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The emergence of 'post-truth' is often associated with the rise of conspiracy theories and the lack of trust in scientific knowledge. This article attempts to theorise the complex division of labour in this regime of 'post-truth', with reference to the COVID-19 pandemic/infodemic. First, we argue that the 'post-truth' condition mirrors what Foucault called the 'will to truth', and that this challenges the procedures and systems by which truth and knowledge are ordered. Second, through Basil Bernstein's extension of Foucault's work, we argue that the era of post-truth has two features regarding the condition of knowledge: (1) that conflicts in the field of knowledge recontextualisation, that is, the pedagogisation of knowledge, are becoming more intense and visible, and (2) that greater exposure to high-stakes, uncertain scientific knowledge, which grows at exponential rate, increases social anxieties and leads to biopoliticisation of neoliberal responsibilisation.

This article contributes to the critical policy studies of educational governance and its crisis, through canvassing Basil Bernstein's concept of the 'totally pedagogised society' (TPS). The TPS witnesses not only the growth of transnational private actors, but also the disjuncture between global and national agendas of reform, on the governance of knowledge and subjectivity. This argument is illustrated through a court case surrounding the invalidation of a history exam question in Hong Kong, which occurred after the 2019 social unrest. At the heart of this crisis is a dislocation of pedagogic discourse. The history exam can be considered as an indirect outcome of recontextualising the global policy imaginary of producing subjects of 'critical thinking' and 'knowledge economy', but it is incommensurate with China's regulative discourse, that is, to govern the political consciousness of its postcolonial subjects and legitimise its rule through pedagogic means. The concept of TPS considers the other side of a high-performing regime in Asia: the crisis of reform, the return of a strong state, the evolving power and control relations inside/outside the education system, and the rising tensions between pedagogic agents/agencies, in a period of rapid social change as revealed in Hong Kong today.

In this paper, the argument that we make is that public education emerges from when democracy is put into practice in education. For the purposes of this paper we use pedagogic rights as proposed by Basil Bernstein as a way to frame and support this 'putting into practice'. Democracy, we argue, has to be practiced in two senses: (1) it does not 'exist' but has to be continually renewed and brought to life between people, as such it is precarious and fleeting; (2) one might become better at democracy by trying to 'do it' more often and that education is where this 'trying' might occur. We draw on Rancière's work on democracy that focusses on democratic acts or moments; on the 'fracturing' of sense (what is sayable, seeable, thinkable) -- when people whose only part (including in education) is none, take one. A process of 'becoming public', we suggest, is instituted in these events. To this end, our proposal for public education is adversarial to contemporary formations of education. Conceptualising public education in this way shows that it is rare, and becoming rarer.

This paper starts with an apparently provocative question--can we call the 2019 Water Revolution in Hong Kong a lesson of emancipatory education which awakens students' critical consciousness and brings the postcolonial regime into democratic renewal? The mass social unrest, which was initially triggered by a controversial extradition legislation, has prompted local journalism and political discourse to speak of 'the failure of education': an outmoded form of citizenship education, lack of Chinese History as a core subject, radicalisation in school, regression in science and technology education, to name just few examples of crisis talk. Our discussion explores this question through the philosophical lens of Jacques Rancière. In Rancière's understanding, 'emancipation' occurs in the ephemeral moments of subjectification in which individuals resist existing identity positions in the 'police' order, but speak on their own terms through 'dissensual' responses, under the supposition of 'equality' of 'intelligence'. Episodes of the movement may look defiant but are not the rare moments of 'dissensus' in which people are unshackled from the prevalent distribution of the sensible. An example from this movement that borders on what Rancière means by 'emancipation' is the redistribution of chemistry knowledge about tear gas on a social media platform, which is initiated and crowdfunded by a group of anonymous postgraduate science students and circulated by a chemistry tutor from a private tuition school.

This article addresses the paradoxical nature of 'pedagogic governance', developed from Bernstein's 'pedagogic device', that is, the use of pedagogic means (including knowledge) to govern entire populations in a 'totally pedagogised society'. While knowledge structures have received extensive coverage, not much attention has been given to the tensions between/within the distribution and evaluation of curricular knowledge. Through Derrida, I elaborate on the nature of distributive rules, theorising why a weakly framed curriculum is always open to transgression, that is, the 'potential discursive gap'. However, the subversive power of knowledge is hamstrung by the evaluative rules through high-stakes public assessment and legal-juridical regulations, over which the state is attempting to wield greater influence. Constant struggles between distributive and evaluative powers entail the paradox of pedagogic (mis)governance. To illustrate my argument, this article draws on the politics of curriculum reform in postcolonial Hong Kong as an example.

This article contributes to the critical policy studies of educational governance and its crisis, through canvassing Basil Bernstein's concept of the 'totally pedagogised society' (TPS). The TPS witnesses not only the growth of transnational private actors, but also the disjuncture between global and national agendas of reform, on the governance of knowledge and subjectivity. This argument is illustrated through a court case surrounding the invalidation of a history exam question in Hong Kong, which occurred after the 2019 social unrest. At the heart of this crisis is a dislocation of pedagogic discourse. The history exam can be considered as an indirect outcome of recontextualising the global policy imaginary of producing subjects of 'critical thinking' and 'knowledge economy', but it is incommensurate with China's regulative discourse, that is, to govern the political consciousness of its postcolonial subjects and legitimise its rule through pedagogic means. The concept of TPS considers the other side of a high-performing regime in Asia: the crisis of reform, the return of a strong state, the evolving power and control relations inside/outside the education system, and the rising tensions between pedagogic agents/agencies, in a period of rapid social change as revealed in Hong Kong today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the promotion and wider acceptance of the concept of normalization and community integration, an increased number of adults with learning disabilities are living in the community and facing more social and health care problems. The authors describe the introduction of new guardianship laws in Hong Kong with the creation of a Guardianship Board to safeguard the interests of all those who are mentally unable to make decisions about their personal, medical or financial affairs. Some case vignettes are provided to illustrate its functions and roles. By sharing the Hong Kong experience, it is hoped that this paper can raise awareness of circumstances in countries that are planning to develop or reform their guardianship practices for people with learning disabilities.

The emergence of 'post-truth' is often associated with the rise of conspiracy theories and the lack of trust in scientific knowledge. This article attempts to theorise the complex division of labour in this regime of 'post-truth', with reference to the COVID-19 pandemic/infodemic. First, we argue that the 'post-truth' condition mirrors what Foucault called the 'will to truth', and that this challenges the procedures and systems by which truth and knowledge are ordered. Second, through Basil Bernstein's extension of Foucault's work, we argue that the era of post-truth has two features regarding the condition of knowledge: (1) that conflicts in the field of knowledge recontextualisation, that is, the pedagogisation of knowledge, are becoming more intense and visible, and (2) that greater exposure to high-stakes, uncertain scientific knowledge, which grows at exponential rate, increases social anxieties and leads to biopoliticisation of neoliberal responsibilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Routine use of preoperative breast magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) for loco‐regional staging of breast cancer remains controversial. At Counties Manukau District Health Board (CMDHB), preoperative breast MRI is used selectively within a multidisciplinary setting. The purpose of this study is to determine the accuracy of selective use of preoperative MRI in staging loco‐regional disease and how it has impacted our clinical practice. Methods: Patients who received preoperative MRI at CMDHB between October 2015 and October 2018 were identified on a prospective database. The decision to offer MRI was made by multidisciplinary consensus. Patient data were collected retrospectively from clinical, imaging and histology records. The accuracy of MRI was determined by comparing it against histology as gold standard, and its potential contribution to treatment decisions and treatment delay was determined by clinical record review. Results: Ninety‐two patients received preoperative MRI. Additional foci of cancer were identified in ten patients (11%). Sixteen patients (17%) required additional biopsies. In fourteen patients (15%), MRI identified more extensive disease than conventional imaging prompting a change of surgical management. This 'upstaging' was confirmed histologically in twelve (13%). In one (1%) patient, MRI incorrectly 'downstaged' disease, but it did not alter the management. No patients experienced a delay in treatment due to MRI. Conclusion: A selective, considered use of preoperative MRI within a multidisciplinary setting at our local institution results in more biopsies but with an acceptable risk–benefit ratio. It provides accurate staging to aid treatment decisions without resulting in a delay in treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the argument that we make is that public education emerges from when democracy is put into practice in education. For the purposes of this paper we use pedagogic rights as proposed by Basil Bernstein as a way to frame and support this 'putting into practice'. Democracy, we argue, has to be practiced in two senses: 1) it does not 'exist' but has to be continually renewed and brought to life between people, as such it is precarious and fleeting; 2) one might become better at democracy by trying to 'do it' more often and that education is where this 'trying' might occur. We draw on Rancière's work on democracy that focusses on democratic acts or moments; on the 'fracturing' of sense (what is sayable, seeable, thinkable) – when people whose only part (including in education) is none, take one. A process of 'becoming public', we suggest, is instituted in these events. To this end, our proposal for public education is adversarial to contemporary formations of education. Conceptualising public education in this way shows that it is rare, and becoming rarer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An adaptive short time Fourier transform was used to obtain improved instantaneous frequency estimation.