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Although suicide rates are stable or decreasing among White communities, rates are increasing among Black communities, a trend that appears to be disproportionately affecting Black lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ) people. To understand the structural drivers and mechanisms of these trends, we examined associations between U.S. state-level racist and heterosexist criminal legal policies and policing, discrimination, and suicidality among White and Black, heterosexual and LGBQ, communities. We recruited 5,064 participants in 2021 using online census-driven quota sampling. Structural equation modeling estimated associations from objective indicators of racist and heterosexist criminal legal policies to self-reported police stops, discrimination, and suicidal ideation and behavior. For White heterosexual participants, racist (β = −.22, SE = 0.03, p <.001) and heterosexist (β = −.26, SE = 0.03, p <.001) policies were negatively associated with police stops. For White LGBQ participants, racist and heterosexist policies were not significantly associated with police stops. For Black heterosexual participants, racist (β =.30, SE = 0.11, p =.005), but not heterosexist, policies were positively associated with police stops. For Black LGBQ participants, racist (β =.57, SE = 0.08, p <.001) and heterosexist (β =.65, SE = 0.09, p <.001) policies were positively associated with police stops which, in turn, were positively associated with discrimination and suicidal ideation and behavior. Results provide evidence that racist and heterosexist state policies are linked to policing and interpersonal drivers of suicide inequities and suggest that repealing/preventing oppressive policies should be a suicide prevention imperative. General Scientific Summary: This study suggests that racist and heterosexist state policies protect against suicide risk for White heterosexual communities, but increase suicide risk among Black lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ) communities. The results indicate these forms of structural oppression are protective for White heterosexual communities because they decrease the likelihood of police stops and discrimination. The same policies increase the likelihood of police stops and discrimination and, in turn, suicide risk for Black LGBQ communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on the community-based participatory research (CBPR) process of a 3.5-year study documenting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) community members' perceptions of local LGBTQ communities on the Central Coast of California. This three-phase study consisted of online and paper-and-pen surveys to analyze community strengths, challenges, priorities, and feelings of connection; collaborative interpretation of survey results through community forums; and a regional "LGBTQ Summit" to envision and initiate data-based actions to address community priorities. The focus throughout the project was on establishing collaborative partnerships to plan and guide the project, cultivating community participation in interpreting and disseminating findings, and honoring diverse LGBTQ community members' voices through data-driven community action. This article documents lessons learned about building and facilitating community-university partnerships, organizing and maintaining a sustained community research collaborative, engaging community participation, and ultimately, creating lasting, community-driven interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Psychosocial benefits of activism include increased empowerment, social connectedness, and resilience. Yet sexual minority women (SMW) and transgender individuals with multiple oppressed statuses and identities are especially prone to oppression-based experiences, even within minority activist communities. This study sought to develop an empirical model to explain the diverse meanings of social justice activism situated in SMW and transgender individuals’ social identities, values, and experiences of oppression and privilege. Using a grounded theory design, 20 SMW and transgender individuals participated in initial, follow-up, and feedback interviews. The most frequent demographic identities were queer or bisexual, White, middle-class women with advanced degrees. The results indicated that social justice activism was intensely relational, replete with multiple benefits, yet rife with experiences of oppression from within and outside of activist communities. The empirically derived model shows the complexity of SMW and transgender individuals’ experiences, meanings, and benefits of social justice activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]