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Despite fashion being one of the most common and accessible aesthetic activities in everyday life, very few empirical studies of clothing selection and preferences exist. To address this empirical gap, an online survey of 500 participants was constructed. A four-factor preference structure, Everyday Clothing Preference Factors (ECPF), emerged, consisting of essential, comfortable, feminine, and trendy styles. Further analysis revealed the preference for each of these four factors to be associated with clothing colors and individual differences. The transferability of ECPF across three preference judgment types (clothing one likes and owns, clothing one likes but does not own, and clothing one owns but does not like) revealed the robustness of the preference structure, through which a short version of ECPF was created. The paper concludes by discussing the implications and impact of scientifically studying fashion as an object of aesthetics and empirical study.

Smiles that vary in muscular configuration also vary in how they are perceived. Previous research suggests that “Duchenne smiles,” indicated by the combined actions of the orbicularis oculi (cheek raiser) and the zygomaticus major muscles (lip corner puller), signal enjoyment. This research has compared perceptions of Duchenne smiles with non-Duchenne smiles among individuals voluntarily innervating or inhibiting the orbicularis oculi muscle. Here we used a novel set of highly controlled stimuli: photographs of patients taken before and after receiving botulinum toxin treatment for crow’s feet lines that selectively paralyzed the lateral orbicularis oculi muscle and removed visible lateral eye wrinkles, to test perception of smiles. Smiles in which the orbicularis muscle was active (prior to treatment) were rated as more felt, spontaneous, intense, and happier. Post treatment patients looked younger, although not more attractive. We discuss the potential implications of these findings within the context of emotion science and clinical research on botulinum toxin.

Amidst the burgeoning enthusiasm for mindfulness in the West, there is a concern that the largely secular 'de-contextualized' way in which it is being harnessed is denuding it of its potential to improve health and well-being. As such, efforts are underway to 're-contextualize' mindfulness, explicitly drawing on the wider framework of Buddhist ideas and practices in which it was initially developed. This paper aims to contribute to this, doing so by focusing on Zen Buddhism, and in particular on Zen aesthetic principles. The article concentrates on the seven principles identified by Hisamatsu (1971) in his classic text Zen and the Fine Arts: kanso (simplicity); fukinsei (asymmetry); koko (austere sublimity); shizen (naturalness); daisuzoku (freedom from routine); sei-jaku (tranquillity); and yūgen (profound grace). The presence of these principles in works of art is seen as reflecting and communicating insights that are central to Buddhism, such as non-attachment. Moreover, these principles do not only apply to the creation and appreciation of art, but have clear applications for treating health-related issues, and improving quality of life more generally. This paper makes the case that embodying these principles in their lives can help people enhance their psychosomatic well-being, and come to a truer understanding of the essence of mindful living.

Attractive people enjoy many social and economic advantages. Most studies find effects of attractiveness on happiness or life satisfaction, but based on traditional cross-sectional approaches. We use a large longitudinal survey consisting of a sample of male and female high school graduates from Wisconsin followed from their late teens to their mid-1960s. The panel construction of the data and the fact that interviews of the siblings of the respondents are available allow us to analyze the effects of physical appearance on psychological well-being (human flourishing) and ill-being (distress and depression) conditioning on unobserved individual heterogeneity via random effects. We find a significant positive relationship between measures of physical attractiveness (greater facial attractiveness at high school, and lower BMI and greater height in middle age) and a measure of psychological well-being, and a significant negative relationship between measures of physical attractiveness and distress/depression. These effects are slightly smaller when we adjust for demographics and mental ability but, with the exception of height, remain significant. Our results suggest that attractiveness impacts psychological well-being and depression directly as well as through its effects on other life outcomes.

No research to date has supported the ‘social contagion’ effect of laughter and smiles in a non-Western context, nor among children. Expressions of positive affect were here compared according to social and non-social conditions among 163 children between the ages of 5–12 while playing in a park in Afghanistan. Independent observers coded laugh and smile responses using published criteria and identified 147 laugh responses and 697 smile responses. Children in the social play condition demonstrated significantly more laughs than children in the non-social play condition, and the number of peer observers present in the social play condition significantly increased the number of participant smile responses, but not laugh responses. Findings supported the idea in Western research that laughter and smiles may function in moderating social relationships and communicating affect. The authors recommend future research to investigate the relationship between positive affect and well-being across cultures, with con...

Individuals with body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) suffer from a preoccupation about imagined or slight appearance flaws. We evaluated facial physical attractiveness ratings and perfectionistic thinking among individuals with BDD (n = 19), individuals with obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD; n = 21), and mentally healthy control participants (n = 21). We presented participants with photographs displaying faces varying in facial attractiveness (attractive, average, unattractive) and asked them to rate them in terms of their physical attractiveness. We further examined how the participants evaluated their own physical attractiveness, relative to independent evaluators (IEs). As predicted, BDD participants perceived their own attractiveness as significantly lower than did the IEs, and they rated photographs from the category ‘‘Attractive’’ as significantly more attractive than did the other groups. Furthermore, both clinical groups were characterized by more perfectionistic thinking than controls. These findings mostly support cognitive-behavioral models of BDD that suggest that individuals with BDD exhibit perfectionistic thinking and maladaptive attractiveness beliefs. # 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) patients are preoccupied with imagined defects or flaws in appearance (e.g., size or shape of nose). They are afraid of negative evaluations by others and often suffer significant morbidity including hospitalization and suicide attempts. Many patients experience ideas of reference, e.g., they often believe others take special notice of their "flaw". Facial expressions play an important role in conveying negative or positive feelings, and sympathy or rejection. In this study, we investigated emotion recognition deficits in 18 BDD patients and 18 healthy controls. Participants were presented with two questionnaires accompanying facial photographs. One questionnaire included self-referent scenarios ("Imagine that the bank teller is looking at you. What is his facial expression like?"), whereas the other one included other-referent scenarios ("Imagine that the bank teller is looking at a friend of yours," etc.), and participants were asked to identify the corresponding emotion (e.g., anger, contempt, neutral, or surprise). Overall, BDD patients, relative to controls, had difficulty identifying emotional expressions in self-referent scenarios. They misinterpreted more expressions as contemptuous and angry in self-referent scenarios than did controls. However, they did not have significantly more difficulties identifying emotional expressions in other-referent scenarios than controls. Thus, poor insight and ideas of reference, common in BDD, might be related to a bias for misinterpreting other people's emotional expressions as negative. Perceiving others as rejecting might reinforce concerns about one's personal perceived ugliness and social desirability.

Patients with Body Dysmorphic Disorder (BDD) are characterized by excessive concerns about imagined defects in their appearance, most commonly, facial features. In this study, we investigated (1) the ability to identify facial expressions of emotion, and (2) to discriminate single facial features in BDD patients, Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder (OCD) patients, and in healthy control participants. Specifically, their ability for general facial feature discrimination was assessed using the Short Form of the Benton Facial Recognition Test (Benton AL, Hamsher KdeS, Varney NR, Spreen O. Contributions to neuropsychological assessment: a clinical manual. New York: Oxford University Press; 1983). However, findings of the BFRT indicate no differences among the groups. Moreover, participants were presented with facial photographs from the Ekman and Friesen (Ekman P, Friesen W. Unmasking the face: a guide to recognizing emotions from facial cues. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall; 1975 and Ekman P, Friesen W. Pictures of facial affect. Palo Alto: Consulting Psychologists Press, 1976) series and were asked to identify the corresponding emotion. The BDD group was less accurate than the control group, but not the OCD group, in identifying facial expressions of emotion. Relative to the control and OCD groups, the BDD group more often misidentified emotional expressions as angry. In contrast to the findings of Sprengelmeyer et al. [Proc. Royal Soc. London Series B: Biol. Sci. 264 (1997),1767], OCD patients did not show a disgust recognition deficit. Poor insight and ideas of reference, common in BDD, might partly result from an emotion recognition bias for angry expressions. Perceiving others as angry and rejecting might reinforce concerns about one's personal ugliness and social desirability.

The brain circuitry processing rewarding and aversive stimuli is hypothesized to be at the core of motivated behavior. In this study, discrete categories of beautiful faces are shown to have differing reward values and to differentially activate reward circuitry in human subjects. In particular, young heterosexual males rate pictures of beautiful males and females as attractive, but exert effort via a keypress procedure only to view pictures of attractive females. Functional magnetic resonance imaging at 3 T shows that passive viewing of beautiful female faces activates reward circuitry, in particular the nucleus accumbens. An extended set of subcortical and paralimbic reward regions also appear to follow aspects of the keypress rather than the rating procedures, suggesting that reward circuitry function does not include aesthetic assessment.

Prosopagnosia is a neurological syndrome in which patients cannot recognize faces. Kecently it has been shown that some prosopagnosics give evidence of "covert" recognition: they show greater autonomic responses to familiar faces than to unfamiliar ones, and respond differently to familiar faces in learning and interference tasks. Although some patients do not show covert recognition, this has usually been attributed to an "apperceptive" deficit that impairs perceptual analysis of the input. The implication is that prosopagnosia is a deficit in access to, or awareness of, memories of faces: the inducing brain injury does not destroy the memories themselves. We present a case study that challenges this view. LH suffers from prosopagnosia as the result of a closed head injury. He cannot recognize familiar faces or report that they are familiar, nor answer questions about the faces from memory, though he can (1) recognize common objects and subtly varying shapes, (2) match faces while ignoring irrelevant information such as emotional expression or angle of view, (3) recognize sex, age, and like-ability from faces, and (4) recognize people by a number of nonfacial channels. The only other categories of shapes that he has marked trouble recognizing are animals and emotional expressions, though even these impairments were not as severe as the one for faces. Three measures (sympathetic skin response, pupil dilation, and learning correct and incorrect names of faces) failed to show any signs of covert face recognition in LH, though the measures were sensitive enough to reflect autonomic reactions in LH to stimuli other than faces, and face familiarity in normal controls. Thus prosopagnosia cannot always be attributed to a mere absence of awareness (i.e., preserved information about faces whose output is disconnected from conscious cognitive processing), to an apperceptive deficit (i.e., preserved information about faces that cannot be accessed due to improperly analyzed perceptual input), or to an inability to recognize complex or subtly varying shapes (i.e., loss or degradation of shape memory in general). We conclude that it is possible for brain injury to eliminate the storage of information about familiar faces and certain related shapes.

Using computer-generated line-drawings, Etcoff and Magee (1992) found evidence of categorical perception of facial expressions. We report four experiments that replicated and extended Etcoff and Magee's findings with photographic-quality stimuli. Experiments 1 and 2 measured identification of the individual stimuli falling along particular expression continua (e.g. from happiness to sadness) and discrimination of these stimuli with an ABX task in which stimuli A, B, and X were presented sequentially; subjects had to decide whether X was the same as A or B. Our identification data showed that each expression continuum was perceived as two distinct sections separated by a category boundary. From these identification data we were able to predict subjects' performance in the ABX discrimination task and to demonstrate better discrimination of cross-boundary than within-category pairs; that is, two faces identified as different expressions (e.g. happy and sad) were easier to discriminate than two faces of equal...

People universally recognize facial expressions of happiness, sadness, fear, anger, disgust, and perhaps, surprise, suggesting a perceptual mechanism tuned to the facial configuration displaying each emotion. Sets of drawings were generated by computer, each consisting of a series of faces differing by constant physical amounts, running from one emotional expression to another (or from one emotional expression to a neutral face). Subjects discriminated pairs of faces, then, in a separate task, categorized the emotion displayed by each. Faces within a category were discriminated more poorly than faces in different categories that differed by an equal physical amount. Thus emotional expressions, like colors and speech sounds, are perceived categorically, not as a direct reflection of their continuous physical properties.

People who can't understand words are better at picking up lies about emotions. People are usually no better than chance at detecting lies from a liar's demeanour1,2, even when clues to deceit are evident from facial expression and tone of voice3. We suspected that people who are unable to understand words (aphasics) may be better at spotting liars, so we tested their performance as lie detectors. We found that aphasics were significantly better at detecting lies about emotion than people with no language impairment, suggesting that loss of language skills may be associated with a superior ability to detect the truth.

Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) of the human brain was used to study whether the amygdala is activated in response to emotional stimuli, even in the absence of explicit knowledge that such stimuli were presented. Pictures of human faces bearing fearful or happy expressions were presented to 10 normal, healthy subjects by using a backward masking procedure that resulted in 8 of 10 subjects reporting that they had not seen these facial expressions. The backward masking procedure consisted of 33 msec presentations of fearful or happy facial expressions, their offset coincident with the onset of 167 msec presentations of neutral facial expressions. Although subjects reported seeing only neutral faces, blood oxygen level-dependent (BOLD) fMRI signal in the amygdala was significantly higher during viewing of masked fearful faces than during the viewing of masked happy faces. This difference was composed of significant signal increases in the amygdala to masked fearful faces as well as significant signal decreases to masked happy faces, consistent with the notion that the level of amygdala activation is affected differentially by the emotional valence of external stimuli. In addition, these facial expressions activated the sublenticular substantia innominata (SI), where signal increases were observed to both fearful and happy faces—suggesting a spatial dissociation of territories that respond to emotional valence versus salience or arousal value. This study, using fMRI in conjunction with masked stimulus presentations, represents an initial step toward determining the role of the amygdala in nonconscious processing.

We report four experiments investigating the perception of photographic quality continua of interpolated (`morphed') facial expressions derived from prototypes of the 6 emotions in the Ekman and Friesen (1976) series (happiness, surprise, fear, sadness, disgust and anger). In Experiment 1, morphed images made from all possible pairwise combinations of expressions were presented in random order; subjects identified these as belonging to distinct expression categories corresponding to the prototypes at each end of the relevant continuum. This result was replicated in Experiment 2, which also included morphs made from a prototype with a neutral expression, and allowed `neutral' as a response category. These findings are inconsistent with the view that facial expressions are recognised by locating them along two underlying dimensions, since such a view predicts that at least some transitions between categories should involve neutral regions or identification as a different emotion. Instead, they suggest that facial expressions of basic emotions are recognised by their fit to discrete categories. Experiment 3 used continua involving 6 emotions to demonstrate best discrimination of pairs of stimuli falling across category boundaries; this provides further evidence of categorical perception of facial expressions of emotion. However, in both Experiment 1 and Experiment 2, reaction time data showed that increasing distance from the prototype had a definite cost on ability to identify emotion in the resulting morphed face. Moreover, Experiment 4 showed that subjects had some insight into which emotions were blended to create specific morphed images. Hence, categorical perception effects were found even though subjects were sensitive to physical properties of these morphed facial expressions. We suggest that rapid classification of prototypes and better across boundary discriminability reflect the underlying organisation of human categorisation abilities.

Research on the perception of faces has focused on the size, shape, and configuration of inherited features or the biological phenotype, and largely ignored the effects of adornment, or the extended phenotype. Research on the evolution of signaling has shown that animals frequently alter visual features, including color cues, to attract, intimidate or protect themselves from conspecifics. Humans engage in conscious manipulation of visual signals using cultural tools in real time rather than genetic changes over evolutionary time. Here, we investigate one tool, the use of color cosmetics. In two studies, we asked viewers to rate the same female faces with or without color cosmetics, and we varied the style of makeup from minimal (natural), to moderate (professional), to dramatic (glamorous). Each look provided increasing luminance contrast between the facial features and surrounding skin. Faces were shown for 250 ms or for unlimited inspection time, and subjects rated them for attractiveness, competence, likeability and trustworthiness. At 250 ms, cosmetics had significant positive effects on all outcomes. Length of inspection time did not change the effect for competence or attractiveness. However, with longer inspection time, the effect of cosmetics on likability and trust varied by specific makeup looks, indicating that cosmetics could impact automatic and deliberative judgments differently. The results suggest that cosmetics can create supernormal facial stimuli, and that one way they may do so is by exaggerating cues to sexual dimorphism. Our results provide evidence that judgments of facial trustworthiness and attractiveness are at least partially separable, that beauty has a significant positive effect on judgment of competence, a universal dimension of social cognition, but has a more nuanced effect on the other universal dimension of social warmth, and that the extended phenotype significantly influences perception of biologically important signals at first glance and at longer inspection.

Patients with lesions to either the right or left hemisphere and control subjects were asked to judge the similarity of pairs of photographs of a person displaying different emotions, and of pairs of emotion words. The results were submitted to a multidimensional scaling analysis. Right-hemisphere-damaged subjects were found to be more impaired at perceiving facial emotions than were left-hemisphere-damaged subjects or controls, and this impairment was not confined to the perception of a subset of facial emotions nor to judging emotional valence (Pleasantness versus Unpleasantness). Rather, subtle impairments in perceiving a wide range of facial emotions were found, mostly concerning differentiation of the Positive-Negative and Attention-Rejection dimensions, and concerning the strategies the subjects used to make their judgments. The right-hemisphere-damaged subjects performed comparably to controls in their ratings of emotion words, suggesting that their ability to conceptualize emotional states was intact and that their impairment was strictly in the perception of emotion.

Patients with lesions to either the right or left hemisphere and control subjects were asked to discriminate photographs of faces and then to sort these photographs according to the identity of the face or the emotion displayed. Whether identity and emotion were correlated, independent, or constant was varied across trials. Patients with right hemisphere damage were significantly impaired at discriminating both identity and expression, and at selectively attending to either sort of facial information. However, these subjects could selectively attend to attributes of geometric figures suggesting that their impairment with faces cannot be attributed to deficits in selective attention in general.

Three studies were conducted to test whether imagery accounts for the effects of empathy on attributions, that is, whether attributers construct and scan a mental image of social scenarios the same way that actual participants scan a real environment. According to this interpretation, attributers “see” the world as the participant does and make vicarious attributions. An alternative interpretation holds that subjects base vicarious attributions on recreating the motivations and affect of the actor, so that imaging is irrelevant to empathy and attributions. In the first study, subjects who imagined a story from the perspective of a particular character later showed differential recall of story details as a function of role, but not differential attributions. In Experiment 2, role-taking subjects showed clear effects of imaged perspective on recall for story details, but no effects on attributions of causality for an accident. Further, recall and attribution were uncorrelated. In the last study, empathy and imagery role-taking instructions produced independent effects: imagers showed pronounced perspective-relevant recall and empathizers did not. Neither showed unambiguous vicarious attributions. Recall and attribution were again uncorrelated. These studies suggest that the imagery explanation of empathy effects is untenable, and imply that the recall of perspective-relevant details is unlikely to mediate attributions of causality in imaginary scenarios.

In three studies, subjects observed slide and tape portrayals of interacting small groups that were of mixed sex or mixed race. Hypotheses tested were (a) that social perceivers encode person information by race and sex; (b) that this fact leads to minimizing within-group differences and exaggerating between-group differences; (c) that perceivers stereotype accordingly; (d) that within-group attributes, both stereotyped and nonstereotyped, are exaggerated in inverse proportion to the size of the minority subgroup; (e) that better discriminations are made within smaller subgroups; (f) that imputations of attributes to groups as a whole are also sensitive to the makeup of the group; and (g) that all these behaviors are attenuated when the perceiver is a member of the subgroup evaluated. All but the last hypothesis received at least partial support. Results are discussed in terms of categorizatio n processes and suggest that normal cognitive processes explain the process of stereotyping quite well.

We measured amygdala activity in human volunteers during rapid visual presentations of fearful, happy, and neutral faces using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). The first experiment involved a fixed order of conditions both within and across runs, while the second one used a fully counterbalanced order in addition to a low level baseline of simple visual stimuli. In both experiments, the amygdala was preferentially activated in response to fearful versus neutral faces. In the counterbalanced experiment, the amygdala also responded preferentially to happy versus neutral faces, suggesting a possible generalized response to emotionally valenced stimuli. Rapid habituation effects were prominent in both experiments. Thus, the human amygdala responds preferentially to emotionally valenced faces and rapidly habituates to them.

Emotions are conveyed largely by nonverbal means: they are notoriously difficult to talk about. Ask even the most articulate people to describe their emotional state and you are likely to see them become increasingly less articulate. It is not simply that the lexicon for emotions is inadequate, but that words alone don’t seem to have immediacy and impact. An effective communication about emotion should be contagious, easily and quickly transmissable, and not totally under the control of the transmitter.