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Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article studies the relationship between French-Canadian nationalism and economic liberalism in the work of journalist and public intellectual Étienne Parent (1802–1874). Despite numerous studies of his thinking on politics, few have considered Parent's economic thought in any depth. Yet a thorough analysis of his writings shows that this French-Canadian intellectual considered economic liberalism a necessary condition for the preservation of French-Canadian nationality. This article thus sheds light on this aspect of Parent's thought through the analysis of speeches that he delivered in Montreal and Québec City after the Union of 1840. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sous l’Ancien Régime, le duc de Liancourt (1747-1827) était non seulement grand maître de la Garde-robe du roi, mais il était également à la tête d’un vaste capital social, économique et foncier. Aristocrate éclairé, il s’investit dans les événements révolutionnaires de 1789 mais dut partir en exil après le 10 août 1792 alors que son cousin le duc de La Rochefoucauld était assassiné. Devenu duc de La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt sous la Restauration, il entreprit avec son fils aîné la reconstruction symbolique et économique du système de représentation sociale de la famille. Elle passait par le rachat de terres perdues, de domaines, mais également par le retour en force des expériences de la philanthropie libérale: vaccination, caisse d’Epargne, industrie. Personnage illustre de son vivant, le duc a laissé une quantité considérable d’archives réparties dans trois grands fonds qui ont été dépouillés: un dépôt familial conservé au château de La Rochefoucauld (Charente, France), le chartrier de Liancourt aux archives départementales de l’Oise, et les diverses liasses qui se trouvent aux archives nationales (Pierrefitte-sur-Seine). La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt manifestait ainsi une forme de nostalgie sociale et politique qui exprimait un regret pour la haute noblesse libérale et ses aspirations politiques et sociales d’avant la Révolution.

Partant de la nécessité de nouvelles approches du développement du continent résultant de « la crise même du développement », la présente étude explore les causes majeures du faible rendement de ces deux courants et leurs variantes en Afrique au niveau politique, économique, social et culturel. Pour ce faire, il nous est possible d’admettre, à l’instar d’un axiome mathématique, que le socialisme et le libéralisme modernes avec leurs variantes n’ont pas tout au moins favorisé des changements notables en Afrique qu’ils ne l’ont fait ailleurs. Ceci permet une interrogation soustraite de l’émotion idéologique quant à leur sort en Afrique.

Under the Ancien Régime, the Duke de Liancourt (1747-1827) was not only Grand Master of the King's wardrobe, but also the head of a vast social, economic and landed estate. As an enlightened aristocrat, he took part in the revolutionary events of 1789, but had to go into exile after 10 August 1792 when his cousin the Duke de La Rochefoucauld was assassinated. He became Duke of La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt under the Restoration, and with his eldest son set about rebuilding the family's system of social representation, both symbolically and economically. This involved the purchase of lost lands and estates, as well as the revival of liberal philanthropy: vaccination, savings banks and industry. An illustrious figure during his lifetime, the Duke left a considerable number of archives in three major collections that have now been examined: a family repository kept at the Château de La Rochefoucauld (Charente, France), the Liancourt chartrier at the Archives Départementales de l'Oise, and various bundles at the Archives Nationales (Pierrefitte-sur-Seine). La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt thus manifested a form of social and political nostalgia that expressed regret for the liberal upper nobility and its political and social aspirations before the Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is no such thing as a uniform communitarianism: In this article, I argue that the distinction 'liberalism versus communitarianism' offers insufficient conceptual clarity. I do so by comparing the US Supreme Court's ruling concerning the ministerial exception with the ruling of the Conseil d'État (highest court in France) concerning the wearing of a burkini. I argue that, although both cases seem to be in accordance with a liberal approach to the relation between religion and state, neither of them fully are. Instead, both cases contain main communitarian characteristics. Still, the outcome of both rulings could hardly be more different: a religious exception in case of the ministerial exception and a rejection of such an exception in case of the burkini-ban. A further subdivision in these philosophical models is therefore required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Espiga is the property of Revista Espiga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article we intend to present some considerations (more than explanations) about the field of meanings of the words homeland and patriotism in Portugal in the aftermath of the Liberal Revolution of 1820. To this end, we will use as a reference a periodical called Patriota Portuense, published between January and December 1821 in Porto. The article is divided into two fundamental parts. Firstly, we will try to understand how the concepts of homeland and patriotism gained popularity in the educated and politicized circles of Enlightened Europe, especially in Spain, France and England. We chose these countries because of their preponderance in the experience of the first Portuguese liberalism and in the interpretations of the concepts under analysis, in the case of the last two even because of the experience and learning that exile will provide. In the second, we will focus on the revolutionary meaning that, with the military pronouncement of 1820, in Portugal, these terms definitively began to be enunciated through the Patriota Portuense. As we consider newspapers to be key analytical instruments for conceptual history, we will try to see, in an unstable political context, what meanings were attributed by this periodical to words and how it tried to act on reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does the decline in paradigmatic self-identification mean for how international relations (IR) scholars think about the world? We answer this question with a 2020 survey among nearly two thousand IR scholars. We uncover a two-dimensional latent theoretical belief space based on scholarly agreement with conjectures about the state, ideas, international institutions, domestic politics, globalization, and racism. The first dimension separates status quo–oriented scholars from more critical scholars. The second dimension captures the realist–institutionalist divide. We have three key findings. First, non-paradigmatic scholars vary greatly in their theoretical beliefs. Second, measurement invariance tests show that there is a similar structure underlying the beliefs of paradigmatic and non-paradigmatic scholars. Third, we find no evidence that non-paradigmatic scholars rely less on their theoretical beliefs in making predictions about conflict, institutions, political economy, democracy, and human rights. Instead, the positions of scholars in the two-dimensional theoretical belief space rather than self-assigned paradigmatic labels correlate with predictions about the world. Our findings suggest that non-paradigmatic scholars are not so different from self-identified Liberals, Constructivists, and Realists, although the decline of paradigmatic self-identification may still matter for how scholars organize debates and disciplinary divides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this interview, Aurelien Mondon and Simon Dawes analyse the mainstreaming of far-right politics. It aims to make sense of Marine Le Pen's rise by putting it in perspective and accounting for the role of the mainstream itself in the process. Building on the research Mondon has undertaken with colleagues, this interview explores in particular the importance of understanding mainstreaming beyond it being the success of the far right or a sign of its growing popularity. In particular, this requires a more critical take on issues such as populism, but also articulations of racism, to understand how politics which had been relegated to the margins of history have returned to the norm and occupy today a disproportionate space in public discourse. Far from downplaying the threat posed by the far right today, Mondon stresses that combatting it is of course essential, but that a more holistic approach, which tackles the role of mainstream actors in the legitimisation of reactionary politics, is essential if we are to stop the slide towards fascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Who defines the rule of law? – Approaches of constitutional democracy: How to define the concept of constitutional democracy? This question has gained more relevance since constitutional democracy is used in Dutch legislation as a touchstone, view for example the obligations on citizenship education. In this article it is argued that openness is of crucial importance when defining or interpreting constitutional democracy, because of the wide variety of approaches of the basic values and interpretation of the concept. Specifically (so it is argued) it is important not to take a liberalism of individual autonomy to be the defining basic value of constitutional democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Martha Nussbaum mener at forsvarere av samtidige liberale rettferdighetsteorier ikke har tatt innover seg det hun kaller anstendige samfunns moralpsykologi. Alle samfunn trenger emosjonell støtte, dette gjelder også liberale rettferdige samfunn. Liberale og rettferdige institusjoner som ivaretar menneskets verdighet, frihet, toleranse og respekt forutsetter at borgerne føler kjærlighet til disse institusjonene. Artikkelen diskuterer Nussbaums påstand om at rettferdighet forutsetter kjærlighet. Første del er en beskrivelse av det aspirerende samfunnet som Nussbaum legger til grunn i analysen sin. Andre del diskuterer hva politisk kjærlighet er. Del tre diskuterer patriotisk kjærlighet og hvorvidt patriotisme slik Nussbaum forstå det, er forenelig med politisk liberalisme og de rettferdighetsprinsippene hun selv forsvarer. Artikkelens siste del er en diskusjon av hvorvidt kjærlighet er tilstrekkelig for å motvirke strukturell urettferdighet.

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin d'Histoire Politique is the property of L'Association Quebecoise d'Histoire Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Neoliberalisme menjadi persoalan dalam realitas sosio-politik di Indonesia karena mengubah peran hukum dan pemerintahan sebagai pelayan pasar. Akibatnya, kebijakan pemerintah kerap kali meletakkan kepentingan bisnis di atas kepentingan publik. Namun, sikap kekristenan terhadap neoliberalisme masih ambigu karena sebagian menilainya selaras dengan kekristenan, sedangkan sisanya berpendapat sebaliknya. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis neoliberalisme guna menyelesaikan ambiguitas tersebut. Untuk memenuhi maksud penelitian, penulis mengumpulkan data dengan metode studi kepustakaan. Karya Walter Lippmann menjadi fokus penyelidikan karena gagasannya merupakan pionir perkembangan neoliberalisme. Sementara itu, teologi John Calvin digunakan sebagai lensa untuk mengkritik neoliberalisme. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa tujuan neoliberalisme adalah menata orientasi hukum dan pemerintahan agar menyelaraskan diri dengan kepentingan pasar. Jika keselarasan sudah tercapai, Lippmann meyakini kebebasan individu otomatis terwujud. Setelah membandingkan dengan teologi Calvin, penulis berpendapat neoliberalisme bertentangan dengan kekristenan karena telah mereduksi natur manusia menjadi instrumen ekonomi belaka. Dengan demikian, sikap kekristenan adalah mengawasi neoliberalisme dengan kritik untuk mengantisipasi dampak negatifnya bagi masyarakat.

Copyright of Revista História da Educação is the property of Historia da Educacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As one of the key figures in Taiwanese modernism, Kuo Song-fen's ... (1938-2005) widely divergent trajectories, which are fraught with tensions between creative writing and political engagement, between ideologies of liberalism and existentialism, have yet to be placed under close scrutiny. In contrast to the increasing attention on his well-wrought fictions published in the 1980s, less scholarship has been dedicated to Kuo's various discursive practices before his literary turn, most of which are more relevant to his political dissidence and theoretical compositions. Focusing on "Autumn Rain," a piece published in 1970, this paper sees the text as a manifesto that bids farewell to his mentor Yin Hai-kuang ... (1919-1969) on the one hand, and, on the other, as a threshold that transforms his early interpretation of Camus' (1913-1960) liberalism and Sartre's (1905-1980) existentialism into a discursive and activist engagement in the Baodiao ... movement. Overall, this paper seeks to investigate Kuo Song-fen's "Autumn Rain" from different aspects such as literary history and the development of political thought, thereby illuminating the significance of his political and ideological conversions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though Edmund Burke (1729-1797) is regularly described as the "founder of conservatism", it is argued in this article that Burke would not recognise his thinking in what is today regarded as modern conservatism. This is because modern conservatism - and the different strands that constitute it - can more aptly be described as particular strands within the broad framework of liberalism. The reason is that modern conservatism is in many ways built on liberal cornerstones, such as the pursuit of individual freedom, free markets, an appeal to political theory and a quest to universalise its way of thinking. Modern conservatism can be divided into a number of strands. It is argued that the most influential of these strands include: 1) libertarianism, which emphasises economic freedom as the primary determining factor for freedom; 2) individualist conservatism, which emphasises the individualist theories of among others John Locke and Thomas Paine; and 3) neoconservatism, which emphasises its quest to universalise the Western conception of social order. The traditional conservatism of Edmund Burke - and his conception of freedom in particular - differs from the mainstream strands of modern conservatism in three fundamental ways. These can be summarised as: first, the pursuit of the good as the cornerstone to promote freedom; second, a view of the citizen as someone who finds meaning and fulfilment not by turning inward towards their individual selves, but by participating in the community towards the pursuit of the communal good; and third, by rejecting political theory as an approach to solving societal questions and resorting to experience instead. Burke linked experience to tradition, which he also described as the "wisdom of the ancients". Nonetheless, Burke has been described as a liberal and even as the first post-modern thinker. This can be ascribed to his criticism of the prevailing political forces of his time, his support for the Glorious Revolution of 1688 (according to which monarchical power was limited in favour of parliamentary authority) and his support for American autonomy from British rule. It is argued that Burke does not fit these ideological labels, as Burke's conception of identity and of freedom was fundamentally conservative and hardly reconcilable with the tenets of liberalism and post-modernism. Burkean thought is not characterised by an aversion to change, but rather by a pragmatic approach to political change, which favours gradual change and reform over sudden change and revolution. Therefore, he argued for change in favour of American autonomy from the British Empire. Burke argued that the Americans had developed a different culture than that of the British and that they could therefore not be governed by the British as if they had in fact been British. This, according to Burke's analysis, constituted not freedom, but rather imperialism and oppression, which could be described as the opposite of freedom. Burke clearly distinguished between his own conception of freedom (which places the emphasis on the fulfilment of responsibilities in the context of community) and individual licence (according to which freedom is regarded as a circumstance under which individuals can do whatever they please). In Burke's analysis, freedom can only be achieved by preserving what is good from the past and building upon it towards the good, which is grounded in Christianity. This, he argued, can only be done by valuing experience over theory. For this reason, he rejected the French Revolution's conception of freedom, describing it as unnatural and savage. For Burke, freedom naturally implied that citizens of the community should suppress their immoral appetites. Failing to achieve this or giving in to one's sinful desires was, in Burke's analysis, a state of slavery - not freedom. This is because the pursuit of the good naturally implies that freedom must be connected to the pursuit of virtue rather than licence. Therefore, Burke described freedom as "not solitary, unconnected, individual selfish liberty," but as liberty "secured by the equality of restraint." It is thus concluded that in Burke's conception of freedom, he did not place the individual at the centre; nor did he define freedom along the lines of unlimited market participation; nor did he attempt to convert other cultures to his way of thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sensus Historiae is the property of Oficyna Wydawnicza Epigram and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on the concepts of modernity of the public space, of liberal exile and Hispanic American experience, the present article intends to examine Cipriano Barata's and Frei Caneca's transcripts in Correio do Rio de Janeiro, in 1823, while its editor João Soares Lisboa was in prison for being accused of "colluding with Republicans". These editions discussed civic virtues, the Emperor's morality, and the idealization of what Soares Lisboa called a "Monarchical-Democratic" government and disseminated, in the Court, the ruling center of the Empire, a project for Brazil that fought the Upper House and defended provincial autonomy in a federal arrangement, with broad citizen participation in government, formation of militias and restriction of the monarch's powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Initially understood as a literary category, Romanticism also became a political category, influencing the men who would make Brazil in the 19th century. Occasional poets devoted a good part of their writing to building a new sensibility for a new nation that was wanted in the tropics. To analyze this situation, we used the evidentiary method, searching in those bad poems and poets, which were registered in the periodicals from 1808 to 1850, desires for a new homeland and bearers of a thought and an attitude that we can consider pre-romantic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) films provide a recognition of the prevailing crises of our time along with a clear sense of good and evil and that good will prevail, the fantasy that someone will come along to bring us back to the imagined certainty of the liberal status quo. The polarization of our time is reflected within Marvel movies as they (conditionally) critique colonialism, imperialism, patriarchy, and greed, only to individualize their (re)solutions. Black Panther (2018) and Captain Marvel (2019) are the focus of this case study due to their appeal beyond even MCU fans and their focus on two forms of oppression that are often represented as dominant structures of our time: white supremacy and patriarchy. The MCU films foreground challenges to dominance in order to neutralize those critiques; the films narrativize liberal triumph by appropriating its opposition. The adaptation of liberalism in the MCU is to make its own critiques visible and then contain them—a double move that accounts for the immense cultural purchase of these films. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Applying Pierre Manent's description of the modern regime as an "organization of separations," this essay retraces the respective developmental accounts of this regime in the early works of Yuval Levin and Mark Lilla—who each analyze a particular separation—and demonstrates its influence on their more recent American political commentary. We gain a deeper understanding of key differences in conservative and liberal approaches to revitalizing contemporary civic life and renewed appreciation for the inescapability of partisanship in thinking and acting politically. Both Levin and Lilla—scholars and public intellectuals alike—emphasize the importance of reason in undergirding free and deliberative politics, but they differ on how it emerges and is best upheld, which in turn influences their proposed remedies for today's growing individualism, meeting the challenge of identity politics, and restoring moderation to the present political situation. This essay thereby demonstrates that foundational thinking shapes analyses and prognoses of present political discontents, as much as contemporary concerns about partisanship and identity are endogenous to modern liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has caused upheaval to the world society, now more globalized than ever, with consequences still unclear. The role of science as a social reference has been affected to the extent that it is asked for answers that can often be but provisional and that generate contradictions in the management of the health emergency. We have analysed various argumentative strategies of the denialist discourse, as well as the debate between the liberal and communitarian perspectives when applying and justifying a management that has generated conflicts between executive and judicial powers. This issue is examined in a case study referring to the forced confinement of students in Mallorca in the summer of 2021, which sparked media controversy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing scholarship documents large worldwide increases in women's participation in the public sphere over recent decades, for example, in education, politics, and the labor force. Some scholars have argued that these changes follow broader trends in world society, especially its growing liberalism, which increasingly has reconfigured social life around the choices of empowered and rights-bearing individuals, regardless of gender. Very recently, however, a variety of populisms and nationalisms have emerged to present alternatives to liberalism, including in the international arena. We explore here their implications for women's participation in public life. We use cross-national data to analyze changes in women's participation in higher education, the polity, and the economy 1970–2017. We find that women's participation on average continues to expand over this period, but there is evidence of a growing cross-national divergence. In most domains, women's participation tends to be lower in countries linked to illiberal international organizations, especially in the recent-most period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Arab Spring, which was distinguished by the development of liberalism, Tunisia's personal status law became more progressive. This liberalism is exemplified by the enactment of a law permitting Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men. Tunisia's efforts to liberalize Islamic family law appear to be impeded, however, by the rejection of a proposal to change the law on inheritance equality between men and women. The purpose of this study is to examine the liberalism of Islamic family law in Tunisia. Using information media such as news, articles, and other sources, the research utilizes a descriptive-qualitative strategy with a theoretical and fact-based approach. This article argues that tere are at least three reasons for Tunisia's modest liberalization of Islamic family law 1) Avoiding confrontations with secularists as much as possible. 2) Learning from the failure of the 2014 parliamentary general election, which revealed that Tunisians prefer non-religious parties. 3) The idealistic and pragmatic reasons of Ennahdha members. Pasca terjadinya Arab Spring, sistem perpolitikan di Tunisia menjadi lebih demokratis menyebabkan liberalisme pemikiran semakin menguat. Liberalisme tersebut ditunjukan dengan disahkanya undang-undang pernikahan wanita muslimah dengan laki-laki non-muslim. Namun upaya liberalisme hukum keluarga Islam Tunisia tampaknya masih terbatas dengan ditolaknya penyeruan amandemen undang-undang persamaan hukum waris antara laki-laki dan perempuan. Penelitian artikel ini adalah penelitian pustaka (library research). Metode yang penulis gunakan adalah metode deskriptif-kualitatifdengan pendekatan teoritis dan fakta melalui media informasi baik berita, artikel, maupun sumber lainya. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa terjadinya liberalisme terbatas hukum keluarga Islam di Tunisia disebabkan tiga alasan. 1) Menghindari ketegangan dengan kaum sekuler 2) Belajar dari pengalaman kekalahan dalam pemilihan umum legislatif pada tahun 2014 yang menujukan masyarakat Tunisia cenderung memilih partai yang tidak berbasis agama, 3) Motif idealis dan pragmatis anggota partai Ennahdha].

La pandèmia de la COVID-19 ha provocat un trasbalsament de la societat mundial, ara més globalitzada que mai, amb conseqüències encara imprecises. El paper de la ciència com a referent social s’hi ha vist afectat en la mesura que se li demanen respostes que sovint no poden ser sinó provisionals i que generen contradiccions en la gestió de l’emergència sanitària. Hem analitzat diverses estratègies argumentatives del discurs negacionista, així com també el debat entre la perspectiva liberal i la comunitarista a l’hora d’aplicar i justificar una gestió que ha generat conflictes entre els poders executius i els judicials. Aquesta problemàtica és examinada en un estudi de cas referit al confinament forçós d’estudiants a Mallorca l’estiu de 2021, que va suscitar controvèrsies mediàtiques.

Recent assessments of relations between states and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) claim a global wave of state crackdowns, raising questions about the continued authority and influence of NGOs. The works reviewed here challenge the idea of a pattern of global conflict, demonstrating a range of ways in which states work with, through, and alongside NGOs. They also demonstrate that the diversity of NGO–state relations can make it difficult to generalize about these interactions across national contexts. One way to reconceptualize these relationships may be to focus on the normative commitments that states and NGOs do or do not share. Conflictual and cooperative NGO–state dynamics emerge from the many and sometimes contradictory liberal values that enabled the rise of NGOs. NGOs can embody three liberal values: visions of civil society can emphasize political freedoms, market-based visions of private action, or universalism. States may embrace some of these values while rejecting others. Thus, while the era of the unimpeded rise of NGOs may have come to an end, the shifting political spaces for NGOs do not spell an end to their influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Slagmark is the property of Aarhus University, Department of Philosophy & History of Ideas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of EU-topías: A Journal on Interculturality, Communication & European Studies is the property of Universite de Geneve, Global Studies Intitute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on collapse of communism left only one model to persist as capitalism and its need for endless growth. Topics include examines gradually the need for social progress no longer had any reason to exist in the absence of a rival to capitalism and considered neoliberalism has dominated since the 1980s with the theorization of a model of wealth creation widely promoted by the United States/United Kingdom couple.

This collection of essays seeks to theorize the politics of the COVID-19 pandemic in international relations (IR). The contributions are driven by questions such as: How can theorizing help us understand these unsettled times? What kind of crisis is this? What shapes its politics? What remains the same and what has been unsettled or unsettling? In addressing such questions, each of the participants considers what we may already know about the pandemic as well as what might be ignored or missed. Collectively, the forum pushes at the interdisciplinary boundaries of IR theorizing itself and, in so doing, the participants hope to engender meaningful understandings of a world in crisis and encourage expansive ways of thinking about the times that lie beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Résumé: Depuis plusieurs décennies, la laïcité subit en France une transformation profonde qui remet en cause sa dimension libérale. Le principe de séparation du politique et du religieux se dilue au profit de la promotion de la notion récente du « vivre‑ensemble », qui voudrait associer garantie de la liberté religieuse et défense des valeurs républicaines. Ce processus d'érosion s'appuie sur le développement d'une logique concordataire et sur l'émergence d'une conception « communautariste » de la laïcité. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L’article aborde le problème du déficit démocratique d’un point de vue systémique, en commençant par définir la démocratie dans le sens le plus strict et minime de sa définition linguistiquement correct – tel que la majorité l’emporte (excluant ainsi les éléments libéraux, qui seront abordés séparément) et la légitimité dans ces deux variations – formelle et sociale (dans la tentative de déconstruire la critique envers l’UE et avec comme but d’en identifier ses causes). L’article se poursuit en présentant un débat académique selon lequel l’Union souffre actuellement d’un déficit démocratique (cela étant un déficit en légitimité formelle) ou simplement un manque de légitimité sociale.

Cet article de synthèse veut dépasser le cloisonnement des historiographies nationales pour montrer l’importance des aspirations aux réformes agraires, celles des modes de propriété et d’exploitation de la terre. Dans l’Europe des Lumières, les échanges d’idées et d’expériences agronomiques sont intenses, ils sont indissociables des réflexions sur l’économie politique et l’organisation sociale. Les premières tentatives de réformes, dans les années 1760-1780 suscitent de fortes tensions sociales et des réactions divergentes des Etats européens. La Révolution française agitée par de fortes contradictions, imprime sa marque : elle aboutit í une forme de libéralisme agraire mitigé. Sans imposer un modèle í l’Europe, elle contribue plutôt í accentuer les différenciations nationales : alors que certains pays continuent leurs réformes, d’autres ont une réaction conservatrice.