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The University of Florida's Institute of Inter-American Affairs (IIAA) was founded in the 1930s to promote business education and trade relations between the United States and Latin America. The institute aimed to cultivate relationships with Latin American counterparts and increase the prestige and productivity of the U.S. South. It relied on scholarships and funding to attract Latin American students and generate revenue for the university. Despite facing opposition, the IIAA grew and became a center for Latin American studies and inter-American commerce, showcasing the diverse ways in which different regions engaged with Pan-Americanism. [Extracted from the article]

"Big Bend National Park: Mexico, the United States, and a Borderland Ecosystem" by Michael Welsh is a historical exploration of Big Bend National Park, situated on the border between Mexico and the United States. The book examines the unique landscape of the park, shaped by the Rio Grande river, and the challenges posed by its borderland ecosystem. Welsh discusses the efforts of conservationists, politicians, and scientists in establishing the park and highlights the potential for binational cooperation and collaboration. The book also addresses the tensions between preservation and development in national parks and the need to navigate the changing cultural and political landscape. While the book lacks an examination of the park's future in the face of climate change and public policy, it offers valuable insights for students and scholars interested in national identity, border relations, and environmental protectionism. [Extracted from the article]

Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld directed Department of Defense geographic combatant commands to create Standing Joint Force Headquarters to improve joint military operations and promote new approaches to joint warfighting. At U.S. Southern Command (USSOUTHCOM), the expert deployable command and control unit contributed to almost every major U.S. military activity in Latin America and the Caribbean between 2004 and 2011. Yet chronic staff shortages and bureaucratic resistance limited its transformational potential. The small USSOUTHCOM unit exposed the big challenges of change in the Department of Defense during the early twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Kansas Year of Celebrating Coronado, Tourism, and Roosevelt's Good Neighbor Policy. It highlights the expedition led by Francisco Vázquez de Coronado in 1540 to find the Seven Cities of Cibola, and their journey through present-day Kansas. The article also mentions the Coronado Cuarto Centennial celebration in Kansas in the 1930s, which brought communities together and intersected with the growing U.S. tourist industry and President Franklin Roosevelt's Good Neighbor policy. The celebration aimed to honor the Spanish explorer Coronado and his exploration of the region. The Kansas Coronado Cuarto Centennial Commission was appointed to oversee the celebration, and various events and activities were planned, including historical markers along highways. The celebration aimed to highlight the historical and cultural connections between the United States and Latin America, in line with President Roosevelt's Good Neighbor policy. The Kansas Year of Celebrating Coronado in 1941 involved various activities and events, including the creation of historical markers, the publication of tourist pamphlets, and the issuance of license plates in the "Spanish colors" of red and yellow. The celebration aimed to promote tourism in Kansas and attract visitors to explore the state's history and attractions. The Coronado Fiesta, held in Kansas in 1941, included performances by Spanish dance teams, the El Paso Tipica Orchestra, and the matador Sidney Franklin. There were also fiesta balls, a Spanish beauty queen contest, and demonstrations of Aztec dancing. The [Extracted from the article]

Article One stated: "Every nation has the right to exist, and to protect and to conserve its existence; but this right neither implies the right nor justifies the act of the state to protect itself or to conserve its existence by the commission of unlawful acts against innocent and unoffending states." He was explicit about his fervent opposition to the Monroe Doctrine and Pan-Americanism, for he stressed: "my purpose is to contribute to the formation of the history of North-American imperialism", and thus these "notes can be useful for the political and diplomatic history of America and the understanding of applied Pan-Americanism."[54] He argued that the Monroe Doctrine operated as an elastic and flexible principle, consolidating the United States's exceptional role on the continent, as a nation that committed to certain international legal values and institutions and at the same time violated them. He affirmed that the Monroe Doctrine "should be enacted and covenanted among all the nations of the continent that the territory of the American nations is no longer a subject for conquest whether from within or from without the continent", since "Pan-Americanism - the real, the genuine - rests primarily upon the Monroe Doctrine."[35] All in all, the outbreak of World War I and Wilson's Pan-American Pact contributed to popularizing Pan-American approaches to the Monroe Doctrine across the Americas. [Extracted from the article]

Economic interests also conditioned U.S. policies toward Chile, and Latin American countries in general, at least since the beginning of the twentieth century, when U.S. capital entered Chile and copper, exploited by U.S.-owned companies, became the main staple of the Chilean economy. This position of the United States toward Chilean politics, aided by the interest of Chilean actors in drawing the United States into domestic political affairs, would take its most dramatic form in the involvement in Chile of Lyndon B. Johnson and, especially, Richard Nixon's administrations in their waging of the Cold War. However, since U.S. and British diplomats and Chilean politicians pushed, through different means, for direct intervention from the United States in the election, the Roosevelt administration had to reassess the policy and the principle underlying it. Scheduled for February 1, 1942, the election of the successor of Chilean president Pedro Aguirre Cerda, who passed away on November 25, 1941, confronted the United States and Great Britain with an unexpected challenge and forced their governments to reassess their policies toward Latin America amidst a war that, after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, had become a truly world affair. [Extracted from the article]

This essay explores the diverse modes of exhibition of 16mm in post-World War II Brazil, when projectors and prints in this gauge gained widespread use. Here we argue that the impact of 16mm was felt in postwar Brazil in both theatrical and non-theatrical circuits, stimulating the proliferation of film clubs in major cities but also the opening of commercial 16mm movie theaters around the country. It is true that projectors intended for schools and homes were available early in Brazil, but film exhibition outside of theaters expanded more markedly in the 1920s through both 9.5mm and 16mm film formats. [Extracted from the article]

The essay discusses how frequent migratory currents of certain narratives and ideas within the Americas have formed clusters of knowledge and stimulated audiences' imagination about specific cultures or nations. The essay presents the process of narrative continuity and displacement in recent films about immigration and travel within the Americas, as they can be read in relation to earlier films on the same theme, La Jaula de Oro (Diego Queimada-Díez, 2013) vis à vis El Norte (Gregory Nava, 1983), and Rio (Carlos Saldanha, 2011) vis à vis The Three Caballeros (Walt Disney, 1944). La Jaula de Oro presents the same border crossing as El Norte, from Guatemala to Mexico to the USA, but thirty years apart, whereas in Rio the contemporary narrative of a migrating little blue macaw, Blu, who moves from the USA to Brazil, readdresses another culturally and politically invested symbolic icon from the mid-1940s and the good neighbor policy--a parrot named José Carioca, whose role in The Three Caballeros goes much beyond the frames of the film. The essay aims at an analysis of the narrative and aesthetic frameworks of the films and their ideological resonances and displacements in terms of American hemispheric relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Courtesy Collection Musée d'Art Haitien The formation of new art institutions marked the Brazilian art system after World War II: from the Museu de Arte de São Paulo (MASP), created in 1947, to the Museu de Arte Moderna de São Paulo (MAM) and Museu de Arte Moderna do Rio de Janeiro (MAM Rio), both from 1948. In Mexico City, Martins visited Carrillo Gil and Mexican President Adolfo Ruiz Cortines, to inform them of the Bienal's major interest in receiving Mexico's national representation. However, months before the Bienal's inauguration, Profili and Carrillo Gil discussed the apprehension of some of the artists with regards to political issues, which the former tried to dismiss on the pretext of misinformation circulating in the art world. In this context, the conception of the Bienal de São Paulo by the MAM in 1951 constituted an important milestone in the relationship between emerging local Brazilian art networks and the international art scene. [Extracted from the article]

In the 1930s and 1940s, personal diplomacy by U.S. presidents was still in its infancy, but it was central to the Good Neighbor policy in Latin America. To overcome years of mistrust, U.S. presidents, both at home and abroad, tried to personally convince their Latin American counterparts of their sincerity for more equitable relations. This article examines how Calvin Coolidge, Herbert Hoover, and especially Franklin Roosevelt used leader‐to‐leader diplomacy to change perceptions of the United States in Latin America and usher in a new era in hemispheric relations. The diplomacy of the Good Neighbor policy also had implications for the presidency, as it foreshadowed what would become standard practice for modern presidents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Crisp advises up front that the reader who would like to access the "pure Ehrenberg" (17) can skip the chapter introductions and extensive end-notes. Crisp's methodology is especially effective because, although the book is framed as a memoir, Ehrenberg spends a considerable amount of time relating events in which he did not participate. [Extracted from the article]

The strategies of subordinate states in hegemonic or asymmetrical relations have been widely studied by international relations scholars. Such works generally focus on how a subordinate state can influence the hegemon's behavior so as to address and further the interests of the subordinate state. The relation between subordinate-state agency and the hegemonic system, the makeup of the hegemonic order, itself receives less attention. Through analysis of two cases of US hegemony in Latin America, this article examines how subordinate-state agency may strengthen or weaken the hegemonic system and, as such, makes a case for subordinate-state agency as an underpinning element of hegemony. It explores Colombian agency in the design phase of Plan Colombia as contributing to US hegemony, while Bolivian agency under the presidency of Evo Morales is examined as a challenge. In both instances, it was the United States, rather than the Latin American states, that took on a passive role, leaving the initiative with Colombia and Bolivia. Therefore, instead of reaffirmations of active one-way US hegemony versus passive subordinate states, the paper proposes to understand both cases as demonstrating the importance of subordinate-state agency in the configuration of the hegemonic system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the need for the U.S. change its concept of smart power in order for it to preserve its dominant position in the post-pandemic security architecture. The basic theories of smart power are explained. It analyzes the implications of U.S. foreign policy and looks at two scenarios for the position of the U.S. in the post-pandemic age.

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This article analyzes Rio de Janeiro 's bravura reinvention as an aspiring global city by examining Carlos Saldanha's 2011 "Rio," conceived during the city's, and Brazil's, economic euphoria, and when animations were benefiting from major technological advances in production and distribution. The blockbuster shares redeployments of Rio's negative image with other media campaigns in the run-up to the 2014 FIFA World Cup and 2016 Summer Olympics. Its seemingly simplistic plot represents global issues and references the urban imagery developed by the US Good Neighbor Policy's mass tourism and media initiatives (1930s-1940s), particularly Disney's animations and Freeland's "Flying Down to Rio. " Saldanha's ambivalent affective geography may foster tourism, but also reinstates the policy's North-South asymmetries against the grain of landmark challenges of power hierarchies by emerging BRICS countries and the G20. The movie's infelicities amidst the inherently laudable inclusion of a social plot, correlating with Global South urban geopolitics, are assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Franklin Roosevelt's Good Neighbor Policy emerged as a non-aggressive form of cultural diplomacy and emphasized mutual understanding among the nations in the Western Hemisphere through a substantial diffusion of books, music and movies. Though Roosevelt's foreign policy has been widely discussed in general terms, there is still a lack of studies on the cultural-geographic dimension of this initiative, especially on the production of geographic images and stereotypes. The aim of this paper is to present an analysis of a popular picture book series (Pictured Geography) from the 1940s that introduces, depicts and describes Latin American countries for the broader public in the United States. The reading between the lines of the stories and pictures reveals a moral geography of the region from an American viewpoint and opens up a debate on the impacts of images and discourse on the shaping of worldviews and understanding of different cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how the rumor that Bolivia enjoyed the political support of the U.S. during the Chaco War, fought between Bolivia and Paraguay over the disputed Chaco territory, has garnered legitimacy throughout the Americas. Topics covered include how an oil-driven narrative of the Chaco War has laid the groundwork for the first oil nationalization in Bolivia in 1937, the Latin American approach to mediating U.S. influence in the region as well as Latin American goals of resource sovereignty, and how Bolivia redefined itself internationally in the postwar era.

The article complements the on-going effort of present-day scholars, such as Daniel Rood and Gerald Horne, to globalize the Civil-War era and push its boundaries into the South Atlantic. Topics covered include the varied portrayals by historians of the relationship amongst U.S. and Latin American slaveholders, how the U.S. Navy has served as an ally in order to seize South American nations for the U.S. pro-slavery elites, and the restoration of the viciousness to the U.S.-Latin American relationship during the Civil War.

During World War II, when Axis theories of racial supremacy became purported antonyms to Allied values, leaders of "non-white" countries gained a new framework for challenging a global order grounded in racialized notions of fitness for self-government. But the story is more complex than a sole focus on the international sphere allows, as those leaders who adopted anti-racist rhetoric to challenge their disadvantaged position in international politics were sometimes architects of racial hierarchy at home. This article examines how anti-racist struggles within Panama and the Canal Zone mapped onto the anti-imperialist project of a racist Panamanian state. Scholars of race and international relations have highlighted the challenges that anti-imperialist struggles posed to racialized criteria for international legitimacy, on the one hand, and the impact of geopolitical conflict on domestic struggles for racial equality, on the other. The view from the Canal Zone reveals the interplay between those two phenomena. Foregrounding Latin America in a history of the global politics of anti-racism precludes escape into binary visions of a world divided between colonizers and colonized, a racist Global North and an anti-racist Global South, or a tidy color line that splits humanity in two. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Progressivism Reclaimed: Despite a long history of intervention, U.S. policy toward Latin America has contained the occasional progressive impulse. recalling those moments of illumination - and how easily imperial interests and nativist fears overshadowed them - will be crucial to reshaping hemispheric relations In the March 9, 2016, Democratic primary debate in Miami between candidates Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders, a moderator asked Sanders to defend his 1985 trip to Nicaragua and his praise for that country's then- and current president, Daniel Ortega, and for Cuba's Fidel Castro. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt best expressed this in his 1936 Good Neighbor Policy. In 1994, President Bill Clinton sent U.S. troops to Haiti to reinstate ousted president Jean-Bertrand Aristide under the same banner. [Extracted from the article]

If Latin America's public universities are considered part of the state, then it seems plausible to characterise them as similar to the state, i.e. as clientelistic. However, this plausible hypothesis has never been examined by the literature on twentieth-century Mexican social sciences. Just like clientelism, science patrons such as US philanthropic foundations have similarly been neglected. In this article I argue that, as an alternative to what the Rockefeller Foundation perceived as clientelism and amateurism at Latin American universities, it claimed to patronise liberal scholarship, practised according to formal rational criteria. While foundations have been frequently considered part of a US imperialistic drive towards cultural hegemony in Latin America, they were not unitary actors and frequently failed to predict the actual impact of their grants. In Mexico in the 1940s, the Rockefeller Foundation boosted the humanities, but missed the opportunity to support a local take on social science teaching and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the tactic made by Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant in driving the French forces outside the Mexican border to restore peace and end the war as well as upheld in the Monroe Doctrine in the U.S. According to the article, he drafted a group of veteran armies to help Mexican President Benito Juarez and his anti-French armies and issued secret orders to them despite the resistance of Secretary of State William H. Seward. In addition, several historians stated various opinions regarding Grant's motive, including William S. McFeely who said that he did not want to let go of the war to keep him from falling into lowliness again and William Hesseltine who asserted that it was all because of his patriotism.

Some scholars have shown how the U.S. has deployed several traditional, imperial strategies to maintain global power, including military interventions, support for proxy governments, economic coercion, and the exercise of hegemony. In many countries, though, these strategies cannot effectively work. Some countries have elected leaders that defy U.S. influence, and, in middle‐income countries, the U.S. cannot use economic coercion. The U.S. also cannot militarily invade all countries that possess anti‐American governments. How, then, does the U.S. aim to confront and control anti‐American governments in the contemporary world? I examine U.S. foreign policy towards Venezuela under Hugo Chávez, who recurrently challenged U.S. global power during his time in office. Through interviews with U.S. state elites, who developed policy towards Venezuela, and through analysis of U.S. diplomatic cables, I show how the U.S. has moved away from traditional, imperial modalities and towards new imperial techniques aimed at frustrating political processes within particular countries, as well as containing their global influence. These techniques include pressuring the federal judiciary, utilizing state agencies to fund and support opposition political parties and NGOs, seeking to terminate particular pieces of legislation, and eliminating eligibility for global leadership positions. These efforts do not immediately aim to displace existing governments, but, in the least, they aim to frustrate the domestic efforts of particular governments, and ultimately cultivate conditions favorable for the political opposition to eventually attain political power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the roles of public opinion polls and agency in foreign policymaking are examined. Based on documents uncovered from the National Archives and Rockefeller Archive Center, this paper presents a more comprehensive picture of the history of public opinion surveys and the shaping of US bureaucracy in their relation to foreign affairs. Further, the paper contends that policymakers are interested in public views pertaining to foreign policy issues, but that private interests (serving their own interpretations of national interest) shape public views, using new techniques as guiding tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to reflect upon the work of the Brazilian poet Cecília Meireles and the North-American photographer Genevieve Naylor during the II World War. Both women experienced the international conflict, but they have also experienced other wars during the first years of the 1940s: the daily war of social hierarchies; racism. The photographer and the poet were part of the program known as "The Good Neighbor Policy". Meireles used to work as the editor of the journal Travel in Brazil for the DIP, an organ of Vargas's government. In 1941 she traveled to the United States to conduct lectures about popular culture. Meireles has also presented aspects of the Afro-Brazilian culture on poems and other texts. Genevieve came to Brazil in 1940 and stayed here until 1942. Her photos show images related to the popular culture - especially Afro-Brazilian - and to the daily life. Both artists amplify the images of Brazil during the middle of the XX century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing accounts of the US–Cuba Thaw correctly identify the decisiveness of Latin American states in pushing the 2014 change in US policy towards Cuba. Problematically, however, these accounts overlook a range of regional integration projects pursued by Latin American states that prove pivotal in ascertaining the central dynamics of the region in shaping the Thaw. This article argues that these regional integration projects are imperative to understanding how Latin American states were able to alter US policy towards Cuba, for three reasons. First, these initiatives, and Cuba's role in these projects, are central to understanding why Cuba came to be a unanimously 'regional' issue for Latin American states of all political persuasions; second, the challenges to US dominance in the region provided by these integration projects were ultimately what gave Latin American states their teeth in pushing the Obama administration to reconsider its policy towards Cuba; and third, a consideration of this broader regional context more thoroughly illustrates the strategic nature of the change in policy towards Cuba as an attempt by the US to salvage its ability to influence regional affairs in response to these integration initiatives that excluded it from the region's architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]