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Preregistration for a study examining, in Europe, the associations between health vulnerability and the political ideology and policy of the party for which one has voted.

This study tested if sex differences in personality differ between urban (n = 1778) and rural (n = 885) populations in Finland. The result based on pre-registered analysis plan (https://osf.io/4q3dx/register/5730e99a9ad5a102c5745a8a) showed that sex differences were of equal magnitude in rural residential areas (Mahalanobis D = 0.71, 83% CI [0.60, 0.79]) and large cities (D = 0.70, [0.62, 0.76]). See Table 1 for more detailed facet level results (also null result) and Cohen's d for single personality variables.

One would expect that the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) in 2008 resulted in large and persistent drops in well-being. Different trends in well-being changes have been found across European regions (Helliwell, Huang, & Huang, 2014), the drops in life satisfaction were sharp for some countries but short-lived, but also some countries experienced a long-term progressive decline (Clench-Aas, & Holte, 2017). However, even if countries recovered their well-being levels after 2008, average changes may mask group differences within countries, as was shown to be the case in the UK (Boyce, Delayes, & Wood, 2018). There could still be larger differences between those who are doing well and those who flounder after the crisis, which is an indicator of population polarization. Hence, this study will examine indicators of polarization in subjective well-being (SWB, comprised of life satisfaction, positive and negative affect) of Europeans using the European Social Survey data collected in Round 3 (2006) and Round 6 (2012). The Global Financial Crisis in 2008 is expected to have created greater disparities between those individuals who were able to manage the crisis well from those who floundered. Two hypotheses test polarization using its main indicators: variance increase and increased alignment. Furthermore, we will examine whether disparities in SWB also differ across European regions classified based on their welfare regime (Scandinavian/social-democratic, Anglo-Saxon/Liberal, Bismarckian/Conservative, Eastern Europe/Transition, and Southern Europe/Fragmented (following: Eikemo, Bambra, Judge, & Ringdal, 2008).

Preregistration for a study examining, in Europe, the associations between political orientation and consulting practitioners of conventional and/or complementary and alternative medicine

In Finland and several other countries, nominated candidates in a few electoral systems (including Finland, Denmark, and Switzerland) can create voting advice application (VAA) profiles prior the election. Voters have been using VAAs to an increasing extent to identify candidates whom to vote. However, we do not know to what extent candidates express their true attitudes when responding to VAAs. This project compares, in the context of the Finnish parliamentary elections, candidates’ VAA responses with private responses given to a survey after the election.

Preregistration for a study examining, in Europe, whether voting is associated with not having children.

Preregistration for a study examining, in Europe, the associations between personal values and the political ideology and policy of the party for which one has voted.

In a representative sample of Finnish car owners (N = 1892) we connected the Five-Factor Model personality dimensions to driving a high-status car. Regardless of whether income was included in the logistic model, disagreeable men and conscientious people in general were particularly likely to drive high-status cars. The results regarding agreeableness are consistent with prior work that has argued for the role of narcissism in status consumption. Regarding conscientiousness, the results can be interpreted from the perspective of self-congruity theory, according to which consumers purchase brands that best reflect their actual or ideal personalities. An important implication is that the association between driving a high-status car and unethical driving behaviour may not, as is commonly argued, be due to the corruptive effects of wealth. Rather, certain personality traits, such as low agreeableness, may be associated with both unethical driving behaviour and with driving a high-status car.

Supplemental Material for Is there a g-factor of genderedness? Using a continuous measure of genderedness to assess sex differences in personality, values, cognitive ability, school grades, and educational track by Ville-Juhani Ilmarinen, Mari-Pauliina Vainikainen, and Jan-Erik Lönnqvist in European Journal of Personality

We investigate the relationship of morality and political orientation by focusing on the influential results showing that liberals and conservatives rely on different moral foundations. We conducted a comprehensive literature search from major databases and other sources for primary studies that used the Moral Foundations Questionnaire and a typical measure of political orientation, a political self-placement item. We used a predefined process for independent extraction of effect sizes by two authors and ran both study-level and individual-level analyses. With 89 samples, 605 effect sizes, and 33,804 independent participants, in addition to 192,870 participants from the widely used YourMorals.org website, the basic differences about conservatives and liberals are supported. Yet, heterogeneity is moderate, and the results may be less generalizable across samples and political cultures than previously thought. The effect sizes obtained from the YourMorals.org data appear inflated compared with independent samples, which is partly related to political interest and may be because of self-selection. The association of moral foundations to political orientation varies culturally (between regions and countries) and subculturally (between White and Black respondents and in response to political interest). The associations also differ depending on the choice of the social or economic dimension and its labeling, supporting both the bidimensional model of political orientation and the findings that the dimensions are often strongly correlated. Our findings have implications for interpreting published studies, as well as designing new ones where the political aspect of morality is relevant. The results are primarily limited by the validity of the measures and the homogeneity of the included studies in terms of sample origins. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved) Public Significance Statement—This study examines the widely published results that liberals and conservatives see morality differently—that they rely on different “moral foundations.” Our findings suggest that while these differences are mostly stable, they are smaller or more unpredictable outside politically interested White American samples. These differences depend on how the respondents are recruited, from which country and demographic the results are, and how political orientation is measured. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved)

Accessing information online is now easier than ever. However, also false information is circulated in increasing quantities. We sought to identify social psychological factors that could explain why some people are more susceptible to false information. Specifically, we investigated whether psychological predispositions (social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, system justification beliefs (SJB), openness, need for closure, conspiracy mentality), competencies (scientific and political knowledge, interest in politics) or motivated reasoning based on social identity (political orientation) could help explain who believes fake news. Hungarian participants (N = 295) judged political (anti- and pro-government) and non-political news. The Hungarian context—characterized by low trust in media, populist communication by the government and increasing polarization—should be fertile ground for the proliferation of fake news. The context in making this case particularly interesting is that the major political fault line in Hungary runs between pro- and anti-government supporter groups and not, for instance, between conservative and liberal ideology or partisanship. We found clear support for the motivational reasoning explanation as political orientation consistently predicted belief in both fake and real political news when their contents aligned with one’s political identity. The belief in pro-government news was also associated with higher SJB among pro-government supporters. Those interested in politics showed better capacity to distinguish real political news from the fake ones. Most importantly, the only psychological predisposition that consistently explained belief in all types of fake news was a conspiracy mentality. This supports the notion of ideological symmetry in fake news belief—where a conspiracy mentality can be found across the political spectrum, and it can make people susceptible to disinformation regardless of group-memberships and other individual differences.

Some of the most persistently recurring research questions in the fields of personality and social psychology concern sex differences. Although much progress has been made, no research has addressed the basic question of whether there is one general construct of genderedness that runs through various life domains, or whether genderedness is specific to certain domains. In order to determine whether being gender typical in one way goes together with being gender typical also in other ways, we investigated whether 16-year old girls and boys (N = 4106) finishing Finnish elementary school differ in their personality traits, values, cognitive abilities, academic achievement, and educational track. To do this, we updated the gender diagnosticity approach by employing penalized logistic regression to estimate multivariate sex differences based on both binary and continuous variables. The preregistered analysis show that the magnitude of sex differences varies a lot from domain to domain, that narrow measures, such as grade profiles, can be highly accurate in predicting sex, whereas broad measures, such as general cognitive ability, can be useless, and that the correlations between femininity-masculinity scores based on different domains, despite all being positive, are too weak to suggest the existence of a general factor of genderedness. Our more exploratory analyses show that more focus on gender typicality could offer important insights into the role of gender in shaping people’s lives. We discuss how future research could employ the methods we introduce to further our understanding of sex differences and gender typicality in developmental and educational fields.