including Black Lives Matter Movement (BLM) – racial consciousness has intensified in recent years. In the wake of a long declining labor movement, there has also been a surprising upsurge in labor militancy. Are these two currents systematically related? Situating our analysis in the sociological literature on social movement spillover, we ask if there is evidence of racial justice spillover into and stimulating workplace militancy. Employing all known strikes and worker protests during 2021 and 2022, we find: (a) racial justice demands did, indeed, appear as part of workplace militancy during this period; (b) racial justice demands were voiced in both worker protests and strikes launched most heavily by unions but also by alt-labor/SMOs and by unorganized workers; (c) weekly time-series regression models indicate that BLM demonstrations stimulated the frequency of workplace protests and strikes with racial justice demands which, in turn, stimulated wider worker militancy over other issues; and (d) interdependency analysis of worker actions reveals that unionized worker protests served as a key catalyst driving other forms of worker militancy with racial justice demands. We discuss the implications of our findings for social movement spillover theory and for moving racial justice and labor movements forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the current state of the media industry in the United States, highlighting the decline of legacy news organizations, the closure of local news companies, and the rise of "news deserts" where people lack access to fact-based local news. It also explores the increase in labor activity among journalists and the role of media unions in improving working conditions. The article draws parallels between the current labor movement and the development of the American Newspaper Guild in the 1930s. It further examines the impact of union membership on income inequality and suggests that media unions could help address the challenges facing the news industry. [Extracted from the article]

BACKGROUND: The COVID‐19 pandemic has had drastic effects on K‐12 teachers. Researchers partnered with a teacher advisory board to identify factors associated with K‐12 teachers' consideration of leaving teaching during Fall 2020. METHODS: A web‐based survey focused on teachers' working experiences was emailed to school union membership listservs in Indiana, Kentucky, and Ohio. A logistic regression model was developed to identify working conditions associated with teachers considering leaving the profession. RESULTS: Among 5873 K‐12 teachers, 27% (n = 1319) were considering leaving the profession either because of COVID‐19 (10%), for other reasons (6%) or were undecided (11%). Teachers who were midcareer, having taught 6‐10 years, who perceived less supervisor support, whose job duties had changed significantly, who were dissatisfied with the COVID‐19 related decision‐making, who reported poor or fair mental health, and who were mostly or extremely afraid that a household member would get COVID‐19 had higher odds of considering leaving teaching or being undecided about future career plans. IMPLICATIONS FOR SCHOOL HEALTH POLICY, PRACTICE AND EQUITY: Understanding factors influencing teachers' career decisions will help school leaders improve teacher retention amid challenging circumstances. CONCLUSION: In this study in 3 midwestern US states, limited supervisor support, significant job duty change, dissatisfaction with COVID‐19‐related decision‐making, poor or fair mental health, and fear that a household member would get COVID‐19 were associated with teachers' consideration of leaving the profession or being undecided about future career plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does out‐migration of skilled workers affect unskilled workers' wage in the source country? When skilled workers emigrate, unskilled wages tend to go down in some countries. If the sector that uses both skilled and unskilled workers shows a lower degree of capital intensity as compared to sectors that use only skilled workers in production, it is a common outcome. We use 19 years of cross‐country data from the International Labor Organization (ILO) spanning Asia and Latin America to show that skill emigration reduces unskilled wage unambiguously for panel fixed effects and difference generalized method of moments (DGMM) estimates. The structure is also subjected to system GMM with endogenous covariates and allied robustness checks. Importantly, we find a critical level of tertiary education, such that countries generating more skill shall face weaker negative impact on unskilled wages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'black box issue' is one of the biggest problems with algorithmic management. The lack of transparency in the operation and decision-making of AI is of greatest concern to those whose data is being processed (including employees). Trade unions, as the organisations that most represent the interests of workers, can play a big role here; however, they need to be empowered. There is a lack of legislation at EU and Member State level to set norms for this issue; the only country that has already introduced such legislation is Spain. The draft Polish regulation refers to the Spanish solutions and seems to be very interesting. It introduces the possibility for trade unions to obtain data from an employer on the operation of AI in relation to the algorithmic management of employees. The authors present this regulation against the background of EU recommendations and previous Polish legislation on the employer's obligation to provide information. They also identify elements that need to be refined during the parliamentary process in order to make the regulation more effective in protecting workers' rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dynamic technological transformations that are taking place in the third decade of the twenty-first century, described as the Fourth and even Fifth Industrial Revolutions, pose significant challenges for community partners who act in labour relationships. Transparency and the related right to information are some of the factors that define a democratic state under the rule of law. This also applies to labour relationships as widely understood. The regulations of collective employment law grant various rights in this respect to entities that represent staff, who may, among other things, demand information on the use of artificial intelligence by the employer in the work environment. In the Polish labour law system, the widest scope of competences in this regard is granted to trade unions. This article focuses on the legal and functional aspects that are related to the transfer of this type of data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to understand the changing dynamics of internal labour market segmentation intertwined with the history of working-class struggle in an industrial belt in India's National Capital Region (NCR). Nuances of workers' class struggle in the automobile sector in Delhi-NCR over the last 15 years have shown that unity between permanent and contract workers was key to several successful struggles against worsening work conditions and management control within the global value chains of automobile production. Our fieldwork findings, along with direct and indirect political engagement in the region, reveal that increasing salaries and allotment of supervisory roles to small sections of permanent workers, coupled with the simultaneous fragmentation a lower strata of workers into multiple categories with very low salaries, benefits and heavy workloads, have been significant attempts by capital to break class solidarity among different sections of workers. Relatively pro-labour legislation and trade unions tend to concentrate in high-wage zones, while low-wage and precarious employment remains unprotected by such institutional mechanisms. Labour segmentation is inherent to capitalist exploitation, guarded by institutional mechanisms. Advanced mechanisation reduces distinction of skill requirements between highly paid permanent and lowly paid contract workers. In this context, labour segmentation is a political response to trade unionism from the side of capitalist management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis of Fordism implemented in post-World War II Europe began to show its most explicit symptoms at the end of the 1960s, during a period of growing organizational strength among the working class. In the British case, the inflationary spiral and the low productivity of the economy began to have as a scapegoat the design of industrial relations in that country defined in the first decades of the 20th century. In this paper, we will analyse the first two attempts to get around the trade union issue in the period: the proposal for state control and interference by Labour based on the In Place of Strife bill at the end of the first Wilson government (1964- 1970) and the failure of the attempt at judicialization and control contained in the Industrial Relations Act by the Conservatives led by Edward Heath in 1972. In common, the attempt by the British ruling classes, through the state and the law, to bend the organized power of labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a gender historical perspective, labour precarity constitutes a long-term phenomenon. Women's work represents a privileged observatory to understand how instability and precarity also characterised the cycle of economic and industrial expansion of the 1950s and 1960s. The article compares the conditions of female factory workers with those of home-based workers, a traditionally invisible category of workers, who between the 1960s and 1970s promoted demonstrations and protests with the support of trade unions, women's associations and local institutions. Changes in the subjectivity of women workers and homeworkers, whose demands often came together and gave rise to joint protests, not only became part of broader discussions on the relationship between industrial crisis and precariousness, but also generated discourses on specific forms of work that are now central to debates on flexible/precarious work such as part-time work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has shown that trade unions have resorted to a number of rhetorical tools to make their arguments and ensure the voice of their members was heard. In a time in which union membership is declining and many have questioned trade unions' representation role, the recourse to figurative language – e.g. metaphors – might contribute to getting unions' messages through, restoring trust among affiliates. Against this backdrop, this paper examines the metaphorical devices employed in trade union discourse, with a view to appreciating the way they are utilised in employee relations and highlighting the values unions intend to promote through these figures of speech. To this end, discourse analysis is carried out on a data corpus consisting of documents issued by the Trades Union Congress (TUC) in a given timeframe, in which metaphorical language is employed. The analysis focuses on a specific topic, i.e. platform workers and the protection of their rights. The findings reveal that metaphors are used by trade unions to convey different meanings, which are intended to generate narratives aimed at safeguarding the rights of platform workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The CIRIGHTS Data Project scores a representative sample of all internationally recognized human rights. In this article, we use CIRIGHTS scores to discover global patterns in government respect for human rights. The findings show that worker rights, including the right to form a trade union and bargain collectively, are among the least protected human rights. The right to be protected from torture is also among the least protected rights, but, on average, other physical integrity rights—protection from extrajudicial killing, political imprisonment, and disappearance—are among the most protected rights. We introduce an Overall Human Rights Protection Index for all countries, which shows that nearly two-thirds of the world's countries score less than 65 on the 100-point scale. A heat map shows that countries tend to have similar index scores if they share an international border. We discuss the implications of these patterns for future research and policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Health & Society is the property of Instituto de Ensino e Pesquisa Periodicojs and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)