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Tariff Wars and the Politics of Jacksonian America

The history of slavery cannot be separated from the history of business in the United States, especially in the context of the relationship between public power and individual property rights. This essay suggests that the American devotion to “sacred” property rights stemsmore from the vulnerability of slaveholding elites than to a political heritage of protection for the “common man.”

On August 13, 1782, Alexander Hamilton complained to Robert Morris about the deplorable condition of politics in the state of New York, and especially the condition of taxation. Morris had appointed Hamilton as receiver of continental taxes for New York, meaning that Hamilton was in charge of collecting New York's share of the “requisitions” of Congress. Under Article 8 of the Articles of Confederation, Congress could raise the tax revenue it needed for the ongoing Revolutionary War only by making “requisitions” on the states—that is, by asking each state to raise a specified sum. Like other states, New York was falling short; four years later, an aggressive tax levy in Massachusetts (to pay requisitions and fund the state debt) would provoke the armed insurrection known as Shays's Rebellion. The decentralized regime that Congress had established under the Articles of Confederation made the national treasury depend on the productivity of the state tax systems. Ironically, this very decentralization invited national officials like Hamilton to tackle the problem of tax reform within the states.

As its evocative title suggests, this author's study of public finance in the early United States locates the basis for modern US military power (“Hercules”) in the policy decisions of the early 17...

Economic historians have traced the origin of the uniform property tax in the United States to the insertion of uniformity clauses into state constitutions in the Northwest and to efforts to tax commercial wealth. This article shows that the tax was created by legislation in the Northeast and that the first constitutional clauses were adopted in the South to protect slaveholders. It is time for historians of the U.S. political economy to abandon the dated paradigms of the “progressive history” tradition.

It is no longer newsworthy to say that the American Founding Fathers were implicated deeply in the institution of slavery as slaveowners, slave traders, or just silent collaborators.1. For modern historiography, the foundational text is Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: the Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: Norton, 1975), which answers Dr. Samuel Johnson's famous question: “How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty from the drivers of negroes?” See also Winthrop Jordan, White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550–1812 (New York: Norton, 1968). For forceful recent statements, Paul Finkelman, “Jefferson and Slavery: OTreason Against the Hopes of the World',” in Jeffersonian Legacies, ed. Peter S. Onuf (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1993), 181–221; Conor Cruise O'Brien, The Long Affair: Thomas Jefferson and the French Revolution, 1785–1800 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996). For forceful older statements, Robert McColley, Slavery and Jeffersonian Virginia, 2d ed. (1964; Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973); Richard R. Beeman, The Old Dominion and the New Nation, 1788–1801 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1972). Sympathy endures, especially for Jefferson, as in the dismissal of Finkelman's essay as “the prosecution's case” in Herbert E. Sloan, Principle and Interest: Thomas Jefferson and the Problem of Debt (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 259 n.74. The fact that this could have seemed to be news in the 1970s and 1980s is, of course, a testament to the power of racism in American society for three centuries. The fact that Thomas Jefferson's DNA test could have shock value in the late-1990s may be even worse.2. See, e.g., the cover story, Barbra Murray, et al., “Jefferson's Secret Life,” with accompanying articles including Lynn Rosellini, “Cutting the Great Man Down to Size,” U.S. News and World Report, Nov. 9, 1998. Now that the intellectual task of reducing the iconic status of slaveholding “fathers” has been largely accomplished, however, serious questions remain about the meaning of slavery at the founding. There is more to it than the hypocrisy of whites or even the oppression of blacks. Social historians have described both the sufferings and the heroic self-defense strategies of Africans and African Americans in this period, both slave and free, in detail.3. The historiography of slavery has moved back from the previously dominant antebellum era. For earlier works, esp. Peter H. Wood Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 to the Stono Rebellion (New York: Knopf, 1974); Benjamin Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1961); Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman, eds., Slavery and Freedom in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1983). More recently, Shane White, Somewhat More Independent: the End of Slavery in New York City, 1770–1810 (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1991); Michael Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks: the Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998); Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998). Scholars no longer can pretend that “Americans,” much less “plebeian” Americans, were all white at the outbreak of the Revolution, whether they were assembled in the Boston streets or South Carolina lowcountry.4. For a recent argument to this effect, Joanne Pope Melish, Disowning Slavery: Gradual Emancipation and “Race” in New England, 1780–1860 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998). Yet a substantive consideration of the meaning of these facts for the nation-state that was built in the Revolution is still missing. What was the impact of slavery on the political institutions whose creation was the triumph of the “fathers” of the founding generation? Aspects of the answer are well known: the removal of Jefferson's pathetic slavery clause (blaming Britain for American slavery) from the Declaration of Independence, the compromises that placed the three-fifths clause into the Constitution along with the fugitive slave and slave trade abolition clauses, the checkered career of the Northwest Ordinance as a ban on slavery in the territories, and the Haitian Revolution's reality-check on the libertarian enthusiasms of white Southerners.5. On these issues, in the order cited in the text, see Pauline Maier, American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence (New York: Knopf, 1997); Jack N. Rakove, Original Meanings: Politics and Ideas in the Making of the Constitution (New York: Vintage, 1996); Paul Finkelman, “Slavery and the Northwest Ordinance: A Study in Ambiguity,” Journal of the Early Republic 6 (1986): 343–70, and Paul Finkelman, “Evading the Ordinance: the Persistence of Bondage in Indiana and Illinois,” Journal of the Early Republic 9 (1989): 21–51; Rachel N. Klein, Unification of a Slave State: The Rise of the Planter Class in the South Carolina Backcountry, 1760–1808 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), and Michael Zuckerman, “The Power of Blackness: Thomas Jefferson and the Revolution in St. Domingue,” in Almost Chosen People: Oblique Biographies in the American Grain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

PURPOSE To compare the efficacy and toxicity profiles of a combination of fluorouracil (5-FU) and recombinant human interferon alfa-2a ([IFN alpha 2a] Roferon-A; Hoffmann-LaRoche, Basel, Switzerland) versus 5-FU alone in the treatment of advanced colorectal cancer (ACC). PATIENTS AND METHODS A total of 245 previously untreated ACC patients were randomized to receive either IFN alpha 2a (9 million IU) subcutaneously (SC) three times weekly with 5-FU (750 mg/m2/d) by continuous intravenous (CIV) infusion on days 1 to 5 and then, after a 1-week hiatus, as a weekly IV bolus at the same dose (IFN/ 5-FU), or 5-FU alone at the same dose schedule (5-FU). RESULTS There were no significant differences between IFN/5-FU and 5-FU alone in the overall response rate (24% v 17%, P = .2), duration of response (median, 6.4 v 8.1 months), time to response (plateau at 3 months), time to progressive disease ([PD] median, 4.8 v 4.9 months), or survival duration (median, 13.9 v 13.2 months). Toxicity profiles were not statistically different except for constitutional symptoms, which were more frequent and more severe with IFN/5-FU. More patients interrupted treatment for adverse events (AEs) with IFN/ 5-FU (34%) than with 5-FU alone (21%) (P = .03). The number of deaths (mostly unrelated to drug treatment) during the study (8%) was similar with both regimens. CONCLUSION The combination IFN/5-FU produced a response rate, response duration, and survival duration similar to that of 5-FU alone. The addition of IFN to 5-FU in the doses and schedules used in this study did not provide any further benefit over 5-FU alone and cannot be recommended for patients with metastatic ACC. This study confirms the value of large prospective randomized clinical trials to determine the clinical value of regimens that emerge from smaller single-center phase II studies.

Aims: To determine the rate of HER-2/neu positivity of germ cell tumours by immunohistochemistry (IHC) and by fluorescence in situ hybridisation (FISH). Patients/Methods: Ninety six archival, paraffin wax embedded pathology specimens were chosen from four groups of germ cell tumours. IHC for HER-2/neu was performed with the HercepTest kit; FISH analysis was performed with the INFORM assay and confirmed with a centromere 17 probe. Results: Twenty two of 96 specimens overexpressed the HER-2/neu protein when measured by IHC. Only three specimens showed HER-2/neu gene amplification by FISH. There was no correlation between the results obtained by IHC and FISH. Conclusions: The lack of concordance between IHC and FISH makes it unlikely that overexpression of the HER-2/neu protein in germ cell tumours is of prognostic or therapeutic relevance. Because of the low rate of HER-2/neu gene amplification in germ cell tumours, a clinical trial of trastuzumab treatment in patients with germ cell tumours is not warranted.

Background: Despite several randomised trials comparing radiotherapy alone with concomitant radio-chemotherapy in patients with locally advanced non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC), it is not clear whether the addition of chemotherapy improves survival.Patients and methods: This meta-analysis was based on individual patient data from published and unpublished randomised trials which compared radiotherapy alone with the same radiotherapy combined with concomitant cisplatin- or carboplatin-based chemotherapy. Trials with accrual completed after 2000 were excluded. Trials were sought in electronic databases, clinical trial registries and by additional manual searches. The primary endpoint was overall survival analysed using the log-rank test stratified by trials.Results: There were twelve eligible trials that included a total of 1921 patients. The data from 3 trials were not available. Therefore, the analysis was based on 9 trials including 1764 patients. Median follow-up was 7.2 years. The hazard ratio of death among patients treated with radio-chemotherapy compared to radiotherapy alone was 0.89 (95% confidence interval, 0.81-0.98; P = 0.02) corresponding to an absolute benefit of chemotherapy of 4% at 2 years. There was some evidence of heterogeneity among trials and sensitivity analyses did not lead to consistent results. The combination of platin with etoposide seemed more effective than platin alone.Conclusions: Concomitant platin-based radio-chemotherapy may improve survival of patients with locally advanced NSCLC. However, the available data are insufficient to accurately define the size of such a potential treatment benefit and the optimal schedule of chemotherapy.

Although limited available data suggest that AIDS is currently less common among lesbians than among heterosexual women, this study suggests considerable HIV-risk behavior among our sample of lesbians and bisexual women. In addition, a majority of respondents, including women at risk, do not use safer-sex practices.

Increased numbers of blood vessels (angiogenesis or neovascularization) in certain primary tumors correlates with an increased risk for metastatic disease. We therefore conducted a blinded review of the resected testicular germ cell tumors of 65 clinical stage A patients to evaluate the usefulness of angiogenesis in identifying those patients with clinically occult nodal metastases (pathological stage B). Angiogenesis was assessed in the primary tumors using an immunohistochemical stain for factor VIII-related antigen assay for quantitation of microvessel counts. Of 65 clinical stage A patients, 43 had pathological stage B disease at retroperitoneal lymph node dissection. Eleven patients had microvessel counts30 microvessels/x 400 high powered field, and all of these patients had pathological stage B disease (P = 0.02 in univariate analysis). Multiple regression analysis using microvessel count and other histological findings found to be prognostic (venous invasion, lymphatic invasion, presence of embryonal carcinoma, and absence of yolk sac tumor) showed that only the absence of a yolk sac tumor component was significantly predictive of occult metastases. This study shows that angiogenesis, as measured by quantitation of microvessel counts in the primary tumor of germ cell neoplasms, is significantly predictive of occult nodal metastatic disease by univariate analysis in clinical stage A patients. The prospective use of angiogenesis quantitation needs to be defined.

From December 1987 through April 1989, 40 patients with extensive-stage small cell carcinoma of the lung were enrolled in a Hoosier Oncology Group (HOG) trial using etoposide, ifosfamide, and cisplatin (VIP). Patients with extensive disease were eligible if they had not received prior chemotherapy, had a Karnofsky performance status of 50 or more, and had adequate renal function (creatinine, less than 1.5 mg/dl) and bone marrow reserve (granulocyte count, greater than or equal to 2500/microliters; platelets, greater than or equal to 125,000/microliters). Doses of therapy were: etoposide 75 mg/m2/day on days 1 to 5, ifosfamide 1.2 g/m2/day on days 1 to 5, and cisplatin 20 mg/m2/day on days 1 to 5. The first 11 patients received a 5-day course; this was repeated every 21 days for four cycles, but therapy was shortened to 4 days when unacceptable toxicity was noticed in these patients. Overall, 14 (37%) had a complete remission (overall response rate, 71.1%) with a median survival of 42 weeks (28 weeks on 5-day regimen and 45 weeks on 4-day regimen). There were five early deaths. Although toxic, VIP produces a high complete remission rate in patients with extensive disease and warrants further evaluation. A prospective randomized trial comparing cisplatin and etoposide to the VIP regimen is underway through HOG.

4580 Background: Germ cell tumors (GCT) are highly curable. Nevertheless, some patients relapse and develop chemotherapy-resistant GCT. Surface-enhanced laser desorption/ ionization time-of-flight ...

4522 Background: Germ cell tumors (GCT) are highly curable. Nevertheless, some patients relapse because of persistent tumor cells. Surface-enhanced laser desorption/ionization time-of-flight (SELDI...

On Tuesday, June 24, 1788, after three weeks of impassioned oratory, Patrick Henry rose for his last-ditch efforts to persuade the Virginia convention to reject the proposed Constitution of the United States. New Hampshire had ratified three days earlier, making the nine states that could put the new national government into operation in theory, although while this news had not yet reached Virginia, it did not really matter. Henry, and everyone else, understood that the new frame of government could not work if Virginia held out.1 So, after most of the speeches had been made and most of the out-of-doors arm-twisting accomplished, Virginia's most famous orator pulled out the stops to defeat the Constitution by arguing that northerners would use the new powers of Congress to abolish slavery in Virginia. "Among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume," Henry threatened, "they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves if they please."2 Nor would this danger exist only during wars. The Constitution granted the new federal government the "power of manumission." "Have they not power to provide for the general defence and welfare?" Henry asked. "May they not think that these call for the abolition of slavery?-May they not pronounce all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power?" In fact, Henry claimed, if the Constitution were adopted, Congress inevitably would free "your slaves." They would do it for two reasons. First, everyone knew that slavery was evil; even "we [that is, the slaveholders] deplore it with all the pity of humanity."3 Second, the Constitution would institute majority rule at the national level, allowing simple majorities in the House of Representatives and Senate to pass laws as long as the president did not veto them. Over time, slavery's evil would "press with full force on the minds of Congress," which would free the slaves because "a decided majority of the States have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feeling for those whose interest would be affected by their emancipation." Henry's idea that slaveholders were the only ones with an "interest" in slavery's future was obviously short-sighted, although the racism that allowed him to ignore the interests of African Americans was replicated largely in the North. Henry rejected the Constitution because he feared that a democratic majority-even of white men only-would refuse to protect the institution of slavery. If a majority of white male Americans might prove willing to abolish slavery, Virginians could not accept such a "dreadful and ruinous" event: "prudence forbids its abolition." Racial violence worried him, but Henry rested the case on economic interest, the fact that "a great deal of the property of the people of Virginia" was at stake. Slaveholders' interests lay in perpetuating the institution of slavery: "We ought to possess them in the manner we have inherited them from our ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of the country." The "felicity" of owning human beings-of inheriting them from one's ancestors no less-must not be subjected to the consent of a national majority. Decisions about slavery must not rest "in the hands of those who have no similarity of situation with us." Virginia must keep its sovereign power over slavery and, for this reason, the Virginia convention must reject the Constitution. What are we to make of this speech? Although widely ignored by historians and omitted from the canon of Antifederalist documents, it has been part of an accessible record since the Virginia ratification convention was published in 1788 by David Robertson (the convention's reporter). It was reprinted in every edition of Jonathan Elliot's Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution starting in 1827 (including the Library of Congress edition on the World Wide Web) and reprinted again in the Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution. …

Chicago has been something of an anomaly in historical studies. Urban historians have written extensively on the politics, society, and economies of such major cities as New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and San Francisco. They have chronicled the history of small cities whose past is less complicated, more amenable to the case study approach favored by many researchers. But, the nation's second-now third-largest city for decades attracted, more often than not, those who saw it as a dysfunctional environment, either for its lack of political reform, epitomized by its so-called machine politics, or for its ethnic and racial strife. Reading the titles on any shelf of books on Chicago history, sociology, and political science easily suggests more of an urban pathology than an urban history. Fortunately this situation has begun to change. The last five years have produced a flurry of new works on Chicago. Some of these examine the city's social groups, placing the city's residents into their urban context. 1 Other very recent works explore economic and technological aspects of the city's history that not only challenge us to rethink our preconceptions about how and why Chicago developed as it did, but also to see the growth of its political and social fabric as a function of the city's history, not as a pathology.2 Still, very little has yet been written about the development of Chicago's political structures, about the history of its municipal government. That is one reason why Robin Einhorn's book, Property Rules, is such a welcome addition to the literature on this fascinating city. Moreover, her examination of Chicago's political structures during its early years as an incorporated city illuminates a period of Chicago political history that has been even more neglected than others. In this book Einhorn reconstructs the workings of Chicago's municipal government in its initial decades, from the city's incorporation in 1833 to the immediate aftermath of its tragic fire in 1871. These forty years were the for

Historians have already called attention to parallels between the American Progressive Era and the age of Lloyd George, but the differences are more striking still. American trade unionists and socialists formed no alliance like the British Labour Party. While British reformers believed that the organization of labor and capital would help to quiet industrial unrest, Progressives distrusted both sides and insisted that the public participate as an independent third party in industrial conciliation. American federalism, moreover, prevented Progressives from introducing as much state intervention into industrial relations as their British contemporaries and from enacting social reforms on a national scale.

The effects of continuous administration of cortisone on the metabolism of regenerating rat liver have been studied. Whereas the restoration of the weight of the liver after partial hepatectomy was not markedly affected by cortisone, the multiplication of cells was reduced to a significant degree after the first 2 days of regeneration. Liver restoration in terms of nucleic acids was similarly inhibited by cortisone. The results are consistent with the interpretation that the inhibition of cell multiplication in this system is dependent on and keeps pace with the inhibition of nucleic acid synthesis by this drug. At almost any time after hepatectomy, the nucleic acid content of the liver cells was the same in treated and in untreated animals. In ancillary studies, it was shown that cortisone caused the cells of regenerating liver to be increased in size and weight through the increased infiltration of lipids. Changes in water, protein, and carbohydrate content of the liver cells did not contribute to this increase in the weight of the cells. Since all animals were treated with cortisone for 5 days before hepatectomy, data were also obtained on the effect of this agent on the resting liver. This course of treatment brought about a significant decrease in the number of cells per unit wet weight and in the water content of the livers. The nucleic acid content of the cells at hepatectomy, on the other hand, was unchanged.

Fifty-one patients with metastatic melanoma were treated with cisplatin, vinblastine, and bleomycin. Of the 50 evaluable patients, 11 (22%) achieved an objective response, including three complete (6%) and eight partial (16%) responses. Four of the 11 responding patients had previously received dacarbazine; the remaining patients had received no prior chemotherapy. Responses were noted in cutaneous and lymph node sites as well as visceral metastases. However, with one exception, all responding patients with visceral involvement had lung metastases. Response durations were brief and toxicity was substantial. Nadir leukocyte counts less than 0.5 X 10(9)/L occurred in 28% of the patients. Debilitating neurotoxicity, primarily paralytic ileus, and severe nausea and emesis were experienced by 24% of the patients. The combination of cisplatin, vinblastine, and bleomycin is not sufficiently beneficial to warrant its use in metastatic melanoma.

Since August 1974, 50 patients with histologically proven oat cell carcinoma of the lung were treated at Indiana University Hospitals with a combination of adriamycin, cyclophosphamide, Oncovin, BCG immunotherapy, and radiation therapy to the primary lung tumor and whole brain. Twenty-nine patients are eligible for a 6-month follow-up and are included in this report. All 29 patients responded to therapy; 12 patients (41%) had a minimum of 50% reduction in tumor mass and 17 patients (59%) had complete clinical remission of disease. Eight (38%) of the 29 patients have remained in complete remission from 6 to 14 months, and 90% of the patients survived a minimum of 6 months. This represents a considerable improvement in survival rates over what had been obtained at Indiana University Hospitals previously.