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Copyright of Cuestiones de Sociologia: Revista de Estudios Sociales is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article we address the construction of the national-popular narrative in militant youth during the period of "kirchnerista" governments in Argentina (2003-2015). Our starting assumption is that the political situation of agonal tension that began in 2008 enabled the emergence of official youth participation, within the framework of a national-popular articulation as a principle of identification of the government of Cristina Fernández. In this scenario, we show the results of interviews with young militants that were proposed as an exercise in narrative memory. We order this analysis in three moments (i- in a biographical and generational key, ii- militancy in the ideological and identity configuration of Kirchnerism, iii- discontinuities after 2015). We conclude with the question about the formation of a new generation within the nationalpopular tradition [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista del Museo de Antropología is the property of Museo de Antropologia - IDACOR and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Derecho y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuestiones de Sociologia: Revista de Estudios Sociales is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article affirms that the different management forms of State-owned enterprises do not correspond to different epochs but can coexist, on the contrary, not only in the same historical period, but also under the same government. Indeed, the State can be the total owner, a majority shareholder and a minority shareholder in different companies during the same government, having in each case more or less resources to intervene in markets and to exclude private actors from business decision-making processes. I will analyze three cases of State-owned enterprise management during Kirchnerist governments in Argentina: AySA in 2006 (State as full owner), YPF in 2012 (State as majority shareholder) and Siderar in 2011 (State as minority shareholder) following the hypothesis that each of these management forms was selected by the government depending on the circumstantial objectives that it had to face: rates freezing in the case of AySA, curbing the outflow of foreign currency in the case of YPF, and rent-seeking in the case of Siderar. This analysis will be carried out with a comparative political economy approach and following the theory-building process tracing method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are populist movements articulated in place, and what political tensions can arise when they mobilize across scales? Despite the historical significance of particular places for populist movements (e.g., countryside or city), much populist scholarship remains trapped in a national lens, and geographical analyses are only starting to take seriously place-based articulations. Drawing on Gillian Hart's Gramscian approach, we understand articulation as a dual process of cojoining and resignifying that unfolds through geographically situated practices and language. We extend this by paying attention to actors of populist mobilization, political parties, and social movements, examining their articulation of political subjectivities and antagonisms through place-based contexts, thus providing an analytical framework for studying populism. Considering the national-popular movement of Kirchnerism, our analysis unfolds through a relational comparison of two contrasting places in Argentina—its wealthy capital city and the impoverished province of Jujuy—moving dialectically across different scales, considering contradictions between local and national mobilizations of Kircherism while also contextualizing these in regional and global process. In so doing, we demonstrate that a geographically sensitive analysis of populist conjunctures provides insights into the success and failures of national popular movements. Specifically, place-based movements face dilemmas between gaining support and autonomy from national counterparts, whereas national popular movements both depend on and are threatened by local populist success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Politicae is the property of Studia Politicae and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista SAAP is the property of Sociedad Argentina de Analisis Politico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes the economic policy of the period known as the K era, which covers the Néstor (2003-2007) and Cristina Kirchner's (2007-2015) administrations. Using the main theoretical models on the phenomenon of economic populism, we refuse the hypothesis that Néstor's administration fits the referred concept as understood by the literature. Cristina's administration, on the other hand, presents elements compatible with what the literature understands as economic populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ciencia Política is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Austral Comunicacion is the property of Austral Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The last twenty years of the Argentinian political context have been strongly characterized by two concepts, considered dichotomic: populism and republicanism. Thus, the administrations or presidents identified as populists found themselves on the opposite side of the protection of institutions; and, the same happened vice versa: those identified as republicans were classified as enemies of the popular. Néstor Kirchner's speeches have long been associated to the notion of populism. Because of this, any connection to the republican concepts was unthought-of or highly unlikely. Nevertheless, in the present research, we aim to question ourselves regarding the dialogue and the continuity the first kirchnerist administration keeps with regard to two distinctive concepts of the republican tradition, such as the common good and the moral values and/or the morality. On the one hand, we are interested in understanding the bonds Kirchner establishes with these concepts; and, on the other hand, in observing how he engages in a dialogue with the uses and interpretations made about these notions by other political leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work tries to trace an interpretive look on the conformation and updating of the anti-Peronist / Kirchnerist discourse in the intellectuals identified in progressivism during the Cristina Fernández governments. It is interesting to approach these texts, which belong to recognized intellectual references, to capture the nodal points of a discourse that disputes hegemony in the conformation of a story about our history and our future. The hypothesis that we maintain is that in these materials there is a reflected thought that transcends media immediacy and it is therefore essential to deepen this line. In turn, these texts are the starting point for numerous interpretations that will cross different media, that is, they are constituted as a social interpretation powerhouse. Thinking progressivism as a broad space in dispute composed of figures that come from different backgrounds is important to understand the anti- Peronist update in an anti-Kirchnerist key. For this work we will take La audacia y el cálculo, by Beatriz Sarlo (2011); El simulacro, by Alejandro Katz (2013); Las huellas del rencor, by Santiago Kovadloff (2015); and Argentinismos, by Martín Caparrós (2011). In methodological terms, the work is based on a political analysis of the discourse from a post-foundational methodological theoretical perspective, based on a corpus based on political books of various ideological referents of the anti-Peronist camp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Debates is the property of Revista Debates and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Politicae is the property of Studia Politicae and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article seeks to analyze the social and political polarization in recent Argentina started by 2008 during an intense conflict between agrarian business associations and the national government led by Cristina Fernandez. It is supposed that the dispute between these actors produced a new political position-takings within the people, changes in their electoral behaviors as well as in the political parties. During this confrontation, that paralyzed the country for almost five months, two poles with opposite meaning and symbols were configured. One of them mainly represented by the government, the other by a wideopposing sector. Based on this characterization, this article tries to describe and understand how this conflict produced significant social mobilization, fostered new cultural frames to decode politics, and polarized the political field. To accomplish this objective, first, the basic dimensions and bases of the struggle will be highlighted. Then, the paper will focus on the scalating process, paying attention to the interaction between the principal actors and the increasing people's involvement, taking to the organization of two binary poles with different narratives. Finally, the de-scalating process will be examined in the light of the "Ley de Retenciones y Creación del Fondo de Redistribución Social" passed by the National Legislature. The paper is based on different second-hand sources -as national newspapers, mass media, and presidential speeches. A corpus of 450 pieces of news was mobilized to reconstruct the main keys to the conflict. From that write sources to maked a corpus of 450 notes in which to work for making the principal conflicts keys. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Navogoh and the national government that acquired particular visibility in 2010. Based on an analysis of official documents, journalistic material, speeches and interventions the actors in contention made in the public scene and the mass media, this article will explore dimensions of analysis that will make it possible to evaluate the indigenist politics from other problems: discourses that made the terms of political confrontation possible, forms of interpellation of the state, and processes of political subjectivisation. Thus, the article demonstrates how the ambiguities of a political process demand two shifts: on the one hand, to add complexity to the hypothesis of continuity; and on the other hand, to question concepts of cooptation and autonomy.

Copyright of Cultura Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Catolica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Realidad Economica is the property of Realidad Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Comparative Politics is the property of Journal of Comparative Politics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Doxa Comunicación is the property of Fundacion Universitaria San Pablo - CEU and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Taylor & Francis Ltd) is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Cambiemos triumph at the end of 2015 in Argentina, usually illustrates the decline of the Latin American progressive's cycle that characterized the region in the last decade. In this scenario, the article proposes to reconstruct the "matrix of meaning" (according to Pêcheux) that was deployed as a discursive strategy by means of which the presidential candidate Macri was positioned in this political-electoral arena in front of Kirchnerism. It is argued that such a discursive strategy was based on a paradoxically depoliticizing political use of the electorate's emotions, particularly the promise of happiness and joy, conceived as resulting from the deliberate avoidance of conflict and the exercise of critical thinking. For this, a socio-semiotic analysis of the campaign slogan "Revolution of joy" is developed, as well as the political exploitation of the crack's figure. The corpus is made up of various materials produced between 2009 and 2017. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the speeches of the Argentine President Alberto Fernández between the months of March to June 2020 in relation to the management of the Covid-19 pandemic. The hypothesis of this essay suggests that in Fernández's Euclidean attempts to close or avoid "la grieta" between Kirchnerism and Macrism, he appeals to the use of antinomies that collaterally revive the identity tension that has been open in Argentine politics since 2008, although taking an ambivalent position. For this reason, the emphasis will be placed on the contrast and coincidence that the president proposes in two antinomies: the "porteños" and the "interior", on the one hand, and the world of the closed and open quarantine on the other. Methodologically, a qualitative approach will be used, as well as analysis techniques derived from data-based theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of the evolution of social conflicts in Argentina between 1989 and 2017 in terms of three aspects of collective action—the actors in contention, their main demands, and their chosen forms of struggle—reveals important changes since the country's return to democracy. Collective action has extended to multiple actors, channeled weightier demands, and expanded its forms. With the emergence of progovernment and conservative social movements, it has become apparent that not all movement participation in the state implies weakness, subordination, or co-optation and that social movement action does not necessarily mean democratization or expansion of rights. The right-wing government of 2015 opened up a new field of confrontation in which old divisions and alliances are being reconfigured. Un análisis de la evolución de los conflictos sociales en Argentina entre 1989 y 2017 realizado a partir de tres grandes dimensiones de la acción colectiva (los actores contenciosos, las demandas principales que enuncian y las formas de lucha que emplean) revela cambios importantes. La acción colectiva se ha extendido a más actores, ha canalizado demandas más amplias y se ha expresado de maneras más heterogéneas. Con el surgimiento de movimientos sociales oficialistas y opositores de índole conservador, se ha hecho evidente que la participación de las organizaciones sociales en el estado no siempre significa debilidad, subordinación o cooptación por parte del estado y que la movilización social no necesariamente implica procesos de democratización o expansión de derechos. La llegada de una alianza de derecha en 2015 abrió un nuevo campo de confrontaciones que redefinió antiguas alianzas y divisiones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Realidad Economica is the property of Realidad Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Anagramas is the property of Editorial Universidad de Medellin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this paper is to analyze a particular policy of conditional transfer of income: Universal Assignment for Child for Social Protection (UCASP), implemented in Argentina in 2009 by the then President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, through the Decree of Need and Urgency N.º 1602/09, as a non-contributory subsystem within the Family Allowances Regime instituted by Law N.º 24,714 and under the jurisdiction of the National Social Security Administration (ANSES). The study, methodologically based on the documentary analysis, is structured around a series of axes that are essential to examine the AUHPS, among them: the regional antecedents, the context prior to its emergence, the normative juridical aspects that support it, the subjects of law, the considerations and debates of feminism and the pejorative view of the most reactionary conservative sectors that demonstrate against this type of social policy that tends to equate in rights to the sons and daughters of formal workers both with those of informal workers as with those of those who are circumstantially unemployed [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers some new results in a long-run research in the area of Political Rhetoric. The chief aim has been to elucidate the nature of discourse hegemony and political identities in XXI Century Argentina. The specific aim is to describe the foundational gestures of two winning electoral coalitions, the Peronist-Kircherist FPV and the insurgent Cambiemos-PRO (nowadays in office). We assume they offer clues, within the framework of constitutive rhetoric, in order to understand which discourse space new governments are designing for the Argentine political field to cope with the global challenges of the post-2001 crisis. In short, we aim to study how political discourses bet through rhetoric on performing groups. Our research suggests that each political formation constructs a present narrative in relation both to a vindicated past and a repudiated one, as well as in relation with a desired future. For Kirchnerists, this meant building a clear-cut rhetorical antinomy, based upon the trope of anachronism, between the prophetical figment of national capitalism and the neo liberal utopia of the previous years. On the other hand, Cambiemos-Pro designs a 'futuristic' discourse space that envisions a "21st Century Argentina" laboriously built on the ruins left by the Kirchner's dynastic cleptocracy and crony-capitalism. The apologetics of the future is, in this sense, proportional to the alleged uselessness of a rejected past.

Copyright of Roteiro is the property of Roteiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the political economy of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (FDI) in Argentina during the reign of Nestor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez. Among other things, it contemplates possible links between Chinese outward FDI (OFDI) volumes and Argentina's domestic and foreign policies. It also analyses a mixture of successful and unsuccessful Chinese investment cases in the agricultural, chemical, and banking sectors in order to engage the debate about the drivers of Chinese OFDI (COFDI), with some stressing business and economic factors and others emphasizing the primacy of political factors. In regards to the former, my study shows that Argentine policymakers did not offer special accommodations to Chinese investors despite the pro-China proclivities of Argentine leaders and their country's economic and political need for China. Moreover, at the local level, Argentine politics actually proved to be an obstacle to successful Chinese deals. As for the latter issue, Chinese companies were not inclined to invest in Argentina because of the China stance of the Argentine government, but rather because they saw opportunities to exploit fertile agricultural soil, special tax regimes for investors, and opportunities to integrate into global value chain. My findings have a number of important theoretical and policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the context of a debate on the division between public security and national defense, this article is focused on determining whether Argentina remains a regional bastion concerning the separation of these two areas. Through this qualitative study, developed mainly by the analysis of primary sources, the courses of action launched during the governments of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and the mandate of Mauricio Macri in the fight against drug trafficking are examined. It is argued that, from a factual perspective, Argentina has ceased to be the regional bastion of the separation between security and defense, given the continuous erosion that impacts the implementation of the current regulatory scheme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)