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A central aspect of political conservatism is the notion that the system is fair. Political conservatives tend to defend the system more than do liberals. Here we test whether the link between political orientation and this system justification tendency depends on the comparisons people make across time. Across five studies, we found that the typically observed link between conservative (vs. liberal) political orientation and system justification is only observed when no temporal comparisons are made, or when the status quo is compared to a future alternative. However, this association is not observed when the status quo is compared to the past. Instead, when comparing the present to the past, the link between political orientation and system justification was blocked (Studies 1, 2, and 4) or even reversed (Study 3). Theoretically, these results connect the system justification literature to literature on temporal comparison and suggest that system justification is meaningfully influenced by comparisons processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Self‐service technologies are widely used in business, and retailers and service firms invest significant resources to obtain and improve their Self‐Service Technology capabilities. To allocate resources efficiently, it is crucial for firms to predict Self‐Service Technology usage by their customers. However, predictors in the extant literature (e.g., customers' perceptions and personality traits) are not easy to objectively measure or obtain secondary data about. This research proposes and examines political ideology, for which fairly accurate and objective data can be obtained, as a novel predictor of customer Self‐Service Technology usage. In four studies in different contexts, the authors consistently find that political ideology is significantly related to customers' intention to use and actual use of Self‐Service Technologies; Liberals, on average, are found to be significantly more likely to use Self‐Service Technologies compared to conservatives. Moreover, process complexity is identified as a moderator of this effect. In addition, two mediators, customers' need for interaction and customers' perceived control, through which political ideology affects intention to use Self‐Service Technologies are uncovered. The manuscript concludes with a discussion of contributions and practical implications for managers and practitioners as well as avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many studies have found that conservatives show an advantage in mental health and happiness and various causes of this have been debated (e.g., religiousness, ideology, or genetics). However, not much attention has been given to examining whether this advantage is psychometrically real, or whether it is due to test bias. We analyzed data from two large Finnish surveys of adults (Ns = 848 and 4,978) from Lahtinen (2024), that measured general anxiety and depression symptoms, as well as a new wokeness scale. Using differential item functioning tests, we found no evidence for measurement bias in these scales. The correlation between index scores of wokeness and mental health (internalizing) was −0.36, which increased to −0.41 when measurement error was removed. The association between wokeness and anxiety (r = −0.33, adjusted r = 0.37) was stronger than wokeness and depression (r = 0.20, adjusted r = 0.22). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how Chinese netizens view Russia and how contested memories shape perceptions. It identifies and categorizes four different perceptions of Russia, held by pro-Russian groups, pro-Soviet groups, anti-Russian nationalists, and liberals on China's social media, who have divergent interpretations of the past. This study contributes a distinct case to the literature on Chinese collective memory and facilitates an understanding of Sino-Russian relations at the social level. Theoretically, it enriches the interdisciplinary dialogue between memory studies and International Relations by highlighting the complexity of historical narratives and the instability between the past and the present. It finds that when a collective memory involves multiple significant but symbolically and ideologically competing historical events, it can become a divisive force that creates confusion in the self-other relationship and motivates different social groups to resist and revise official narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1940s research has suggested that higher education has a liberalizing influence on sociopolitical orientation, although none has demonstrated how this might occur. In the U.S. there is an increasing trend among conservative politicians and media to depreciate the value of a college education, by alleging that college turns people into liberals. To examine the charge that 'college turns people into liberals', I conducted biographical narrative interviews with 24 American college-educated young adults who changed their sociopolitical orientation from conservative to liberal. Utilizing Bourdieu's concepts of habitus and habitus clivé, and grounded theory methods of analysis, I developed a processual model of such transformation. Findings from this study refute narratives of professorial or institutional indoctrination. Instead, the model indicates a more complex process of habitus transformation, that in most cases begins before college students arrive on campus. This study is important because a successful democracy requires an educated populace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Drawing on research in the social psychology and political science literatures, this research aims to examine how political moderates perceive, and are perceived by, their co-workers with differing political ideologies in an organisational context, with a focus on the perceptions of social status. Design/methodology/approach: To test the hypotheses regarding the social status perceptions of and by political moderates in the workplace, the authors conducted an online experiment in which working adults read a hypothetical workplace scenario and then assessed the social status of a co-worker based on the political ideology of that co-worker. Findings: The results largely supported the two hypothesised asymmetries of social perceptions of and by political moderates in an organisational context. Specifically, political moderates were perceived to have higher social status by their moderate and conservative co-workers than by their liberal co-workers. In addition, political moderates perceived moderate co-workers to have higher social status than conservative ones. Originality/value: This research investigates the influence of political ideology on social status perceptions in organisations by focusing on the previously underexamined political moderates. The findings illustrate the importance of political moderates, who tend to espouse a moderate level of resistance to social change, in the process of developing a functional hierarchy and balancing change and stability in organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While existing consumer research on political ideology often focuses on ideological differences in preferences for high-status, typically observably superior products, little is known about how political ideology may shape preferences for observably inferior products in non-status-signaling domains. Observably inferior products are product options that are dominated by alternatives along observable dimensions. We propose that, in non-status-signaling domains, conservatives are more interested in observably inferior products than liberals. This happens because conservatives (vs. liberals) have a stronger belief that things, including products, are in balance, whereby positives offset negatives. As a result, when presented with observably inferior products, conservatives (vs. liberals) are more likely to engage in compensatory reasoning and attribute positive qualities to these products, boosting their appeal. Activating belief in balance and preventing compensatory reasoning through cognitive load attenuate this effect. Salience of status-signaling motives serves as a boundary condition. Five studies and four follow-ups provide converging evidence using data collected in the laboratory and in the field, hypothetical and actual product choices, a variety of product categories and participant populations. These findings contribute to research on political ideology, compensatory inferences, and inferior products and provide insights with respect to managing product manufacturing, inventory, and waste. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research suggests that political polarization has spilled over into otherwise mundane areas of social life. And yet, the size, shape, and depth of that spillage into popular culture are generally unknown. Relying on a sample of 135 widely known movies, TV shows, musicians, sports, and leisure activities, we investigate these issues. We find the "oil spill" of polarization into popular culture is large but loosely organized into multiple fairly shallow pools. Cultural polarization is also asymmetric. Liberals like a wide variety of popular culture, do not dislike conservative popular culture, and their tastes are more rooted in their sociodemographics. Conservatives, on the other hand, like a much narrower range of popular culture, dislike the culture created and liked by Black and urban liberals, and their tastes seem to be more directly rooted in their political ideology. Potential implications of an asymmetric culture war, and ideas for future research, are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes two related points. First, as liberals have started to realize that the welfare state is unable to deliver on egalitarian theories of justice, they have increasingly tried to dissociate their theories from the welfare state. Second, dissociating from the welfare state type of thinking is difficult for some liberal egalitarian theories such as John Rawls's theory of justice as his theory shares some of the same underlying thinking as found in the welfare state. For example, Rawls's understanding of universal citizenship and the difference principle resembles some of the aspects of the welfare state on how social equality and citizenship are tied to productivity and society as a venture of mutual cooperation. Consequently, liberals are caught in a difficult relationship where they can only partially move beyond the welfare state. Because of this affinity liberals should move beyond a Rawlsian framework, as Rawls's theory is difficult to completely dissociate from the welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can Americans on the political left and right both claim their views represent those of Jesus? Using nationally-representative data in which Americans rated Jesus on the left-right ideological spectrum, we assess what characteristics are associated with Americans' ratings and consider arguments about causal ordering. Competing expectations are drawn from "images of God" research and research showing political identities influence Americans' religious characteristics. Focusing on Christians first, the strongest predictors of where Christians place Jesus was their own ideological identity followed closely by views on Christian nationalism. No other religious, racial, or partisan characteristics were associated with where Christians place Jesus. For insights on causal direction, we interact religiosity measures with ideological identity and Christian nationalism, finding identical patterns regardless of religious commitment. We also run models to see if patterns differ for non-Christians and the influence of ideological identity and Christian nationalism are nearly identical. Given that Americans' ideological placement of Jesus has little to do with their own religious identity or commitment, findings lend more support for the theory that Christians and non-Christians alike project their own ideological identities and views about Christian nationalism onto Jesus rather than such characteristics following from stable images of Jesus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has become commonplace to argue that Benjamin Constant and Alexis de Tocqueville form a distinct French liberal tradition going back to Montesquieu. Yet Tocqueville showed little interest in Constant, and early nineteenth-century French liberals did not recognize Montesquieu as the father of French liberalism. Based on these observations, this essay demonstrates that the French liberal tradition is a belated construction and explains how, when, and why it was invented. Exhuming the origins of the French liberal tradition, I argue, is important for our understanding of the history of liberalism and the mechanisms behind ideology formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An experiment (N = 209) investigated whether terms about the scientific method impacted processing fluency similarly to other forms of jargon. Political ideology emerged as a significant moderator of the effects of method jargon on processing fluency. Specifically, liberals reported a more negative processing experience after exposure to the jargon condition, in line with expected general effects of jargon, while conservatives did not report a similarly negative experience. This preliminary result adds to accumulating evidence that suggests political ideology poses a challenge for science communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grit—passion and perseverance toward long‐term goals—is generally associated with conscientiousness and consistency and thus presumed to be ideologically conservative in nature. Yet, an understanding of how liberals and conservatives differ in grittiness remains elusive. In this research, overall grit did not differ between liberals and conservatives, rather ideology played an essential role in driving which dimension of grit (perseverance; passion) was emphasized. Contrary to conventional wisdom, grit‐based perseverance (passion) was more influential to liberals (conservatives). Across two studies and a pilot study (appendix), the authors find that while ideology had no direct influence on moral consumer choices, grit‐based perseverance (passion), related to consumers' liberal (conservative) ideology, significantly increased (decreased) intentions to make moral consumer choices. These findings delineate the relationship between political ideology and grit, and the impact on moral consumer choices. The current research offers important implications for practitioners as well as numerous avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between the Liberal Party and the issue of empire during the era of British imperialism from 1880 to 1914. It reveals that the Liberal Party was divided on the matter, with some members supporting an active imperial policy focused on ethical foreign policy and improving the lives of colonial subjects, while others were skeptical of military action and believed that imperial expansion was costly. The article analyzes the role of imperialism in elections during this period and finds that while the Conservatives consistently emphasized empire in their campaigns, it was not always a central issue for the Liberals. The article also explores the language used by both parties when discussing empire and highlights the differences in their rhetoric. Overall, the article provides insights into the complex attitudes towards empire within the Liberal Party and its impact on electoral politics. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides an overview of the complex relationship between liberalism and empire, focusing on the 19th century British Empire. It explores the tension between liberals' belief in universal values and their desire to export those values through empire, while also advocating for peace. The article references various perspectives and authors, including Ronald Robinson, John Gallagher, Uday Singh Mehta, and Duncan Bell, who offer critiques and analyses of liberalism and empire. It also acknowledges ongoing debates surrounding Britain's imperial legacy and the connections of prominent liberals to slavery. The article concludes by encouraging further exploration of this vast topic. The accompanying list of references and resources offers a starting point for further research on the subject. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the evolution of the Liberal Party's views on the British empire and the Commonwealth from 1900 to 1979. The party's early manifestos criticized the government's handling of British interests abroad, but later shifted focus to domestic issues and social reform. The party acknowledged racial injustice within the empire and embraced European cooperation and anti-racism in the 1950s. The article concludes that the Liberal Party did not display excessive nostalgia for the empire. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the response of Gladstonian ethical Liberals to Britain's relationship with empire from 1895-1906. It discusses the tensions between Liberal internationalism and imperialism and how progressive Liberals understood these concepts during a time of party divisions. The article focuses on the impact of divisions over imperialism on the positions of ethical progressive Liberals and their efforts to articulate a revamped Liberalism that combined liberal morality, politics, and social principles. It also discusses the influence of humanitarian crises on their understanding of British imperial policy and their efforts to reconcile humanitarianism with imperialism. The text provides insight into the complex relationship between liberalism and imperialism during this period. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the role of Liberalism in shaping British policy towards India in the early 20th century. It discusses key figures such as Lord William Bentinck, Lord Dalhousie, and Lord Ripon who implemented reforms aimed at modernizing India and promoting self-governance. The article also examines the impact of events like the First World War, the Rowlatt Acts, and the Amritsar Massacre on Indian nationalism. Despite the decline of the Liberal Party, Liberal influence continued indirectly through figures like Sir John Simon and William Wedgwood Benn. The article concludes that by 1939, the issue of Indian independence had effectively been settled. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses Joshua L. Cherniss' book, "Liberalism in Dark Times," which explores the crisis of liberalism in the early twentieth century. Cherniss examines how liberal political thinkers such as Albert Camus, Raymond Aron, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Isaiah Berlin approached the challenges of the time and reconstructed liberalism in various ways. Cherniss refers to this alternative liberalism as "tempered liberalism," which prioritizes living out a liberal ethos in political life. The book draws on the work of Max Weber and emphasizes the cultivation of a liberal ethos, including qualities such as responsibility, modesty, fortitude, tolerance, and integrity. It offers a historically sensitive perspective on liberalism and provides inspiration for integrity and moderation in today's polarized political climate. [Extracted from the article]

Millions of nonprofits compete for a share of the billions of dollars donated to charity each year. Yet how donors select which charities to support remains relatively understudied. Social norms influence whether people give to charity at all, but no research has yet considered whether norms also communicate information about which causes group members typically support. To address this important question, we surveyed 1,735 people from 117 countries to understand whether they identified normative causes typically supported by their social groups. We found different normative giving profiles for men, women, older people, younger people, conservatives, progressives, religious, and nonreligious people, with varying degrees of consensus within each social group. Results demonstrate empirically—and for the first time—that social identities contain normative content about which charitable causes group members typically support. Some causes were relatively universally approved of or avoided. Results can inform nonprofit fundraising strategy around segmentation and targeting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The task for liberals in our time is to imagine a form of liberalism that is altogether original. If they don't, it does not seem likely that they will see their creed survive—and anyway, survival is not good enough. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political conflict that arose in 1917 between emigrant circles of Polish liberals and national democrats regarding the separation of the Polish Corps from the Russian Army, remains relatively obscure in European historiography. Studies on this topic, mostly published in the 20th century, primarily relied on sources from archives in Warsaw, Cracow, and Moscow. It has been shown that Polish liberal democrats operating in Russia, opposing plans to segregate their compatriots into distinct corps within the Russian Army, received support from the occupying Central Powers and the Temporary Council of State established there. Conversely, their political rivals were backed by the Entente, which supported the actions of the national democrats in favor of the separation of the Polish Corps. This topic underscores the need for in-depth research into this intricate matter. Besides confirming existing findings, it is imperative to scrutinize previously untapped sources to gain a more profound understanding of the origins, progression, and repercussions of this political conflict. To achieve this, consulting Austro-Hungarian and Western European sources, as well as overlooked Polish and Russian ones, is essential. To be able to do so, official documentation, egodocuments, and contemporary press articles were used. In this instance, critical source analysis emerges as the optimal approach for the research process, complemented by historical-comparative analysis, particularly for older literature on the subject. The conclusions drawn in this article do not only address gaps in previous knowledge but also offer a launching pad for comprehensive comparative studies on the military policies of other Polish political groups during the Great War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes the proclamation of the Cadiz Constitution in Cartagena de Indias, primarily through a set of unpublished primary sources that vividly describe the clash between two factions within the army of the Spanish monarchy. The study aims to contextualize the conflict and examine the origins and consequences of the disputes between the conflicting factions that championed two antagonistic projects: liberal and absolutist. These projects represented divergent plans for the reconstruction of the colonial domination system in America, as evidenced by this research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the efforts of white student activists at the University of Texas at Austin in the 1950s to advocate for integration and civil rights. While some students pushed for equal access to education regardless of race, others opposed integration and wanted to maintain UT as a white university. The article also highlights the challenges faced by African American students, including racism and limited social contact with white students. Despite some progress, the article suggests that more direct action would be needed in the future to achieve meaningful integration. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses Andrew J. Kirkendall's book on Democratic Party approaches to Cold War Latin America. The book focuses on the tendency of U.S. liberals to advocate for greater engagement with the Global South. Kirkendall's study relies on Democrats' policy papers and memoirs, as well as the perspectives of center-left allies in Latin America. The article highlights the criticisms of U.S. conservatives for their perceived indifference or neglect towards developing countries, while portraying the liberal project as a well-meaning but contradictory crusade. The limitations of descriptive political history are also discussed, as well as the book's coverage of the Alliance for Progress and the contradictory double move within the Democratic Party in the 1970s and 1980s. Despite some interpretative gaps, the article acknowledges the book's empirical breadth and its potential value for future research. [Extracted from the article]

In the historical culture of the first generation of Spanish liberals, references to the Middle Ages legitimized constitutional proposals. This implied a contempt for the Bourbon reformism of the 18th century, which was seen as synonymous with despotism and the Frenchification of the nation. However, throughout the 1830s, this perception shifted towards a positive one, viewing the reign of Charles III of Spain as an interrupted period of regeneration. Writings by Andrés Muriel and other authors allow to study the expectations created by invoking this reign. The positive view of Bourbon reformism emerges as the counterpart to the evolving revolutionary expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of interpreting a verse of the Qur’an, the exegetes has put in place some guidelines to ensure that each interpretation is in line with the Qur’an and Sunnah. This set of guidelines was created to avoid any inconvenience to these verses of the Qur’an especially to Muslim liberals. This is because the liberals often interpret a verse based on their (hermeneutical) reasoning and their interpretation is seen only in the context of the verse without reference to the definitive scriptures. Interpreting the Qur’an means trying to explain a verse and the contents of the Qur’an in it for clarity. This study is a qualitative study using a document analysis approach and proofreading books. Therefore, in this study, there are three objectives of the study that will be of interest to study. First, the criticism of the liberal Muslims regarding inheritance rights division found in the Qur’an. Second, a critique of hand-cut punishment in hudud law. Third, criticism of female aurah. The study found that among the things criticized by liberal Muslims were criticism of inheritance rights, criticism of the of hand-cut punishment law (hudud) and female aurah. This shows that these liberal Muslims are trying to interpret and revise the laws found in the Qur’an to suit their liberal point of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of biographies, memoirs and autobiographies has opened fields of analysis that have not been explored so far, such as the way in which feelings and emotions become decisive references for political action. Research on this subject, referring to the liberal period, is very abundant and has served as a line of study to delve into the history of women. However, if there have been excellent works on liberal women, studies on Carlist women are not so abundant. María de las Nieves Braganza y Borbón wrote two diaries referring to the two wars she lived through (the Carlist war of 1872 and the First World War). Despite her leading role in both and that the dimension and meaning of each war were completely different, in her writings there is an underlying approach that corresponds to the same political and religious ideology, which is necessary to investigate in the memories of other Carlist women considering their differences or similarities with the liberal ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the portrayal of comic characters in Miguel de Cervantes's novel Don Quijote de la Mancha. It discusses how Cervantes challenged the prevailing norms of his time by investing fundamentally comic characters with dignity and particularity. The article highlights the cultural context in which genres were defined by the opposition of high and low content and characters. It also discusses the complex character development and psychological depth of Don Quijote and Sancho Panza, as well as the use of scatological humor in the novel. The author argues that understanding the comedic elements of Don Quijote is crucial for a full appreciation of the novel and emphasizes the characters' contribution to the development of liberalism. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam is the property of UIN Saizu Purwokerto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines Slovenian liberal and clerical magazines to analyse the adaptations of the political narratives of the two main Slovenian political parties from the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 until early in the final stage of World War I in March 1918. Slovenian clericals, who gathered together in the Slovenian People's Party, reacted to the killings in Sarajevo by adopting a strong pro-Habsburg and anti-Serbian position. Their magazines even called for a military invasion of Serbia. In comparison, their primary political competitors on Slovenian soil, the Slovenian liberals congregated in the National Progressive Party and condemned the act of assassination, yet they were critical of the Austrian anti-Serbian policy for having escalated the war. These two Slovenian political parties were also divided on the issue of the future envisioned for the Slovenian nation within South Slavic state formations. The clericals pressed for realization of the trialist idea, which forecast a Croatian–Slovenian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy with its centre in Zagreb. The liberals, in contrast, dreamed of a larger South Slavic state that would bring all South Slavs together and have its centre in Serbia. The development of the war, chiefly the Entente's foreseeable victory, the threat of implementation of the London Pact, and the fact that Austrian Germans characterized all emancipatory Slovenian political movements as an anti-state element, all worked to force Slovenian clericals to cooperate with their pre-war enemies. The overriding aim was for them to retain their leading position among Slovenians by formally cooperating with the liberal stream, including taking over part of the liberal political strategy, in order to ensure that it was in the best possible position in the South Slavic state at end of the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article "Cold War liberals in the dock" by Samuel Moyn, the author examines the failures of modern liberals to fulfill liberalism's potential for emancipation and progress. Moyn criticizes noted liberal intellectuals for making excuses for the persistence and deepening of inequities in liberal democratic society. He argues that these intellectuals have replaced true liberal aims with false substitutes, such as human rights and the fear of external enemies. Moyn puts seven mid-twentieth century Western intellectuals on trial for their restrictive and negative forms of liberalism. While Moyn's critique is valid, it is important to consider the need for both human rights and standing up to the hard right in a progressive liberalism. [Extracted from the article]

The study deals with the attitude of Russian liberals of the early 20th century to the Eastern question, which occupied a special place in international politics and whose aggravation became one of the factors leading to the World War I. Various political forces in Russia developed their own variants of its solution, realizing that the fate not only of the country, but of the whole world largely depended on the projects they proposed. The analysis of the liberals’ ambiguous perception of the Russian government’s actions in the Balkans, their attitude to the South Slavs, to the problem of the Black Sea Straits, and to the confrontation between the great powers united in alliances, i.e. all aspects of the Eastern question, will allow us to reconstruct and understand the liberals’ understanding of the connection between foreign policy and Russia’s internal development, national interests, and ideological values. Looking at the views of the liberals of the early 20th century on the Eastern question reveals not only the peculiarities of its perception by the ruling elite and representatives of the legal opposition, but also the roots of the growing alienation of the country’s elite from the people. It was this alienation, which intensified during the war years and manifested itself, among other things, in the different perceptions of the importance of the Eastern question by the authorities, the liberals, and the people, that led to the fall of the first liberal Provisional Government in the spring of 1917. As a result, the people tired of the war and unable to understand the meaning of Russia’s struggle for foreign lands, came to support the Bolsheviks, who exposed the “imperialist plans” of the Provisional Government and advocated peace without annexations and contributions. The paper touches upon the problem of the liberals’ attitude not only to the government’s foreign policy, but also to Russian statehood, the conceptual reasons for their transition from a restrained peace-loving position and the desire to prevent war to its unconditional support. The authors identify the ideological and foreign policy factors that influenced this liberal transit. The main attention is paid to the understanding of representatives of various liberal movements of the Eastern question, which, without exaggeration, took a central place not only in their foreign policy program, but also in the project of internal transformations, which envisaged the creation of Great Russia as a result of its solution. The study identifies and analyzes the innovations introduced by the liberals in the interpretation of the Eastern question under the influence not only of the changing international situation, political and economic modernization of Russia, which was becoming a “Duma monarchy,” but also of the development of the ideology itself; the peculiarities of its perception by representatives of various liberal currents in the country are examined.

Events in recent years have underscored the dependence of the liberal international order (LIO) on the domestic fate of liberalism in countries like the United States—where, according to critics such as Mark Lilla and Francis Fukuyama, liberals have imperiled themselves through an unwise embrace of identity politics. These critics argue that identity politics undermines solidarity and empowers the illiberal right, and that it should be rejected in favor of a unifying creedal nationalism based on common liberal values. This analysis, I argue, overlooks the fact that "common" creedal values have expanded in American history when their meanings were being controversially reinterpreted from identity-based perspectives. If American liberalism is to emerge from its current crisis, it will need to incorporate the claims of identity into a sense of national belonging that can resist the authoritarian, ethnoracial nationalism promoted by the LIO's enemies. The likelihood that such a process will be controversial is reason for liberal critics of identity politics to consider how the claims of identity might be an asset, not an obstacle, to revitalizing liberal democracy against its challengers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]