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The article examines how African American and white children, especially in the South, acted on, experienced, shaped and disagreed with ideas of freedom by struggling over the right to their own childhoods during the American Civil War. It describes the significance of the actions of Black and white children in the fight for or against emancipation. It discusses the influence of reading experiences on the children's views in the South about the possible meanings of a right to childhood.

Steve Biko is one of the most important liberation activists of his time. Yet, his theoretical contribution is not well understood or appreciated. This article reconstructs Biko's political ideas and introduces a new integrated reading and interpretation of his writings, speeches, and recorded interviews. It argues that Biko's Black consciousness ideal should not only be read as engaging an activist movement or programme but, also, as encompassing an original theoretical framework grounded in a communalist ethos of Biko's own conceptual development. It argues that Biko's Black consciousness ideal sought to relate racialised oppression to a historically centred communalist solution framed by two interlocking structural elements—rightful power and free community. The article argues that only by a theoretical and normative consideration of these elements, on Biko's own conceptual terms, do we get a coherent understanding of Biko's distinctive view of free postcolonial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rousseau's account of the "legislator" or "lawgiver" is commonly regarded as one of the most far-fetched, ominous, and baffling parts of his teaching in the Social Contract. In brief, Rousseau's lawgiver seems to be a proto-totalitarian figure whose self-appointed mission is to found a political community by "denaturing" people at a single stroke and who may be a mere figment of Rousseau's overheated imagination. Accordingly, this part of the Social Contract threatens to make a mockery of Rousseau's claim to be "taking men as they are and laws they can be," as well as his claim that the combination of " freedom and equality " is "the greatest good" in the civil state. Following and extending Rousseau's own method of teaching by examples, however, this essay argues that Benjamin Franklin's influence over the American republic—especially through his posthumous Autobiography —offers a prosaic example of the apparently fantastical phenomenon sketched by Rousseau. In fact, I argue that Franklin's case corresponds more fully to Rousseau's description than do any of Rousseau's own examples (such as Moses, Lycurgus, and Numa) and that Franklin showed in practice what Rousseau suggested in theory: that a lawgiver can succeed without relying on coercion and without undercutting the equality that underlies a just society. Franklin's denaturing influence, I suggest, has been crucial for the durability of republicanism in the United States, given the country's size and diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I aim to counter Jason Brennan's principled objection to the Representativeness Argument for compulsory voting, and to criticize the case in favour of voting lotteries, on which this challenge is predicated. In brief, Brennan claims that compulsory voting should be rejected because there is an alternative system, i.e. a voting lottery, which is able to ensure demographic proportionality in electoral turnouts without diminishing the freedom of citizens. But even on the most favourable conception of freedom which the argument can employ, voting lotteries raise a number of serious concerns in respect to this value. Furthermore, while comparing voting lotteries and compulsory voting on the basis of freedom cannot provide any generalizable support for the former, a plausible case can instead be offered in support of the opposite idea, namely that compulsory voting outperforms voting lotteries with respect to freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on the results of two research projects conducted between 2018 and 2022, illustrating the recruitment processes used as part of the criminal activity which I define as "gig prostitution," a form of criminal organization which revolves around the commercial sexual exploitation of children. It highlights the emphasis placed on negotiation and contractual relations during the recruitment phase. Gig prostitution is described by those involved as being based on personal integrity and the right to decide what use one makes of one's own body. However, closer examination of the facts reveals that this freedom exists in name only. In spite of the accent placed on consent, negotiation and individual interests, such discourse is in reality accompanied by mechanisms which prevent victims from breaking free of exploitative relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research on cultural differences in psychological reactance focuses almost exclusively on individualism. The present study investigated how power distance might affect psychological reactance by comparing Chinese's (N = 400) and Americans' reactions (N = 441) to a quitting smoking message which included versus did not include controlling language. Results show that individuals reacted to the controlling language with more negative cognitive thoughts, more anger, and a higher level of state reactance, compared to the noncontrolling language. In addition, compared to Chinese, Americans reported more anger. Moreover, the country difference in state reactance was mediated through trait reactance and through power distance and subsequently trait reactance. Furthermore, controlling language caused more state reactance among Americans reporting a low level of power distance but among Chinese reporting a high level of power distance. Our findings extended prior research on cultural effects on psychological reactance to power distance and provided insights on the complex nature of this cultural factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his book "World-Centred Education," Biesta discusses two themes fundamental for the emergence of subjectivity as a desirable existential humane state of being and for an education that aims to achieve it. The first theme is about freedom and the importance of distancing education and teaching from any act of objectifying students. The second theme concerns the world, its limitations on freedom, and its central role in educational events, which aim to help students fulfill their subjectivity. However, when he analyzes three historical cases to conceptualize and demonstrate his ideas regarding subjectivity and education as subjectification, Biesta seems to focus more on the role of the first theme than the second. This imbalance does not give the world the proper place Biesta's theory itself inspires to provide, as first and foremost expressed in the book's title. This article proposes an alternative reading of the book's theory regarding subjectivity, freedom, the world, and their interrelationships. The suggested reading gives the world a more central role in the emergence of events of subjectivity without harming freedom and thus changes how we can analyze the three cases and how to understand and generate education and teaching aiming at subjectification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between heritage, the law, and racial capitalism in Brazil, focusing on the land rights of Afro-descendants known as quilombolas. The Brazilian Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of legislation granting land rights to quilombolas in 2018, as a form of reparation for historical oppression rooted in slavery. The court's decision leveraged heritage as a means of protecting minority property rights, but also reinforced the idea of a unified national identity. While the court's decision had limitations, it demonstrated the potential for heritage to support rights claims and challenge racial capitalism. [Extracted from the article]

Raymond Aron is well-known for a number of ideas but one of his most cherished has largely gone unnoticed. This is his concept of liberty. While he did not dedicate a particular volume or write many essays on this theme, it was one of his most important legacies to modern political thought. He was an ardent defender of the notion of liberty and his conviction regarding its importance is found in a series of lectures that he gave in California and later in his final lecture in France. This essay is intended to highlight Aron’s notion of liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tensions between monarchy and republicanism are a dominant feature of Machiavelli’s political works, and both the so-called ‘monarchical’ work, The Prince, and the more overtly republican Discourses laud the benefits of republicanism and warn against relying on hereditary monarchy. This article compares Machiavelli’s proposals, advanced in 1520, for a mixed constitution for the city of Florence with those of his younger compatriot, Donato Giannotti, who became secretary to the Ten in the last Florentine republican government of 1527-30. As the historical context changed, and Florence progressed from republic to absolutist duchy under the later Medici, Giannotti was exiled from the city and the article examines how his proposed reforms of 1528 and then his major work, Della republica fiorentina, drafted and redrafted between 1531 and 1538 as the politics of Florence changed, reinforce and expand Machiavelli’s views of politico vivere in a republican polity like Florence whose constitution was being dramatically rewritten. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In ethical systems that focus on apportioning praise and blame, a key consideration is often whether or not the individual is a free agent since individuals are only held to be responsible for what they freely choose. As various critiques indicate, if it were to be the case that freedom is in some way illusory or radically restricted, these systems would have a significant problem since reactive attitudes would involve holding individuals responsible for actions that they did not freely choose. I will argue that the problem may run even deeper: even if there is such a thing as free agency, it is a mistake to think that autonomous individuals uniquely instantiate this agency. I will draw on arguments from Pratyabhijñā Śaivism, which state that although there is ultimately no such thing as a praise or blameworthy individual agent, free agency is the precondition for manifestation itself. Worlds, not individuals, are the proper unit of analysis for ethical theories. This position picks up on many of the critiques of the kind of substantial self that stands apart from the world that were offered by various Buddhist traditions in the Classical Sanskritic context. At the same time, it does not fall prey to these objections precisely because the self that Pratyabhijñā theorists argue for is neither an unchanging substance nor a minimally thin kind of self-awareness that could be accommodated by no-self theorists. Pratyabhijñā theorists' particular way of understanding agency, then, presents a productive exchange between some of the most ethically salient ramifications of Buddhist no-self theories and insights into why, nevertheless, freedom and agency are inextricably bound up in our worlds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing use of political activist arguments and reasoning in scientific communication about diversity is criticized. Based on an article of Roberts et al. (2020) on "racial inequality in psychological research," three hallmarks of the intrusion of activist thinking into science are described: blindness to the multidimensional nature of diversity, the failure to distinguish psychological mechanisms from the impact of moderators, and a blindness to agency as an explanation for psychological observations. It is argued that uncritically accepting and introducing political activist arguments into science is likely to damage scientific freedom and independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This conversation elaborates on the latest work of the Paris-based writer, philosopher, translator, mathematician and pianist Andrei Vieru, where he maintains that human freedom is inseparable from the idea of closure. Vieru’s model is rooted in the topological semantics of modal logic and provides valuable epistemological insights for the broader community of scholars (death and grief scholars, social scientists, humanists) as well as for policymakers, civil social actors and, generally, for all existentially concerned individuals in times of eroding democracies and pressing global risks. In this dialogue conducted during 2023 in face-to-face sessions and via email exchanges between Paris and Bucharest, Vieru reflects on what is at stake philosophically, artistically and existentially when humans are confronted with the radical openness of possibilities brought by contemporary challenges like global crises and digital technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did criminal bail work in the Founding era? This question has become pressing as bail, and bail reform, have attracted increasing attention, in part because history is thought to bear on the meaning of bail-related constitutional provisions. To date, however, there has been no thorough account of bail at the Founding. This Article begins to correct the deficit in our collective memory by describing bail law and practice in the Founding era, from approximately 1790 to 1810. In order to give a full account, we surveyed a wide range of materials, including Founding-era statutes, case law, legal treatises, and manuals for magistrates; and original court, jail, administrative, and justice-of-the-peace records held in archives and private collections. The historical inquiry illuminates three key facts. First, the black-letter law of bail in the Founding era was highly protective of pretrial liberty. A uniquely American framework for bail guaranteed release, in theory, for nearly all accused persons. Second, things were different on the ground. The primary records reveal that, for those who lived on the margins of society, bail practice bore little resemblance to the law on the books, and pretrial detention was routine. The third key point cuts across the law and reality of criminal bail: both in theory and in practice, the bail system was a system of unsecured pledges, not cash deposits. It operated through reputational capital, not financial capital. This fact refutes the claim, frequently advanced by opponents of contemporary bail reform, that cash bail is a timeless American tradition. The contrast between the written ideals and the actual practice of bail in the Founding era, meanwhile, highlights the difficulty of looking to the past for a determinate guide to legal meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Harley Quinn (Margot Robbie) dressed as Lorelei (Marilyn Monroe) from 1953 film Gentlemen Prefer Blondes performs "Diamonds are a Girl's Best Friend" in Cathy Yan's 2020 film Birds of Prey (and the Fantabulous Emancipation of One Harley Quinn), links are drawn between 70 years of film history and women's representation on screen. In this article, I put various iterations of "Diamonds" into dialogue to explore how this moment in Birds of Prey might be understood. I consider this scene as central to understanding Quinn's "emancipation," with the representation of women's security and control over their lives key themes in the history of this scene. The return to this song throughout the histories of film and video enables a sense of solidarity across time, acknowledging the systemic problems that remain unresolved, and contemplation of this can alter the ways we understand characters and texts, past, present, and future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

FREEDOM DREAMING OFFERS A NEW PARADIGM that centers the experiences and realities of Latinx students on college and university campuses and re-imagines residence halls as liberatory spaces. Referencing the legacy of racism and the experiences that Latinx students have with microaggressions and other forms of oppression, this article highlights how specific models like Yosso's cultural wealth framework and Latinx values like familismo can be used to create liberatory spaces in residence halls. Residence life should include opportunities for staff to recognize, examine, and respond to microaggressions and work to create spaces where Latinx students can share their culture and life experiences and feel more closely connected to the larger residential community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An ongoing question in capability research is how to incorporate the value of freedom into the measurement of inequality. This article proposes an approach to answering this question in the housing domain and its operationalisation. The approach places an evaluation focus to the conditions constraining or expanding housing choices in the dimensions of opportunity, security, and ability. For operationalisation, the study designed a measurement of multidimensional housing disadvantages (MHDs) using the Alkire-Foster method and data from the Netherlands. Indicators include the entitlement to housing tenure options, vulnerability in housing cost payments, and ability to plan finance for housing. The measurement outcome demonstrates that the MHDs measurement can provide information on whose housing choices are more intensely constrained, thus having a lower capability for housing, and whose current housing situation is likely a result of coerced choices. The findings indicate that adults living with housemates or family (latent households), youths, and those with precarious jobs have a significantly lower capability for housing compared to other population groups. This article also compares the freedom-oriented measure of MHDs with functioning-oriented and other conventional measures and discusses its distinguishing properties. This comparison suggests a need to revisit current policy priorities in addressing housing inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights violations targeting Christians have accelerated dramatically in the last decade. Social work is ethically committed to challenging religious discrimination and promoting human rights, yet the profession's literature has featured little content on this growing human rights crisis. In keeping with calls from the United Nations to address this issue, data on the increasing prevalence and intensity of human rights violations aimed at Christians are reviewed. After articulating a theoretical framework to understand the discrimination, strategies are discussed that social workers might implement to promote more inclusive, socially just societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations Subcommittee on the Prevention of Torture visits signatory nations to the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (OPCAT). Its role is to monitor and support signatory nations in implementing and complying with the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT). In October 2022, the United Nations Subcommittee on the Prevention of Torture visited Australia but was barred from visiting mental health wards in Queensland and all detention facilities in New South Wales leading to the termination of its visit. This breach of Australia's obligations under the OPCAT presents a significant setback for the rights of people with mental illness and other involuntarily detained populations. This piece sets out to demonstrate the relevance of OPCAT to the mental health system in Australia. Individuals who are detained for compulsory treatment in locked facilities such as acute psychiatric inpatient wards and forensic mental health facilities are deprived of their liberty, often out of public view. Thus, it highlights the ethical and professional obligations of all mental health professionals, especially psychiatrists, to safeguard the human rights of individuals being detained in mental health facilities as enshrined in Australia's international legal obligations under the OPCAT. Adhering to these obligations diminishes the risk of future human rights violations of people with mental illness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Green' republicans link environmentalism with democracy by casting both as contributions to virtuous world-making. Such virtuous acts aim to realize freedom by contesting domination. In the context of the erosion of democratic and environmentalist achievements since the 1970s, however, a focus on the world-unmaking virtue of obstruction is warranted. 'Democratic' republicans urge this. They ground virtue in civic liberty, which is realized when all can participate in formulating rules and defending procedures sufficient to subject all to constraint by so-formulated rules. Civic liberty requires mobilization of majorities' latent capacity to contest government decisions and obstruct elites' capacity to act with impunity in relation to such rules. This norm suggests that if elites have 'seceded' from democracy, contestatory presumptions about the deliberative character of contemporary politics falter. And, that if many of the poor are also 'seceding', then the emphasis the norm places on majoritarian veto-power aimed at reining-in elite impunity might be useful to those who hope to make anti-democratic populists less attractive to some in this group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the existence of alternative worlds and radical rhetorics within the seemingly apocalyptic landscapes of borders, patriarchy, and environmental decay. Despite the prevailing chaos, there exists evidence of the palpable vitality at the end of the world. Framed through the lens of "radical subjects," individuals immersed in embodied struggle against oppressive regimes, I put forth three key claims: (1) the generative power of rupture, stressing emancipatory possibilities in disruptions to the status quo; (2) the intellectual power of those in corporeal resistance, highlighting the transformative potential of embodied agency and resistive organizing; and (3) the genealogical power of struggle, emphasizing the significance of ancestral collaboration across temporalities. Ultimately, I argue for the importance of attention, acceptance, and affirmation of those alive at the end of the world. By examining the interplay of rupture, corporeal resistance, and intergenerational struggle, the essay offers a reimagining of how we might foster radical care and solidarities with those in pursuit of hope, justice, and liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose a connection between the void and addiction via psychoanalysis and current developments in narration in the context of the psychoanalytic clinic. We maintain that the addicted subject is shaped in particular by a relationship to the void evolving from the disruptive effects of the narrative. Our modern era is marked by a parallel evolution towards an unbearable void, to be filled at all costs. The neo-liberal promise of 'filling' the void with consumer objects in turn feeds the illusion of a so-called freedom, based on alienation to the inseparable duos of growth/jouissance and productivism/consumerism. The void has a multidisciplinary heritage (philosophy, physics, art, psychology) underlining certain aspects of a dialectic of the void that fluctuates between nothing at all and everything as potential. Taking this dialectic into account allows us to construct a concept of the void centred around two types of void: a narrative void and an a-narrative void. We maintain that the toxic in addiction can be interpreted as a narco-narrative that is constructed upon an a-narrative void. The clinical implications and technical proposals are briefly explored as openings to a clinical consideration of the void in the field of addictology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Divergences and controversies are inevitable in the discussion of freedoms and rights, especially in the matter of reproduction. The Chinese first social egg freezing lawsuit raises the question: is the freedom to freeze eggs for social reasons justified because it is an instance of reproductive rights? This paper accepts social egg freezing as desirable reproductive freedom, but following Harel's approach and considering two theories of rights, the choice and interest theories of rights, we argue that social egg freezing is not a reproductive right because one cannot justify a right or an instance of rights via merely describing the function of those instances that have been justified as right, that is, the choice theory lacks justifying normativity. Since reserving fertility and a suspension from reproduction do not serve reproductive ends per se, the sufficient reason for demanding social egg freezing as a right should be found in other ends rather than in right‐to‐reproduce, that is, the interest theory denies the demand as a right‐to‐reproduce. Permitting it on any grounds without guaranteeing adequate and accessible resources, especially in light of cross‐border reproductive care, raises serious questions about reproductive equality and violates the idea of reproductive rights. Therefore, any ground for social egg freezing should be weighed against whether more pressing reproductive needs, specifically those that are justified as rights, have been met. It would be social progress to shoulder these burdens for the vulnerable and then allow social egg freezing—if right‐to‐reproduce were not the only privilege of the few. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To investigate the effects of 52 weeks of treatment with relugolix combination therapy (relugolix 40 mg, estradiol 1 mg, norethindrone acetate 0.5 mg) on symptoms of uterine fibroids (UF) and quality of life (QoL) in women with heavy menstrual bleeding associated with UF and anemia (hemoglobin ≤10.5 g/dL) at baseline. Methods: This post hoc analysis included women from the LIBERTY long‐term extension study with anemia (hemoglobin concentration ≤10.5 g/dL) at pivotal study baseline and documented hemoglobin values at week 52 (anemia‐evaluable population). Treatment responders: women achieving a menstrual blood loss volume of <80 mL and a ≥50% reduction over the last 35 days of treatment. Anemia responders were women achieving a hemoglobin increase of >2 g/dL from baseline to week 52. Least squares (LS) mean changes from baseline in uterine fibroid symptom (UFS)‐QoL symptom severity, fatigue, and health‐related QoL total (HR‐QoL) and (sub)scale scores were calculated. Results: In total, 115 women were included in the anemia‐evaluable population. Of 39 anemia‐evaluable women who received continuous treatment with relugolix combination therapy for 52 weeks, 34 (87.2%) met treatment responder criteria and 23 (59.0%) were anemia responders. LS mean hemoglobin concentration increased by 29.4% at week 52. LS mean UFS‐QoL symptom severity and fatigue scores decreased by 38.5 and 31.9 points, respectively, and HR‐QoL total score increased by 41.6 points. Conclusion: In women with UF and a high disease burden due to anemia, relugolix combination therapy substantially improved hemoglobin levels, decreased distress due to symptoms, especially fatigue, over 52 weeks. Synopsis: Relugolix combination therapy improved hemoglobin, reduced fatigue and other symptoms, and improved quality of life in women with uterine fibroids and anemia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Serious mental health diagnoses are prevalent among youth who "age out" of foster care by reaching the maximum age for child welfare service eligibility. Post-emancipation, little is known about how youth engage in community mental health services, or leverage informal social networks, to navigate independence. Twenty emancipating youth completed three interviews over 16 months. All emancipated into poverty; most lived alone and initially connected to adult community mental health teams. Four service use and informal support profiles emerged from analysis: (1) Navigators (n = 2) actively used mental health services and provided limited informal support; Treaders (n = 9) passively used mental health services and heavily exchanged informal support; Survivors (n = 5) used mental health services when in crisis and heavily provided informal support; and Strugglers (n = 4) avoided mental health services and took resources from informal connections. Findings have implications for both child and adult mental health and social service providers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While filial piety has been widely studied in Confucian-influenced societies, little is known about how it may influence the development of emerging adults' independence and interdependence. Using a population-based longitudinal study in Taiwan (N = 3,149; 49.5% females), this study examined the association between filial piety in adolescence (aged 13–15) and independence and interdependence in emerging adulthood (aged 22). Results show that greater adherence to filial piety in adolescence predicts higher independence in emerging adulthood. Additionally, greater adherence to filial piety predicts higher interdependence for females, but not males, when parents hold traditional gender-role attitudes. This study underscores the significance of cultural norms and parental gender-role attitudes in shaping individuals' development during emerging adulthood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rising income inequality has recently garnered intensive attention owing to its significance in theory and practice. This has rendered the mechanism through which inequality can be understood, even from a microscopic perspective, to institute proper policies that curtail it important. We contribute to the literature by examining the effect of freedom on income inequality using data from 34 least-free and 18 most-free countries from 2000 to 2020 in Sub-Saharan Africa and Western Europe, respectively. A novel fixed-effects panel quantile regression econometric estimator was employed, and the findings showed a non-linear relationship between personal freedom and income inequality for both regions. Again, both regions reported an inverse relationship between personal freedom and income inequality within the medium-run quantiles. However, a positive relationship was reported in the short-run and long-run quantiles of Sub-Saharan Africa and Western Europe, respectively, whereas the inverse was the same. Finally, the significant adverse relationship was more dominant in Western Europe, implying that high levels of personal freedom in the region explain the low levels of income inequality compared to Sub-Saharan Africa, which has lower levels of personal freedom and higher income inequality. Concerning the findings, it is recommended that policymakers and governments of least- and most-free regions institutionalise personal liberties that support human capital development and establish mechanisms to implement enacted freedoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores different conceptions of freedom in Kant, Green, and their critics. Kant introduces three kinds of freedom—negative freedom, positive freedom or autonomy, and transcendental freedom. Sidgwick objects that Kant's conception of positive freedom is unable to explain how someone might be free and responsible for the wrong choices. Though Green rejects transcendental freedom, he thinks Kant's conception of practical freedom can be defended by identifying it with the capacity to be determined by practical reason. Green identifies his own tripartite conception of freedom—juridical freedom, moral freedom, and real freedom. He thinks that these are stages in the perfection of freedom. Green's tripartite conception provides a principled reply to Berlin's doubts about positive freedom, explains Kant's claims that respect and esteem are fitting attitudes toward different aspects of freedom, and supports Schiller's criticisms of Kantian freedom and virtue. Green's conception of freedom defends the best elements of the Kantian perspective while addressing legitimate worries. In doing so, it unifies different aspects of freedom in a way that is grounded in moral personality or rational nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Stuart Mill's harm principle holds that an individual's freedom can only be restricted to prevent harm to others. However, there is an important ambiguity between a strong version, which limits legitimate interference to self-defense and therefore prohibits society from protecting third parties (those who are not its members), and a narrow version, which grants any society universal jurisdiction to prevent nonconsensual harms, no matter who is harmed. Mill sometimes appeals to the strong harm principle to preclude interference, but elsewhere endorses measures (including humanitarian foreign intervention and animal cruelty laws) to protect third parties, suggesting that he subscribes only to the weak harm principle. This ambiguity regarding who it is that society has standing to protect has important implications for the scope of individual freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In criminal proceedings, courts are increasingly relying on automated decisionmaking tools that purport to measure the likelihood that a defendant will reoffend. But these technologies come with considerable risk; when trained on datasets or features that incorporate bias, criminal legal algorithms threaten to replicate discriminatory outcomes and produce overly punitive bail, sentencing, and incarceration decisions. Because regulators have failed to establish systems that manage the quality of data collection and algorithmic training, defendants and public interest groups often stand as the last line of defense to detect algorithmic error. But developers routinely call upon trade secret law, the common law doctrine that protects the secrecy of commercial information, to bar impacted stakeholders from accessing potentially biased software. This weaponization of trade secret law to conceal algorithms in criminal proceedings denies defendants their right to present a complete and effective defense. Furthermore, the practice contravenes the early policy objectives of trade secret law that sought to promote a public domain of ideas on which market actors could fairly compete and innovate. To remedy this misalignment, this Note proposes a novel framework that redefines the scope of trade secret protection and revives the first principles underlying the doctrine. It concludes that while algorithms themselves constitute protectable trade secrets, information ancillary to the algorithm—such as training data, performance statistics, or descriptions of the software’s methodology—do not. Access to ancillary information protects accused parties’ right to defend their liberty and promotes algorithmic fairness while aligning trade secret law with its first principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of transforming the EU in an Area of Freedom Security and Justice (AFSJ) area dates back to 25 years and in the meantime hundreds of legislative measures, political strategies and operational measures have been adopted even if, according to several critics, the original balance between the three notions of freedom, security and justice has not been granted. Two important books have analyzed the content of the measures adopted and the main obstacles still present even after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and of the EU Charter, which have removed most of the previous institutional and legal obstacles in fulfilling the original objective. However, as crisis such as 9/11 paved the way to the transfer to the EU of new power and responsibilities also the war in Ukraine unblocked, at least temporary, the current Dublin standstill. An unprecedented movement of interstate solidarity has followed sheltering millions of citizens of that country, and this precedent may show the way for a stronger freedom dimension in the AFSJ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Ignacio Ellacuría's "historicization of concepts" and Paulo Freire's "dialogicity" is analyzed, reflecting on their application in the teaching of history and social sciences. A qualitative methodology centered on the critical analysis of the texts of both authors is used, applying their theories to pedagogy. The historicization of concepts allows for a dynamic reinterpretation of the foundations of justice, freedom, and human rights, highlighting the relevance of understanding and teaching these fields from a critical perspective that stimulates awareness and social action. Dialogicity emerges as an essential tool for liberating education, emphasizing the value of dialogue, collaboration, and critical reflection. The analysis concludes that the integration of these theoretical approaches provides a solid foundation for a pedagogy that not only transmits knowledge but also empowers students to be agents of social change, emphasizing the importance of addressing the teaching of history and social sciences from a perspective that prioritizes transformation and social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While arguing a strong defense of the humanities, this paper highlights its spirit and makes clear some misunderstandings and errors regarding the humanities. Nonetheless, a history of the humanities is left aside, here. Quite ion the contrary, this paper claims that capitalism is the main detractor and enemy of the humanities; not the contradictors and opponents of the free market system. A number of arguments and justifications are provided. The humanities basically consist in reaching a voice of its own. Several arguments make clear what this consists of. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the framework of the enlargement methodological proposed by the thinker Arturo Roig, we expose the need for a Latin American symbolic or semiotic and we unravel Roigean symbol theory, in its double facet: axiology and normativity. Then, we reflect on the distinction between signification and meaning that allows us to open ourselves to the metaphorical system implicit in words as semantic marks. Subsequently, we explain the characteristics of the symbolic universe: conflict, discursive dualism and reversal, in order to show the Roigean interpretation of Caliban as an example of reversal of the symbolic function. Subsequently, we delve into the feminist interpretation of the Sycorax figure as a symbol of resistance and liberation. Finally, we highlight the importance of the scarf as a symbol and the struggle of women in their relentless struggle for their rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wearing makeup may not be merely a perfunctory beauty ritual in The Sheltering Sky and Nineteen Eighty-Four. This essay reads it as an act of defiance and emancipation that begins with the woman's face, using the very objects that putatively contribute to the objectification of women. In these novels—written by western white men in 1949—the restorative properties of makeup enunciate Kit and Julia's desire to restore their own existential image in a world that oppresses and dehumanizes women. Employing Lacan's gaze theory as its primary methodology, this study sheds light on how cosmetics are portrayed as front-line defenses of feminine identity—especially needed in hard times and dystopian contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bhāṇaka s were the main textual practitioners of early Buddhism. Although scholarship has been naturally critical of traditional accounts regarding the shaping of the canon, scholars have accepted many of their underlying assumptions, including a ubiquitous reference to bhāṇaka s as "reciters," without questioning the category. However, bhāṇaka s were no less performers, storytellers, poets, expounders of the teaching and preachers. This article reconsiders their figure by showing that discourses were not preexisting entities that were placed in collections according to length and topic, but were generated through the particular methods of each Nikāya. Here, I focus on the Saṃyutta-nikāya , showing many of its unique formulas and narrative designs, including central definitions of the doctrine of selflessness and structured narrative frames. The Saṃyutta , we discover, even has its own ideological and philosophical emphases, and its own theory of liberation. This means that a Saṃyutta- text is the product of the Saṃyutta- methods and views. This understanding brings to light important aspects in the performative arts of the bhāṇaka s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La chronique portant sur l'hospitalisation sans consentement analyse les principales décisions rendues par la Cour de cassation relatives à la problématique de la privation des libertés et droits fondamentaux des personnes plus ou moins atteintes de troubles psychiatriques pour cause d'hospitalisation sans consentement. Cette chronique portera sur des principales décisions rendues de septembre à décembre 2022. The column on hospitalization psychiatric or hospitalization without consent analyses main decisions of the Court concerning the privation of fundamental rights and freedoms of psychiatric patient. This column will cover main decisions from September to December 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses William J. Coburn's emergence theory of free will and freedom. Coburn explores the conceptual question of how to reconcile free choice with a deterministic brain. He proposes that the interactional and adaptational capacities of complex systems allow for the emergence of individual agency and freedom of choice. Coburn also emphasizes the importance of ownership of one's choices and relational accountability in the enactment of true freedom. The article highlights the ethical dimension of Coburn's theory and its implications for psychoanalytic practice. [Extracted from the article]

Perspectives on freedom, liberty, agency, creativity, and free will have a rich and varied history in philosophy, psychology, neuroscience, and psychoanalysis. Central to psychoanalysis, we want nothing for our patients, nor from our patients, if not the expansion of their personal freedom, agency, individuality, creativity, and self-ownership. What is freedom, exactly? What does it mean to have and to exercise free will? What does it mean to be truly creative? Do we have true choices, or are we overdetermined puppets faltering under the illusion of self-generated acts of freedom? Does feeling free to choose, and then perhaps acting to choose, equate with actual freedom? These perspectives and questions are examined in light of how we think about emotional health and the phenomenology of therapeutic action. This article explores an emergence theory of free will and the centrality of self-ownership in understanding and experiencing freedom of choice. A clinical example is offered in the spirit of what it might look like and what it might mean to enable authentic free choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Max Skjönsberg's book, "The Persistence of Party," explores the dominance of the idea of party in eighteenth-century Britain. The book fills a gap in the history of political thought by examining the value of party itself, rather than just party ideology. Skjönsberg analyzes the historical and sociological context of the Whig-Tory divide and the creation of political organizations based on ideological principles. The book also discusses the perspectives of various writers, such as Rapin, Bolingbroke, Hume, and Burke, on the role of party in British politics. Skjönsberg's analysis highlights the importance of understanding the political circumstances and promoting a more civil and humane political culture. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on Murray Rothbard's "For a New Liberty," highlighting its early and influential contribution to libertarian philosophy. Rothbard systematically applies anarcho-capitalist principles to contemporary societal issues, notably addressing concerns regarding conservation, ecology, and population growth in contrast to mainstream political ideologies.

The article focuses on Murray Rothbard's "For a New Liberty," particularly emphasizing the pivotal chapter titled "The State," where Rothbard presents the state as akin to a criminal band, urging readers to view it as a parasitical enemy rather than just another social institution. By framing the state in this manner, Rothbard aims to shape readers' perspectives, making them recognize the inherent exploitative nature of government actions and redefining their relationship with the state.

The article focuses on Murray Rothbard's enduring influence through his book "For a New Liberty," highlighting how he synthesized various topics like history, philosophy, economics, and foreign policy into a cohesive libertarian framework that remains compelling today. Rothbard's work not only presents a comprehensive view of libertarianism but also situates it within historical contexts.

The article focuses on Murray Rothbard's "For a New Liberty: A Libertarian Manifesto," highlighting its role in inspiring a vision of a liberated world without government tyranny, as well as its enduring influence over the past fifty years in shaping the discourse on building a free and productive society. It suggests that Rothbard's work continues to provide inspiration and guidance for those seeking to navigate the path towards greater liberty in a world increasingly at odds with such ideals.

This article explores the pneumatological theme of the freedom of the Spirit from the perspective of experience. It deploys a recently developed methodology of attending to affective and experiential dynamics in pneumatology to identify two significant patterns or modalities of Christian life in the Spirit that are indexed to the Spirit's freedom: a pattern of divine resistance to human attempts to control God, characterized on the human side by experiences of disruption as well as dynamic creativity; and a pattern of life free from the tyranny of the law, characterized by a modality of play or playfulness, as explored in the work of Nimi Wariboko. In identifying and illuminating these patterns, this article extends a project of seeking to make explicit the connections between Christian doctrinal concepts and Christian experience into a new domain, and responds to a long‐standing concern that theologies of sanctification emphasizing freedom have little to say about the positive shape of Christian life in the Spirit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of industrial capitalism in the 19th century undoubtedly changed production processes in factories, and mass production theories and practices emerged for the first time in human history. Pioneers, namely Taylor and Ford, had revolutionary factory production and management innovations under industrial capitalism. However, the basic rights of workers, along with those of large factories, have been largely neglected. Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Gramsci began to formulate theories and practices of workers' emancipation based on the mass production of industrial capitalism. As the two most important socialist countries on Earth, the Soviet Union and China have practiced emancipatory policies at the factory level based on the Marxist ideal. Through a triangular comparison model, this article examines whether the Soviet Union and China have achieved their ideals of worker emancipation. This article proposes a theory of workers' emancipation, mainly based on the Marxist ideal, while Soviet and Chinese practices are compared horizontally. In the end, the article concludes that both the ideals of the Soviets and Chinese on workers' emancipation have not been fully achieved despite both having some contributions to worker emancipation; the failure of achieving the emancipatory ideal rendered both countries' claims on emancipation as mere 'illusions.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employment practices in the gig economy have routinely been defended through the language of individual freedom. Indeed, this particular model of on-demand employment is often presented as removing constraints on the freedom to choose when, where and how to sell one's labour, enabling individuals to exercise greater self-authorship over their working lives. In this article, however, I show how the particular conception of freedom that underpins this pro-gig work discourse functions to obscure significant threats to the liberty of gig workers. An alternative perspective, inspired by the republican tradition of political thought, reveals instead how the structural vulnerability of gig workers exposes them to extraordinary forms of domination, compromising their freedom. Relative to typical employees in advanced capitalist labour markets, the precarious legal and economic status of gig workers leaves them less free, with fewer institutionalised resources to disarm the multiple forms of dominating, arbitrary power to which they are vulnerable. To maximise freedom within existing capitalist labour markets, on this republican view, we should seek to (re)build the rights and protections available to workers, rather than promote the further normalisation of under-regulated and precarious gig work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]