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This paper investigates the reason why aggressively non-D-linked items such as wh-the-hell (WTH) are allowed in swiping, but not in sluicing. Investigating the potential syntactic, semantic and prosodic licensors of WTH in sluicing and swiping in the British English variety, we conclude that syntactic or semantic constraints cannot be the source of the difference. Instead, we propose a novel prosodic account in which the WTH must satisfy the prosodic licensing condition that it cannot bear nuclear accent. We show that this is satisfied in swiping, but not in sluicing contexts. On the basis of the novel findings of an acceptability rating study of swiping, which reveal that both 'given' and 'new' prepositions are equally acceptable for British English speakers, we argue that the preposition is accentuated in this elliptical construction because it is structurally the deepest element. The licensing condition on WTHs in sluicing and swiping is therefore not mediated directly by the conditions on ellipsis, but by the particular prosodic distribution that a WTH happens to have in sluicing and swiping. We extend the account to similar constructions in Dutch. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a morphosyntactic account of particle reduplication in Hungarian, a case of reduplication whose function is to express repetition of events. The most conspicuous property of this process is that it can only apply when the particle is strictly left adjacent to an overt verb. We develop an analysis in terms of a syntactic process that yields a string of doubled particles that do not form a constituent, following the insight of Piñon (1991), and we propose that reduplication targets subwords and derives the facts via a local doubling process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we will argue that contrary to the received view passive potential affixation in Hungarian primarily derives complex syntactic objects rather than adjectives. By means of a number of tests we show the differences between the two classes of items bearing the homophonous affix-ható/hető: one a nonfinite verb form, the other a lexicalized adjective. In addition to a syntactic analysis of this composite affix, a typology is provided for languages that have similar constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we study the interaction between ellipsis and inflectional morphology and put forward a generalization about ellipsis blocking the application of some morphological operations. Working in the Distributed Morphology framework, we will demonstrate this generalization in the realm of NP ellipsis. We will show that NP ellipsis can lead to stranded affix filter violations, and that there are various strategies languages can resort to in order to resolve problems of convergence that stranded affixes cause at the PF interface. The resolution of the stranded affix filter configuration is responsible for the well-known observation that heads preceding NP ellipsis sites need to show overt inflection in languages that inflect these heads (Lobeck 1995). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a comprehensive and uniform theory of island repair in clausal ellipsis (sluicing and fragments). We show that the correct generalization defines the repairing and the nonrepairing types of TP ellipsis in terms of contrastivity: TP ellipsis with contrastive remnants does not repair islands, whereas TP ellipsis with noncontrastive remnants does. Contrary to the influential account of Merchant (), we base our explanation for the island sensitivity of contrastive fragments entirely on the notion of Parallelism. The island insensitivity of noncontrastive remnants, on the other hand, follows from the island node being deleted at PF. With this we simplify the theory of islands, and, by treating the different types of clausal ellipsis on a par, we move away from the construction-specific study of ellipsis that has characterized syntactic theorizing for the last forty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the clausal ellipsis in English and Hungarian and provides a approach called the Syntactic Question approach (SQA). Topics include the SQA to standard fragments and English reprise fragments in anisomorphic elliptic copular clauses; and deriving the adposition-stranding and island-sensitivity generalizations with a range of data patterns, including fixed diathesis effects, sprouting-type fragments, in permitted mismatches.

We present a comparative analysis of English and Hungarian reprise fragments. We argue that reprise fragments should be afforded the same theoretical treatment as standard (i.e. non-reprise) fragments. Assuming that standard fragmentary answers and questions are remnants of an ellipsis operation that applies to a clause, this entails that reprise fragments are also remnants of clausal ellipsis. We show that the prevailing approach to standard fragments, which assumes that the remnant of ellipsis always undergoes movement (Merchant 2001, 2004), cannot be plausibly extended to explain the crosslinguistic reprise-fragment data. We argue that a theory is required that restricts antecedents to interrogatives and that allows--but crucially does not require--movement of the remnant. Under this account, the differences observed between English and Hungarian reprise and standard fragments follow from independent syntactic differences in how standard and reprise questions are formed in these languages. We therefore provide new evidence to support theories of ellipsis identity that state that only questions make for suitable antecedents for clausal ellipsis (so-called Q-equivalence approaches) and to support sententialist analyses of clausal ellipsis that permit ellipsis to occur around designated constituents (so-called in-situ approaches).* [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper studies the expression of emphatic positive polarity in Hungarian, providing evidence for an affirmatively specified polarity projection in the left periphery, PolP. The evidence comes from the realm of two ellipsis phenomena: TP-ellipsis flanked by a sentence internal affirmative particle igen and V-stranding ellipsis in polarity contexts, whose syntactic licensor is the head specified for positive polarity. The contexts in which PolP can be diagnosed involve the expression of conversational moves such as affirmative confirmations and reversing reactions given to default assertions and polar questions, and clauses expressing contrasting polarity. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper contributes to current advances in the cross-linguistic variation of syntactic contexts that allow sluicing. We investigate a relatively rare sluicing strategy: TP-ellipsis inside relative clauses. We analyse this phenomenon in Gungbe based on Van Craenenbroeck and Lipták's (2006) implementation of the [e]-feature characteristic of sluicing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that the identity condition that characterizes V-stranding ellipsis is not verbal and does not only characterize syntactic heads. In some contexts, this type of ellipsis can strand phrasal material distinct from verbs that complies with the identity condition. The kind of contexts in which this can be attested are contexts in which ellipsis elides a TP licensed by a polarity focus head Σ0. This finding has important theoretical consequences for the explanation of the identity condition in V-stranding ellipsis, as it cannot be captured by current theories that put down identity to the special status of head movement in grammar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the problematic issues concerning the views of Japanese linguistics experts Liliane Haegeman and Barbara Ûrögdi on the proposed event operator in English factives. The author argues that the movement of event operator in the English language can capture intervention effects in scenarios wherein the movement of such operator occurs from a position lower than the topicalized film constituent. He mentions that the position of event operator is important to accommodate the material in the left periphery of the stated language.

This paper examines the behaviour of VP topicalization in two unrelated languages, Hungarian and Spanish. It will show that in spite of the superficial similarity between the elements involved in such topicalization, the two languages employ a fundamentally different strategy in the derivation of these sentences. Hungarian fronts the VP material and spells it out in the form of a resumptive pronoun in the left periphery, in a mechanism similar to that described in Grohmann (2003). Spanish on the other hand generates the resumptive pronominal as an argument internal to the clause. This difference in the two derivations correlates with other differences in VP topicalization in the two languages. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper deals with an elliptical construction in Hungarian that to our knowledge has not received any attention in the theoretical literature so far. It involves the deletion of a relative clause with the exclusion of the relative pronoun and one more remaining constituent. We show that this construction should be analyzed as an instance of sluicing. The theoretical approach we provide for these sentences is an adapted version of Merchant's (2001) implementation of sluicing in terms of an [e]-feature that is responsible for the deletion process. Our extension of this proposal involves the modification of the syntactic subcontent of this [e]-feature. We show that languages where question words are found in the operator domain of the left periphery use a version of the [e]-feature that attaches to heads whose specifier is occupied by an operator. This predicts that sluicing not only occurs with wh-remnants but more widely with operator remnants as well. With this proposal we lay the foundation for a crosslinguistic taxonomy of sluicing constructions, and open new avenues towards explaining root/embedded asymmetries in some as yet ill-understood elliptical phenomena in English. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an explanation for the unexpected ban on preposition stranding by wh-R-pronouns under sluicing in Dutch. After showing that previous prosodic and syntactic explanations are untenable, we propose that the observed ban is a by-product of an EPP condition that applies in the PP domain in Dutch. Our analysis revolves around the idea that ellipsis bleeds EPP-driven movement, an idea that already has empirical support from independent patterns of ellipsis found in English and in other structural domains in Dutch. Our claim is that: (1) R-pronominalization involves a pronominal argument of P moving to the periphery of its extended PP domain (PlaceP) in order to satisfy a PP-internal EPP condition, (2) this EPP-driven movement is bled under sluicing, and (3) because SpecPlaceP is the 'escape hatch' through which R-pronouns must move in order to exit the PP domain to form preposition stranding configurations, bleeding the EPP-driven movement of R-pronouns to SpecPlaceP therefore precludes R-pronouns from undergoing the wh-movement required to form a sluicing configuration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]