Search

This study uses isotope and microbotanical data from the analysis of teeth and dental calculus to investigate camelid diet and foddering practices at Quilcapampa (AD 835–900). By providing taxonomically specific evidence of foods consumed, botanical data from dental calculus complement the more general impressions of photosynthetic pathways obtained through isotopic analysis. Results suggest that the camelid diet incorporated maize (Zea mays), algarrobo (Prosopis sp.), potato chuño (Solanum sp.), and other resources. The life-history profile of one camelid (Individual 3) reveals dietary change from mainly C3 plants to more C4 plant contributions as the animal aged. This pattern is supported by carbonate isotope results indicating that this individual spent its youth in the mid-valley ecozone before becoming more mobile later in life. As this life-history example shows, isotopic and microbotanical analyses are complementary approaches, clarifying a pattern of seasonal transhumance that linked the lives of humans and animals along the Middle Horizon (AD 600–1000) caravan networks that crisscrossed the central Andes.

In the US Southwest and Northwest Mexico, people and turkeys (Meleagris gallopavo) have had a reciprocal relationship for millennia; turkeys supplied feathers, meat, and other resources, whereas people provided food, shelter, and care. To investigate how turkeys fit within subsistence, economic production, sociopolitical organization, and religious and ritual practice in the Mimbres Valley of southwestern New Mexico, we report on genetic (mtDNA) and stable isotope (δ13C, δ15N) data from turkeys recovered from Mimbres Classic period (AD 1000–1130) sites. Results indicate that Mimbres aviculturists had haplogroup H1 and H2 turkeys, and most ate maize-based diets similar to humans, but some ate nonmaize and mixed diets. We contextualize these data to other turkey studies from the northern Southwest and discuss how the human-turkey relationship began, the evidence for pens and restricting turkey movement, and the socioecological factors related to turkey management during the Classic period, particularly the challenges associated with providing maize to turkeys during times of environmental stress. This study has broad relevance to places where people managed wild, tame, and domestic animals, and we offer new insights into how prehispanic, small-scale, middle-range agricultural societies managed turkeys for ritual and utilitarian purposes.

This article presents outcomes from a Workshop entitled “Bioarchaeology: Taking Stock and Moving Forward, ” which was held at Arizona State University (ASU) on March 6–8, 2020. Funded by the National Science Foundation (NSF), the School of Human Evolution and Social Change (ASU), and the Center for Bioarchaeological Research (CBR, ASU), the Workshop's overall goal was to explore reasons why research proposals submitted by bioarchaeologists, both graduate students and established scholars, fared disproportionately poorly within recent NSF Anthropology Program competitions and to offer advice for increasing success. Therefore, this Workshop comprised 43 international scholars and four advanced graduate students with a history of successful grant acquisition, primarily from the United States. Ultimately, we focused on two related aims: (1) best practices for improving research designs and training and (2) evaluating topics of contemporary significance that reverberate through history and beyond as promising trajectories for bioarchaeological research. Among the former were contextual grounding, research question/hypothesis generation, statistical procedures appropriate for small samples and mixed qualitative/quantitative data, the salience of Bayesian methods, and training program content. Topical foci included ethics, social inequality, identity (including intersectionality), climate change, migration, violence, epidemic disease, adaptability/plasticity, the osteological paradox, and the developmental origins of health and disease. Given the profound changes required globally to address decolonization in the 21st century, this concern also entered many formal and informal discussions.

Climate change is an indisputable threat to human health, especially for societies already confronted with rising social inequality, political and economic uncertainty, and a cascade of concurrent environmental challenges. Archaeological data about past climate and environment provide an important source of evidence about the potential challenges humans face and the long-term outcomes of alternative short-term adaptive strategies. Evidence from well-dated archaeological human skeletons and mummified remains speaks directly to patterns of human health over time through changing circumstances. Here, we describe variation in human epidemiological patterns in the context of past rapid climate change (RCC) events and other periods of past environmental change. Case studies confirm that human communities responded to environmental changes in diverse ways depending on historical, sociocultural, and biological contingencies. Certain factors, such as social inequality and disproportionate access to resources in large, complex societies may influence the probability of major sociopolitical disruptions and reorganizations—commonly known as “collapse.” This survey of Holocene human–environmental relations demonstrates how flexibility, variation, and maintenance of Indigenous knowledge can be mitigating factors in the face of environmental challenges. Although contemporary climate change is more rapid and of greater magnitude than the RCC events and other environmental changes we discuss here, these lessons from the past provide clarity about potential priorities for equitable, sustainable development and the constraints of modernity we must address.

En los Andes surandinos, las prácticas funerarias incluyeron una diversidad de actos rituales en torno a los restos de los difuntos que iban más allá de la preparación del cuerpo y el lugar de depósito. El desarrollo y las características de estos actos dependían principalmente de la condición social que tenían los muertos en vida. En el Pucará de Tilcara, definido como capital de la provincia incaica de Omaguaca, se detectan una amplia variedad de formas de inhumación, pero en este trabajo abordamos el caso de un contexto mortuorio de una mujer, cuya muerte se estima ocurrió hacia el final del período Incaico o inicios de la época Hispano-Indígena. Análisis interdisciplinarios del contexto arqueológico y, particularmente, los estudios entomológicos de la fauna cadavérica y bioantropológicos permitieron determinar que esta mujer estuvo expuesta antes de quedar sepultada por procesos naturales. Proponemos que esta exposición ocurrió en el marco del culto a los ancestros difundido por todo el imperio, y sirvió para remarcar su estatus social. El acompañamiento mortuorio y los análisis de estroncio sugieren que la mujer formó parte de un grupo de elite oriundo de otra región del Tawantinsuyu, que pudo trasladarse y asentarse en la Quebrada durante la caída del Imperio inca, buscando refugio ante la inminente envestida española.

In the decades since Verano (1997) published his foundational piece on Andean paleopathology, scholars have recognized the importance of the bioarchaeology of childhood. Yet, scholarship on ancient childhood in the Andes deemphasizes paleopathology. Nonadult paleopathological data are often employed in large-scale, biocultural studies focused on environmental or political adaptations; however, they can also elucidate children's individual lived experiences and roles in society. To generate culturally-meaningful paleopathological data, we must take a contextualized approach to our analyses and interpretations. Disparate use of chronological age in published datasets makes synthesis across studies problematic, and ethnohistorical and ethnographic data on Andean children demonstrate that developmental age categories, rather than chronological age ranges, are most appropriate. Further, paleopathological data can best inform our investigations when they are combined with related datasets such as those on sex, diet, activity, and mobility. With that in mind, we use the theoretical framework of "local biologies" (and the related "situated biologies"), where biology is viewed as heavily contingent on culturally-specific beliefs and practices and local physical, sociocultural, and political environments (Lock, 1993, 2001; Niewöhner and Lock, 2018). Local biologies approaches can enrich social bioarchaeology and paleopathology to by specifically situating children and their experiences within the ancient Andean world.

Human offerings in the archaeological record are commonly defined by their community affiliation, the ceremonial events following their death and the places where they are interred. The deposition ...

Author(s): Torres-Rouff, Christina; Pimentel, Gonzalo; Pestle, William J; Ugarte, Mariana; Knudson, Kelly J | Abstract: Camelid pastoralism, agriculture, sedentism, surplus production, increasing cultural complexity, and interregional interaction during northern Chile's Late Formative period (AD 100–400) are seen in the flow of goods and people over expanses of desert. Consolidating evidence of material culture from these interactions with a bioarchaeological dimension allows us to provide details about individual lives and patterns in the Late Formative more generally. Here, we integrate a variety of skeletal, chemical, and archaeological data to explore the life and death of a small child (Calate-3N.7). By taking a multiscalar approach, we present a narrative that considers not only the varied materiality that accompanies this child but also what the child's life experience was and how this reflects and shapes our understanding of the Late Formative period in northern Chile. This evidence hints at the profound mobility of their youth. The complex mortuary context reflects numerous interactions and long-distance relationships. Ultimately, the evidence speaks to deep social relations between two coastal groups, the Atacamenos and Tarapaquenos. Considering this suite of data, we can see a child whose life was spent moving through desert routes and perhaps also glimpse the construction of intercultural identity in the Formative period.

Isotopic methods of studying the geographic and seasonal movements of herd animals provide new data pertinent to ongoing scholarly re-consideration of the relationships between pastoralist mobility and the development of new forms of political organization. Radiogenic strontium and mass-dependent oxygen and carbon isotope analysis on a large sample of herd animals (sheep, goats, and cattle) from Late Bronze Age (1500–1100 BC) sites in the Tsaghkahovit Plain, Armenia indicate that long-distance movements across geological zones were not common, but that animals were drinking from a range of water sources. Connecting this variation to movement is complicated by limited intra-tooth variation in δ13C values. Data from the study provide preliminary evidence for foddering. These results reveal a gap between the emphasis on mobility in theoretical models of pastoralism and political organization and the way that animal diets mediate isotopic proxies for movement. These interpretive difficulties emphasize the need to consider herds’ seasonal and geographic movement within a wider range of pastoralist practices. These findings also highlight the need for large sample sizes in isotopic investigations of pastoralist mobility, in order to accurately identify and evaluate the diversity in both geographic and seasonal movements within a single ancient pastoralist system.

In this paper we present data from multi-isotopic analyses (87Sr/86Sr, δ18O, δ13C) of human individuals buried in the Neolithic communities of the north-eastern Iberian Peninsula. The sites researched were Bòbila Madurell, Can Gambús and Puig d'en Roca, all dated to the late 5th and early 4th millennia cal BC. The main objective was to explore chronological movement and the extent to which these communities moved and interacted with their Neolithic counterparts. The results show that the mobility of these communities was limited, as only 8.3% of the individuals exhibited non-local values. In addition, the chronological analysis confirmed their same horizon and temporal distribution. This means that they used resources and raw materials found in the immediate vicinity. It also implies that they had a certain degree of social organization and were already engaged in the trading of raw materials, some of which came from Central Europe and the Mediterranean islands., Part of the analyses presented in this paper were carried out within the projects “Aproximación a las primeras comunidades neolíticas del NE peninsular a través de sus prácticas funerarias” (HAR2011-23149), “Aproximación a las primeras comunidades neolíticas del Mediterráneo nordoccidental: construyendo respuesta desde los análisis paleoantropológicos y genéticos” (HAR2015-67323-C2-1-P y HAR2015-67323-C2-2-P) and “La difusión del neolítico en el Mediterráneo centrooccidental: agricultura, innovaciones tecnológicas y carbono 14" (HAR2016-75201-P) funded by the Spanish Government.

The analysis of 87Sr/86Sr has become a robust tool for identifying non-local individuals at archaeological sites. The 87Sr/86Sr in human bioapatite reflects the geological signature of food and water consumed during tissue development. Modeling relationships between 87Sr/86Sr in human environments, food webs, and archaeological human tissues is critical for moving from identifying non-locals to determining their likely provenience. In the Andes, obstacles to sample geolocation include overlapping 87Sr/86Sr of distant geographies and a poor understanding of mixed strontium sources in food and drink. Here, water is investigated as a proxy for bioavailable strontium in archaeological human skeletal and dental tissues. This study develops a water 87Sr/86Sr isoscape from 262 samples (220 new and 42 published samples), testing the model with published archaeological human skeletal 87Sr/86Sr trimmed of probable non-locals. Water 87Sr/86Sr and prediction error between the predicted and measured 87Sr/86Sr for the archaeological test set are compared by elevation, underlying geology, and watershed size. Across the Peruvian Andes, water 87Sr/86Sr ranges from 0.7049 to 0.7227 (M = 0.7081, SD = 0.0027). Water 87Sr/86Sr is higher in the highlands, in areas overlying older bedrock, and in larger watersheds, characteristics which are geographically correlated. Spatial outliers identified are from canals, wells, and one stream, suggesting those sources could show non-representative 87Sr/86Sr. The best-fit water 87Sr/86Sr isoscape achieves prediction errors for archaeological samples ranging from 0.0017 – 0.0031 (M = 0.0012, n = 493). The water isoscape explains only 7.0% of the variation in archaeological skeletal 87Sr/86Sr (R2 = 0.07), but 90.0% of archaeological skeleton 87Sr/86Sr fall within the site isoscape prediction ± site prediction standard error. Due to lower sampling density and higher geological variability in the highlands, the water 87Sr/86Sr isoscape is more useful for ruling out geographic origins for lowland dwellers than for highlanders. Baseline studies are especially needed in the highlands and poorly-sampled regions. Because the results demonstrate that a geostatistical water model is insufficient for fully predicting human 87Sr/86Sr variation, future work will incorporate additional substrates like plants, fauna, soils, and dust, aiming to eventually generate a regression and process-based mixing model for probabilistic geolocation of Andean samples.

Radiogenic strontium isotopes (87Sr/86Sr) have long been used in analyses of paleomobility within Mesoamerica. While considerable effort has been expended developing 87Sr/86Sr baseline values across the Maya region, work in central Mexico is primarily focused on the Classic period urban center of Teotihuacan. This study adds to this important dataset by presenting bioavailable 87Sr/86Sr values across central Mexico focusing on the Basin of Mexico. This study therefore serves to expand the utility of strontium isotopes across a wider geographic region. A total of 63 plant and water samples were collected from 13 central Mexican sites and analyzed for 87Sr/86Sr on a Thermo-Finnigan Neptune multi-collector inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometer (MC-ICP-MS). These data were analyzed alongside 16 published 87Sr/86Sr values from two additional sites within the region of interest. A five-cluster k-means model was then generated to determine which regions of the Basin of Mexico and greater central Mexico can and cannot be distinguished isotopically using 87Sr/86Sr values. Although the two clusters falling within the Basin of Mexico overlap in their local 87Sr/86Sr ranges, many locations within the Basin are distinguishable using 87Sr/86Sr values at the site-level. This study contributes to paleomobility studies within central Mexico by expanding knowledge of strontium isotope variability within the region, ultimately allowing researchers to detect intra-regional residential mobility and gain a greater understanding of the sociopolitical interactions between the Basin of Mexico and supporting outlying regions of central Mexico.

In this study, we employ multiple lines of evidence to elucidate the use of mortuary ritual by the ruling elite at the ancient Maya site of Cahal Pech, Belize, during the Early Classic and early Late Classic periods (AD 250–630). The interments of multiple individuals in Burial 7 of Structure B1, the central structure of an Eastern Triadic Assemblage or “E-group” style architectural complex, were in a manner not consistent with the greater Belize River Valley, the only multiple individual human burial yet encountered at Cahal Pech. The sequential interments contained a suggestive quantity of high-quality artifacts, further setting them apart from their contemporaries. Among these artifacts were a set of bone rings and a hairpin inscribed with hieroglyphs, some of the few inscriptions ever found at Cahal Pech. We analyzed regional mortuary patterns, radiogenic strontium values, and radiocarbon data to test hypotheses about who these individuals were in life, why they were treated differently in death, and to reconstruct the sequence of events of this complex mortuary deposit. We contend that the mortuary practices in Burial 7 indicate an attempt by the Cahal Pech elite to identify with cities or regions outside the Belize River Valley area.

Excavations at Plaza del Castillo in Pamplona (northern Spain) revealed a large Islamic necropolis dating to the eighth century A.D., including the skeleton of an adult female showing intentional dental modification (PLA-159). While the practice of dental decoration was virtually absent in Medieval Spain, it is common in Africa and suggests that this individual was born in Africa and brought to Spain later in life. The historically documented occupation of Pamplona by Muslim groups from northern Africa between ca. 715 and 799 A.D. also supports an African origin. As an additional line of evidence, we investigated the geographic origins of two individuals from the cemetery, including PLA-159, via radiogenic strontium and stable oxygen isotope analyses on enamel hydroxyapatite. The human isotopic signatures were measured following established methodologies and compared to the local geochemical composition and modern precipitation values. The data analysis showed a non-local isotopic signature for both individuals, suggesting that they moved to Pamplona following childhood, probably from northern Africa, during the Islamization of the city. Stable carbon isotope analysis revealed a diet heavily based on C3 terrestrial plants. Overall, this preliminary data set exemplifies the use of biogeochemistry as an analytical tool, and provides unique insight about the diffusion of Muslim groups into the Early Medieval Iberian Peninsula.

Objectives This study aims to determine whether adults from the site of Uraca in the Lower Majes Valley, Arequipa, Peru altered their diets in late-life—if so, were those short-term changes related to accessing distinct foods during periods of short-term mobility, seasonal subsistence strategies without accompanying mobility, or some other type of short-term change. We address these questions by comparing stable isotope variability (δ13C/δ15N) of Uraca hair keratin and bone collagen to published archaeological hair data from Peru. We propose and apply a landscape bioarchaeology approach—here, the spatially-informed meta-analysis of published δ13C/δ15N data from archaeological hair keratin of known provenience—to determine thresholds for different types of short-term dietary change. Materials and methods We conducted stable isotope analysis (δ13C/δ15N) of archaeological hair keratin (n = 40 samples) and bone collagen (n = 5 samples) from Uraca, including adult male trophy heads and adult male and female villagers. We then compiled published archaeological hair keratin data from the Andes and coded the 11 sites according to biogeographical zones. We compared late-life averages for the entire dataset (n = 131 segments) and ranges for individuals with more than six months of data (n = 101 segments) between sites and between subgroups based on elevational zones, sex, and trophy subgroupings. We compiled archaeological and modern baseline food web data for the region (n = 401 samples) and compared hair data adjusted to diet. Results Meta-analysis shows greater late-life median δ13Ckeratin (VPDB) and δ15Nkeratin (AIR) for yunga vs. coastal burials, greater δ13Ckeratin (VPDB) ranges for coastal burials, greater δ15Nkeratin (AIR) ranges for females, greater median δ15Nkeratin (AIR) for trophy individuals, and greater δ13Ckeratin (VPDB) ranges for trophy individuals. Given these distinct late-life diets and ranges for coastal and yunga burials relative to southern Peruvian food web data, two females and three trophy individuals from Uraca likely changed diets during a short-term move, while the remainder show no evidence for dietary change. Discussion These analyses demonstrate distinct dietary practices between coastal and yunga groups, between males and females, and between trophy head victims and non-trophy villagers. Understanding the nature of late-life dietary change through a comparative synthesis of archaeological hair provides key insights into individual life trajectories, communal practices, mobility, and foodways relative to altitudinally-variable landscapes of the Peruvian Andes.

International audience; A growing number of studies strive to examine wooden archaeological remains recovered from Norse sites in the North Atlantic, contributing to a better understanding of patterns in both wood exploitation and woodland management. Despite the limited diversity and abundance of trees in the North Atlantic islands, the Medieval Norse kept using wood in most everyday activities including the construction and repair of buildings and boats, the production of artifacts and tools, and as a source of fuel. The proximity of the Greenland settlements with the northeastern American coast, puts them at the forefront in the exploration and exploitation of remote resource regions. While some species may have arrived both as driftwood or imported material, there is currently no method to conclusively identify archaeological wood remains as driftwood. Here, we use biogeochemical analysis of stable hydrogen (δ2H), stable oxygen (δ18O), and radiogenic strontium (87Sr/86Sr) isotopes in soil, water, and modern plant samples from various sites in Greenland and Canada to characterize expected local isotopic baselines. While 87Sr/86Sr isotope ratios do not provide a clear distinction between the regions of interest, δ2H and δ18O ratios appear to help discriminate not only between regions but also specific sites. In addition, we completed a pilot study of archaeological wood samples obtained in Greenland to test the effectiveness of the 87Sr/86Sr biogeochemical baseline. Results demonstrate that at least in some cases, diagenetic processes were not sufficient to mask a non-local 87Sr/86Sr signature.

The role of animal economies, and particularly the provisioning of feasts, in supporting the rise and maintenance of social complexity are topics of global interest in anthropology. This study investigates how people chose to provision feasts during the late Neolithic Halaf Period in Northern Mesopotamia (ca. 6000-5300 cal. BCE). Zooarcheological assemblages from the Halaf site of Domuztepe (ca. 6000-5450 cal. BCE), located in southeastern Turkey, offer an opportunity to investigate these phenomena. Radiogenic strontium isotope data derived from teeth from livestock (sheep, goats, cattle, and pigs) recovered from both domestic trash and the refuse from large-scale feasting events provide important proxy evidence for ancient peoples’ provisioning of feasts and their coordination in animal resource production. Results indicate that animals consumed at feasts were drawn from the same herded population that fed inhabitants at the site daily. This has important social implications for feast organizers, whose choices would affect the community beyond the individual feast event.

The Osmore Drainage of southern Peru has a long and rich history of human occupation. While the utility of stable oxygen and radiogenic strontium isotope values in identifying paleomobility between this region and population centers in the Bolivian altiplano has been well established, many questions about intra-regional mobility remain. To better understand how these methods can be used to detect localized residential mobility, we present new δ18Omw(VSMOW) and 87Sr/86Sr values from water, soil, plant, and faunal samples. Samples were collected primarily from traditionally farmed agricultural fields in the upper, middle, and lower Osmore Drainage. Results are indiscernible between the upper and middle drainage, while marine contribution to the lower drainage produces distinct values. We discuss the methodological limitations and implications of our results for the use of stable oxygen and radiogenic strontium isotope analyses for intra-regional paleomobility studies in the Osmore Drainage.

Fil: Barberena, Ramiro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Tecnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Ciencias Exactas y Naturales. Laboratorio de Paleoecologia Humana; Argentina

Biogeochemical reconstructions of life histories of mobility offer a means to obtain nuanced information about regional interactions in the past. We test this method using the Late Intermediate Period Ychsma society on the central Peruvian coast as a case study. Archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence indicates that the Rimac and Lurin Valleys inhabited by the Ychsma served as a key regional hub for the religious and administrative activities of the Inca Empire and the Spanish Viceroyalty. The nature of regional interactions prior to Inca imperial influence, however, remains unclear. Well-known historical narratives describe populations from the adjacent Huarochiri highlands defeating coastal Ychsma populations for agricultural land, but archaeological evidence concerning the timing and extent of coastal-highland interactions is debated. Here, we assess the potential for radiogenic strontium and stable oxygen isotopic reconstruction of mobility over the life course to shed light on the regional interactions of coastal Ychsma groups during the Late Intermediate Period. We present 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O results for 61 regional environmental baseline samples and archaeological human tooth enamel and bone samples from 64 individuals buried at Armatambo and Rinconada Alta, in the Rimac Valley. Results reveal a broad isotopic range for baseline and archaeological samples likely due to diversity in water and bedrock sources. Nevertheless, one individual presents a non-local strontium value indicating mobility to an outside region. We discuss the advantages of a life history approach, the complications of using isotopes to assess mobility in the Central Andes, and suggested directions for future research.

Between approximately 500–1000 CE, much of what is now Peru was integrated into the Wari Empire, centered on the archaeological site of Huari in the Peruvian highlands. The recent discovery of the first unlooted Wari mausoleum of elite adult females, located at Castillo de Huarmey on the Peruvian coast, provides an unprecedented opportunity to understand the presence of this expansive state in northern Peru. Excavations at Castillo de Huarmey uncovered 58 high-status individuals, mostly adult females, buried with over 1300 spectacular mortuary artifacts and six human sacrifices. Here, we use radiogenic and stable isotope data from 68 enamel and bone samples from 34 individuals buried at Castillo de Huarmey to understand paleomobility and paleodiet at Castillo de Huarmey. For all archaeological human enamel and bone samples analyzed, mean 87 Sr/ 86 Sr = 0.70738 ± 0.00030 (2σ, n = 68), mean δ 18 O carbonate(VPDB) = − 8.9 ± 1.5 (2σ, n = 68), and δ 13 C carbonate(VPDB) = − 5.8 ± 1.2 (2σ, n = 68). We contextualize these data with data from baseline faunal, soil and water samples from the site. While there were no clear first-generation immigrants in the dataset, paleodietary variability may reflect ties with different regions.

The pre-Hispanic settlement of Paquime (1150/1200–1450 CE) in northwestern Chihuahua exhibits extensive evidence of exchange connections with distant communities, including the remains of over 300 scarlet macaws (Ara macao), brilliantly plumed birds whose geographic origins lie at least 1000 km southeast in the humid lowlands of Mexico. Archaeological and historic records indicate that these birds were prized for their many cosmological associations, the multi-colored feathers which were widely traded and used in ceremonial attire, and their ability to mimic human speech. We use archaeological and isotopic investigations to infer the diet and geographic origin(s) of Paquime’s scarlet macaw population. We examine 29 scarlet macaw bone samples from Paquime using radiogenic strontium isotope analysis. Our results demonstrate that Paquime’s scarlet macaw population was primarily raised locally, though Paquime’s inhabitants also acquired scarlet macaws from nearby Casas Grandes region settlements in Chihuahua and extra-regional locales that may have been as far away as their endemic homeland in Veracruz in eastern Mexico. Ultimately, our findings indicate that macaw aviculture at Paquime was complex and not congruent with any single previously proposed model.

Bioarchaeological studies are highly successful in accessing multivalent past social identities. This study applies social identity theory to contexts of violence, developing a theoretical framework to investigate identity-based violence at the Epiclassic (600–900 CE) central Mexican shrine site of Non-Grid 4, where at least 180 individuals were ritually sacrificed and interred. Ethnohistoric and archaeological data indicate that geographic origin was a culturally significant indicator of social difference in pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica. This study therefore reconstructs the residential histories of sacrificed individuals (n = 73), analyzing radiogenic strontium (87Sr/86Sr) and stable oxygen (δ18O) isotopes to consider how the perception of social difference, inferred from geographic origins, contributed to the selection of victims of ritual violence. Biogeochemical results demonstrate that 70% of sampled sacrificed individuals were born and lived their early lives outside of the Basin of Mexico, migrating into the region later in life. In contrast, only 22% of individuals were born and lived in the Basin their entire lives. Observed paleomobility patterns among sacrificial victims thus suggest that they were targeted for identity-based violence based on their divergent geographic origins in the volatile socio-political landscape of the Epiclassic Basin of Mexico.