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The article deals with the issue of incorporating young members of Slovene minorities in neighbouring countries into Slovenia’s diplomatic and foreign policy activities. The key precondition for this is the perception of Slovenia as their kin-state. The paper brings two main findings: the first is that a definition of kin-state as a unique concept is problematic, since it changes with different variables. The second finding refers to a concrete case study of young members of Slovene minorities in neighbouring countries, who have different contexts and perceptions of Slovenia (and Slovenehood). This means that Slovenia needs a comprehensive overhaul – and adaption to different conditions – of its own understanding of its ethnic minorities in the neighbouring countries if it wishes to include its young kin in Austria, Croatia, Hungary and Italy in its foreign policy and diplomacy. Članek obravnava vprašanje vključevanja mladih pripadnikov slovenskih manjšin v sosednjih državah v aktivnosti slovenske diplomacije in zunanje politike, pri čemer predpostavlja, da je ključni predpogoj za to razumevanje Slovenije kot matične domovine. Ugotovitvi članka sta dve: prva se nanaša na to, da je definicija matičnosti kot koncepta sui generis problematična, saj se spreminja glede na različne spremenljivke druga ugotovitev pa se nanaša na konkretno študijo primera – mlade pripadnike slovenskih manjšin v sosednjih državah. Ti namreč Slovenijo (in slovenstvo) razumejo v različnih kontekstih in predstavah. To pa pomeni, da mora Slovenija temeljito prestrukturirati – in po različnih merah ukrojiti – svoje razumevanje lastnih nacionalnih manjšin v sosednjih državah, če želi mlade pripadnike slovenskih manjšin v Avstriji, na Hrvaškem, v Italiji in na Madžarskem vključevati v svojo zunanjo politiko in diplomacijo.

The article deals with the system of political participation of the Roma in Slovenia, focusing on the municipal level. It contains an analysis of the development of the legal regulation of political representation of the Roma and the system of electing Roma municipal councillors. There is discussion of problems connected with the establishment of the institute of Roma municipal councillors, resulting mainly from unclear and inadequate legislation. The article further discusses the role and importance of the Roma Community Council as the umbrella Roma organisation in Slovenia. The introduction of the institute of Roma municipal councillors is seen as an important step forward in the political inclusion of the Roma, while the current form and way of working of the Roma Community Council are not believed to offer the right foundations for the development of legitimate and effective Roma representation at the national level. Prispevek obravnava sistem politične participacije Romov v Sloveniji. Osredotoča se na politično participacijo na občinski ravni. Analizira razvoj pravne ureditve romskega političnega predstavništva in sistem izvolitve romskih občinskih svetnikov. Izpostavlja zaplete ob uveljavljanju instituta romskih občinskih svetnikov, ki izhajajo predvsem iz nejasne in pomanjkljive zakonodaje. Obravnava tudi vlogo in pomen Sveta romske skupnosti kot krovne organizacije Romov v Sloveniji. Uvedbo instituta romskih svetnikov ocenjuje kot pomemben korak naprej na področju političnega vključevanja Romov, nasprotno pa opozarja, da trenutna oblika in način delovanja Sveta romske skupnosti ne nudita prave osnove za razvoj legitimnega in učinkovitega romskega predstavništva na nacionalni ravni.

The Roma ethnic minority is a community of overall deprivation. It lacks adequate space, municipal infrastructure, capital (social, cultural, financial, etc.), and tolerance by non-Roma. It also lacks the driving forces that could move the Roma from the margins of society and allow them to participate in the management of public good. One of the reasons is the fact that spatial planning providers only made it half way. They mapped the Roma settlements but failed to plan the social anchors which provide a settlement with satisfactory vitality. These anchors make up social, human and cultural capital, which are all important components of human resources development and thus a significant source of the development efficiency of the Roma community in Slovenia. The two pillars of development - human resources and development efficiency - should both aim at reducing the exclusion of the members of the Roma ethnic minority from the Slovene society. The paper presents the main findings of the research project entitled The Increase in Social and Cultural Capital in Areas with a Roma Population. Romska narodna manjšina je skupnost splošnega pomanjkanja. Primanjkuje jim vsega: prostora, komunalno urejenega prostora, kapitalov vseh vrst (socialnega, kulturnega, finančnega itd.), strpnosti Neromov. Nimajo nosilcev eksplozij, ki bi jih ponesli iz družbenega obrobja bližje vzvodom upravljanja z javnim dobrim. Skratka, Romi so devastirana skupnost. V zadnjih 20. letih je slovenska država namenila znatna finančna sredstva za urejanje romske problematike, tudi prostorske. Kljub temu so uspehi še vedno skromni. Kje je bila storjena napaka? Zdi se, da je eden izmed pomembnih razlogov v tem, da so snovalci prostorskega načrtovanja ostali na polovici poti. Uspeli so vrisati romska naselja na karte, pozabili pa so na načrtovanje družbenih sider, ki dajejo naselju zadovoljivo vitalnost. Sidra tvorijo socialni, človeški in kulturni kapitali; ti predstavljajo pomemben element razvoja človeških virov in tako pomemben vir razvojne uspešnosti romske skupnosti v Sloveniji. Oba razvojna stebra, človeški viri in razvojna uspešnost, morata voditi k preseganju izključenosti pripadnikov romske narodne manjšine iz slovenske družbe. Prispevek povzema ključna spoznanja večletnega raziskovalno aplikativnega projekta z naslovom Dvig socialnega in kulturnega kapitala v okoljih, kjer živijo predstavniki romske skupnosti.

The article deals with the status of the Hungarian and German ethnic minorities in Slovenia between 1920 in 1941. Their settlement territory is presented with statistical data. The author draws attention to several discriminatory practices experienced by the members of these two ethnic minorities, for example in relation to the agrarian reform, admission to minority language schools, Slovenization of place names, etc. Such practices created a distance between the members of ethnic minorities, the majority nation, and Slovenia. Thus, it was not unusual for members of ethnic minorities, Germans in particular, to become fond of extreme nationalist movements - Nazism, which at the end of the war brought about their ethnic disappearance. Prispevek obravnava položaj nemške in madžarske narodne manjšine v Sloveniji med letoma 1920 in 1941. S pomočjo statističnih podatkov avtor predstavi poselitveni prostor nemške in madžarske narodne manjšine. Avtor opozarja na množico diskriminatornih praks, ki so jih bili deležni pripadniki manjšin: pri agrarni reformi, vpisu v šole z manjšinskim učnim jezikom, slovenizaciji toponomastike, itd. Takšen odnos je vodil do distance med pripadniki narodnih manjšin, večinskega naroda in države Slovenije. Zato ni bilo nenavadno, da so se pripadniki narodnih manjšin, posebej Nemci, kmalu navdušili za skrajna nacionalistična gibanja - nacizem, ki jim je ob koncu vojne prinesel narodno izgi-notje.

The research question addressed by the author in this paper is: How is the idea of members of ethnic minorities as co-creators and co-owners of spatial identity implemented in the Slovenian model (paradigm) of ethnic minority protection? The author verifies the above by trying to answer the following two sub-questions: 1) how is the settlement territory of ethnic minorities integrated in municipal statutes? And 2) what are the markers of ethnic diversity in everyday life? The author examines three relevant markers: the status of the language of ethnic minorities, the use of their language in public, and the right to use their national symbols. The legal concept underlying the above model confirms the assertion that the two ethnic minorities represent an important segment of the territory on which they reside. Yet, seeing the situation in an ethnically mixed area through the eyes of the members of ethnic minorities, a different picture comes to light, revealing that members of ethnic minorities are excluded from ownership of the cultural heritage of ethnically mixed areas. In Slovenia, multiculturalism is thus still rather a theoretical concept than everyday practice. V prispevku avtor analizira raziskovalno vprašanje, ki se glasi: kako se v slovenskem modelu (paradigmi) varstva narodnih manjšin uresničuje zamisel o pripadnikih narodnih manjšin kot soustvarjalcih in solastnikih identitete prostora? Raziskovalno vprašanje avtor preverja ob iskanju odgovorov na dve podvprašanji: 1) kako je poselitveni prostor narodnih manjšin vključen v statute občin? in 2) kako se kažejo markerji narodne pestrosti v vsakdanjem življenju? Avtor analizira tri pomembne markerje: status jezika narodnih manjšin, rabo jezika narodnih manjšin v javnosti in pravico do rabe narodnih simbolov. Pravna zasnova modela govori v prid trditvi, da sta narodni manjšini pomemben segment prostora, na katerem bivata. Toda, ko dogajanje na narodno mešanem ozemlju opazujemo skozi pogled pripadnikov narodnih manjšin, se pokaže povsem drugačna slika, ki govori o izrinjanju pripadnikov narodnih manjšin iz lastništva nad kulturno dediščino narodno mešanih območij. Večkulturnost ostaja v slovenskem okolju še vedno bolj na ravni teoretske zasnove kot na ravni vsakodnevnih praks.

The article deals with the ways of (re)constructing of Roma ethnic community, from the amorphous mass of individuals on the margins of the Slovene society to a national minority. Roma councillors are placed to the forefront of this transfiguration. Political activists may be an important factor in the awareness of the Roma community in Slovenia about their adherence to a common nation, regardless of their territory of settlement; the awareness of their being a national minority in Slovenia, and consequently being entitled to the same extent of rights and duties as the Italian and Hungarian national minorities. The basic purpose of the training of Roma councillors for effective political work, in which members of the majority nation can actively participate, is the building-up of the awareness that in order to eliminate their marginal social status, the dealing with Roma in Slovenia needs to be altered - from treating the Roma community as a marginalized social group to treating them as a national minority. Članek govori o poteh konstrukcije romske etnične skupnosti, od amorfne mase posameznikov na robu slovenske družbe do narodne manjšine. V prvi plan te preobrazbe so postavljeni romski svetniki. Politični aktivisti znajo biti pomemben agens zavedanja romske skupnosti v Sloveniji o pripadnosti skupnemu narodu, ne glede na območje njihove naselitve, zavedanja, da so v Sloveniji narodna manjšina; zato jim pripada prav isti obseg pravic in dolžnosti, kot jih imata italijanska in madžarska narodna manjšina. Temeljni namen usposabljanja romskih svetnikov za učinkovito politično delo je izgrajevanje zavesti, da je treba v luči odpravljanja njihove družbene obrobnosti spremeniti obravnavo Romov v Sloveniji - od obravnave romske skupnosti kot socialne skupine, postavljene na družbeni rob, do obravnave romske skupnosti kot narodne manjšine.

'The main purpose of this report is to evaluate the cultural policies introduced in the Slovenian National Action Plan (NAP) on Social Inclusion (2004-2006) in terms of their impact on promoting social inclusion of ethnic minorities. Cultural policies are here understood in a broad sense of the word - encompassing all policies that pay regard to any aspect of culture, be it culture in the sense of creative artistic activities (theatres, music, etc.) or in the sense of specific cultural/ ethnic identity of the target groups. In the report we focused on policies which are aimed at promoting the social inclusion of the Roma and the 'new ethnic minorities'. These are the only ethnic minorities that the Slovenian NAP/ inclusion 2004-2006 pays attention to - Roma are considered as one of the groups most at risk of social exclusion in Slovenia. On the other hand the NAP 2004-2006 does not deal with the new ethnic minorities as with vulnerable groups (groups with highest risk of poverty and social exclusion); they are, however, included in the part of NAP 2004-2006, which deals with access to culture. We chose to evaluate three policies: education policy for the Roma, employment policy for the Roma, and the policy to promote access to culture for minority ethnic groups (among them we focused on the Roma and the 'new ethnic minorities'). The first chapters of the report bring some general information on the ethnic structure of the Republic of Slovenia, on the legal protection of ethnic minorities in Slovenia, and on socioeconomic development of the country. Some aspects of the social exclusion of the Roma and the new ethnic minorities in Slovenia are presented in the fourth chapter, focusing especially on the attitudes of the majority population towards these ethnic groups. In the fifth chapter we briefly presented how the key challenges to social inclusion are defined in the Slovenian NAP/ inclusion (2004-2006), what are the NAP's main objectives and which are the groups targeted by its policies. Following the description of the NAP some demographic data on the Roma and the new ethnic minorities are presented as well as relevant information on their legal status in Slovenia. All this should provide the reader with background information to better understand the policies that are evaluated in Chapter VII.' (excerpt)

The Republic of Slovenia is a multi-ethnic community. Inhabitants that declare themselves as Ćnon-SloveniansĆ wish to preserve - according to their opinion leaders - the basic elements of their original national identity. However, the majority/dominant population is reserved, often even negative, towards public manifestations of ethnic diversity. The key question here is: how to ensure equal status of members of ĆnewĆ minority communities, which are neither recognized in terms of constitution, nor treated as ethnic communities in Slovenia, and how to respect their need to preserve ethnic features. Which integration model would be most suitable for this situation, and what would be the key elements of such integration? To acquire sufficient information on perceptions, needs and wishes of Slovene people, concerning integration policy, the project Perceptions of Slovene Integration Policy was launched. On the basis of results of empirical research, relevant data for the upgrading/operationalization of the existing Slovene integration policy were gained. Republika Slovenija je več etnična skupnost. Prebivalci, ki se opredeljujejo kot Neslovenci , glede na stališča njihovih mnenjskih voditeljev, želijo ohraniti temeljne postulate izvorne narodne identitete. Toda imamo tudi zadržan, pogosto celo odbojen odnos večinske/dominantne populacije do izkazovanja etnične drugačnosti v javnosti. Ob tem se zastavlja ključno vprašanje: kako je mogoče zagotoviti enakopravni položaj pripadnikov novih manjšinskih skupnosti, ki ustavno niso priznane in obravnavane kot narodne skupnosti v Sloveniji, hkrati pa upoštevati njihovo potrebo po ohranjanju etničnih posebnosti?. Kakšen model integracije bi torej bil najprimernejši za to situacijo in kaj bi bili ključni elementi takšne integracije? Da bi pridobili dovolj informacij o dojemanju, potrebah in željah prebivalcev Slovenije o integracijski politiki, smo začeli s projektom Percepcije slovenske integracijske politike. Na podlagi izsledkov empiričnega raziskovanja smo pridobili valentne podatke za dograjevanje/ operacionalizacijo obstoječe slovenske integracijske politike.

The article highlights the attitude of the Slovene state authorities towards Roma, with special emphasis on their criminality in the first decade following the World War II. Roma were not acknowledged as a special ethnic community; they were treated as a foreign intruder into the Slovene national body and as a population hard to integrate into the Slovene society. All the attempts on the part of the Slovene society to solve the Roma problem (which were neither systematic nor long-term) failed to bring favourable results. Dueto instability, vagrancy, bungling and thefts Roma often found themselves persecuted by police and law courts. The biggest legal trial against Roma charged with a number of criminal offences was carried out the District Court of Maribor in 1952. A group of Roma were sentenced to yearlong imprisonment, three of them even to death. The article also deals with rather unusual relations between Roma and the majority population. It's true that Roma committed a number of thefts, but they were just a link in the trafficking chain, where profits mostly went to majority population. What's more, due to their in-born criminality, Roma were accused of criminal acts, committed by members of the majority nation. With scapegoat at hand, there is no point in wasting time and state money for in-depth investigations. The article ends with a note on sexual abuse of Roma girls. Članek obravnava odnos slovenskih oblasti do romske problematike, posebej odnos do romske kriminogenosti v prvem desetletju po drugi svetovni vojni.Romi niso bili priznani kot posebna etnična skupina. Obravnavani so bili kot tujek v slovenskem nacionalnem telesu, kot populacija, ki se težko vključuje v slovensko družbo. Vsi poskusi slovenskih oblasti, da bi razrešili romski problem (resnici na ljubo velja dodati, da ti ukrepi niso bili posebej sistematični in dolgoročno zastavljeni), niso prinesli zaželenih rezultatov. Zaradi romske nestanovitnosti, potepuštva, šušmarstva in tatvin so bili pogosto predmet obravnave policije ter sodstva. Največji sodni proces proti Romom obtoženih vrste kaznivih dejanj je potekal pred okrožnim sodiščem v Mariboru leta 1952. Skupini Romov so bile izrečene visoke zaporne kazni, trije pa so bili obsojeni na smrt. Članek govori še o prav nenavadnih odnosih med romsko in večinsko populacijo. Da so Romi kradli drži. Toda bili so le člen v prekupčevalski verigi, v kateri so smetano pobirali pripadniki večinskega naroda. In ne samo to, Romom so bila zaradi "prirojene" kriminogenosti pripisana še kazniva dejanja, ki so jih povzročili pripadniki večinskega naroda. Ko imaš pri roki dežurnega krivca za vse tegobe, ki tarejo tebe in/ali tvojo okolico, res nima nobenega smisla, da bi tratil čas in državni denar za poglobljeno raziskovanje. Ob koncu prispevka je še zapis o grobem spolnem izkoriščanju romskih deklet.

Autor u radu postavlja pitanje kolika je stvarna moć što je izabrani predstavnici nacionalnih zajednica imaju u zastupanju interesa nacionalnih zajednica? Utjecaj i moć zastupnika nacionalnih zajednica (vrlo) su ograničeni. Izabrani predstavnici nacionalnih zajednica imaju bitan osigurač za obranu manjinskih prava: mogućnost upotrebe veta. No, ono se odnosi samo na zakone koji se u cijelosti tiču prava manjina. Mnoge odredbe koje govore o pravima pripadnika manjina unesene su u brojne zakone o različitim područjima. Međutim, tu je moć izabranih predstavnika manjina uvelike ograničena. Mogu računati samo na benevolentan odnos pripadnika većinskog naroda i na uspješnost vlastitog uvjeravanja. Zbog toga nije neobično da se iz redova manjinskih zajednica čuju zahtjevi za pripremu sistemskog zakona u kojem bi se cjelovita regulirao cijeli spektar "posebnih" prava nacionalnih manjina, uključujući i prava s naslova političke participacije., The author poses the question of how big the real power of elected representatives of national communities is in representing those same communities. The influence and power of national minorities representatives are (very) limited. Elected representatives have very important instrument for defending national minority rights: the possibility of a veto. But it refers only to laws which in whole deal with minorities rights. A considerable number of laws, which deal with minorities rights are included in numerous larger laws concerning different areas. However, the power of elected representatives of national minorities is very limited. They can only count on benevolent relations with the majority nation and the efficiency of proper assurances. That is the main reason why it is not unusual that minority communities demand repairs to systematic law in which the whole spectrum of" special" national minorities rights, including political participation rights, will be completely regulated.

Avtor razpravlja o razkoraku med modelom varstva "klasičnih" narodnih manjšin in "novih" narodnih skupnosti, populacij, ki so nastale povečini kot rezultat sodobnih imigracijskih procesov. Avtor postavi naslednja vprašanja: so pripadniki "novih" manjšin diskriminirani v primerjavi s pripadniki italijanske in madžarske narodne skupnosti? So pripadniki "novih" narodnih skupnosti diskriminirani v primerjavi s pripadniki romske skupnosti? Ali se je položaj "novih" narodnih skupnosti radikalno poslabšal v primerjavi z obdobjem bivanja v skupni jugoslovanski državi? V članku je najprej govora o bistvenih vsebinah modela "klasičnih" manjšin. Razprava se nadaljuje s prikazom položaja "novih" (imigrantskih) narodnih skupnosti v obdobju bivanja v skupni državi. Predstavljena pa so tudi nekatera stališča obeh osrednjih etničnih polov: večinske slovenske populacije in pripadnikov "novih" narodnih skupnosti. Merjeno skozi optiko podatkov različnih raziskav in slovenskega javnega mnenja se zdi, da še vedno prevladujejo procesi nerazvite adaptacije; primarno zaradi prevladujočega mnenja o sprejemljivosti enostranske integracijske politike, ki temelji na interesih imigrantske družbe; na procesih nerazvite adaptacije in nerazvitega kulturnega pluralizma. Percepcija slovenske nacije kot večetnične tvorbe se znotraj skupine etničnih Slovencev še ni "udomačila". Razlogov je seveda več. Pretežni del jih gre seveda pripisati večinski populaciji; drobec "krivde" pa morda lezi tudi na manjšinskih skupnostih - morda bi za začetek novega obdobja vsi potrebovali resno razpravo o pojmu "matična domovina". Je to res država iz katere so se priselili sami ali so se priselili njihovi predniki?

Avtor obravnava različne oblike nasilja nad pripadniki slovenske narodne skupnosti v Beneški Sloveniji, med katerimi posebej analizira fenomen "trikolorizma". Nadalje omenja sodne procese proti Slovencem ter negativen odnos italijanskih oblasti do zahtev Slovencev po rabi slovenskega jezika v javnosti in ustanavljanju šol v slovenskem jeziku. Avtor obravnava tudi koncept (ne)razvoja, ki je ustvaril pravo narodnostno razdejanje. Zadnji del prispevka govori še o poizkusih konstruiranja posebne teorije o etno-genezi Slovencev v Benečiji.

This study explores the issue of continuity between the ancient Veneti and modern Slovenians and the rest of ethnic Slovenes through an ethno-symbolic approach by using a set of formal-analytic methods and a set of discursive-analytic methods of reading – embedded into the concept of hegemony, and by doing so establishes a disciplinary role of political sciences within the science of ethnogenesology. It aims at transforming the traditional set of Venetic theories into the discursive formation of the science of ethnogenesis of the Slavs by dismissing the traditional attribution of Venetic ethnonym to the epigraphic corpus of the Atestine archaeological culture. By providing an alternative reception of ancient literary and epigraphic sources it celebrates a sporadic moment of a counter-hegemonic discourse within two sets of exhibitions that present and analyse not only the continuity between the activated referentiality of ancient statements about the Veneti and the activated referentiality of early-medieval statements about the Sclaveni, but also the ideological continuity in the activated referentiality of these two dispersions of statements with the activated referentiality of the allochthonic discourse in most modern representations of historic emergence of the early Slavs. This study considers the sporadic Sclaveni as inhabiting areas between the Danube and the Adriatic from as early a period as described by Herodotus.